The Journal of British Studies最新文献

英文中文

Christine Laidlaw. The British in the Levant: Trade and Perceptions of the Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century . New York: Tauris, 2010. Pp. 288. $96.00 (cloth).

The Journal of British Studies

Pub Date : 2012-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/666689

Tillman W. Nechtman

empire” (227). It took about three decades and three wars, and would be disrupted somewhat during the wars with the French between 1689 and 1713, but it is clear that they belonged to the empire as much as any metropolitan policy maker. Koot’s research is strong, but his interpretations can be puzzling. Must the Anglo-Dutch trade links he has demonstrated be seen as proof that “access to Dutch goods” affected the “economic ideologies” of the British colonists? Was there really a “Dutch influence” on their “commercial culture” that made them appreciate “the benefits of a collaborative and multiethnic community because it had sustained them through the early decades of building colonies” (227)? Beginning the study before the Anglo-Dutch Atlantic trade connection existed, rather than at its inception, might help distinguish the Dutch connection from the colonists’ self-interested (and transitory) endorsement of free trade. The trajectory of Koot’s book describes a consolidation of center and periphery even as his analytical framework pits English colonists (the titular “periphery”) against the metropole. He is strongly affected by the colonists’ initial resistance, in word and deed, to the Navigation Acts. It is clear that English colonists preferred free trade when it profited them. Whether this is a story of needs and desires, as Koot insists, or simply wealth and power is uncertain. The Dutch connection may demonstrate that the British colonists were “pieces of an integrated cross-national and interdependent Atlantic community” and not just “cogs in a larger British Atlantic” (212). However, it also demonstrates that the English colonists needed power and desired wealth, and they would seize them whenever and however they could, in a world swirling with wars and revolutions. Koot rightly maintains, “the radical innovation in the middle of the seventeenth century was not colonists’ refusal to accept an exclusive empire, but rather was state builders’ attempts to impose this structure on a preexisting culture that prized cross-national exchange” (224). Nonetheless, he may underestimate the degree to which colonists prized cross-national exchange because it helped them build a British empire. Perhaps ironically, Koot ends his book with the colonists starting to turn against each other, not the metropole. In the 1710s West Indians began “calls for restrictions on foreign trade,” even as New Yorkers argued they “needed to export flour to Dutch, French, and Spanish colonies in order to” maintain their balance of payments with Britain (222). Both claimed the empire for themselves. Koot’s analysis can be perplexing when taken at the scale of the aggregate (colonists vs. metropole, Dutch empire vs. English empire, cross-national vs. exclusive). His particular case studies (Barbados, New York, the Leeward Islands) are impressive, however, and add to our understanding of how the British Empire emerged out of a world of competing empires, even as it was divi

帝国”(227)。它花了大约30年的时间，经历了三次战争，在1689年至1713年期间与法国的战争中有所中断，但很明显，他们和任何大都市的决策者一样，都属于帝国。库特的研究很有力，但他的解释可能令人困惑。他所展示的英荷贸易联系，一定要被视为“获得荷兰商品”影响英国殖民者“经济意识形态”的证据吗?他们的“商业文化”是否真的受到了“荷兰的影响”，使他们认识到“一个合作和多民族社区的好处，因为它在建立殖民地的最初几十年里支撑了他们”(227)?在英荷大西洋贸易联系存在之前开始研究，而不是在其开始时开始研究，可能有助于将荷兰的联系与殖民者对自由贸易的利己主义(和短暂的)支持区分开来。库特书中的轨迹描述了中心和边缘的巩固，尽管他的分析框架将英国殖民者(名义上的“边缘”)与大都市对立起来。他深受殖民者最初对《航海法》的口头和行动抵制的影响。很明显，当自由贸易对英国殖民者有利时，他们更喜欢自由贸易。这是一个关于需求和欲望的故事，还是像库特坚持的那样，仅仅是财富和权力的故事，目前还不确定。荷兰的联系可能表明，英国殖民者是“一个整合的跨国家和相互依存的大西洋社区的一部分”，而不仅仅是“一个更大的英属大西洋的齿轮”(212)。然而，它也表明，英国殖民者需要权力和渴望财富，在一个战争和革命不断的世界里，他们会随时随地夺取权力和财富。库特正确地认为，“17世纪中叶的激进创新并不是殖民者拒绝接受一个排他性的帝国，而是国家建设者试图将这种结构强加给一个珍视跨国交流的既存文化”(224)。尽管如此，他可能低估了殖民者对跨国交流的重视程度，因为这有助于他们建立大英帝国。或许具有讽刺意味的是，库特在书的结尾写的是殖民者开始自相残杀，而不是大都市。18世纪10年代，西印度群岛开始“呼吁限制对外贸易”，尽管纽约人认为他们“需要向荷兰、法国和西班牙的殖民地出口面粉”，以维持他们与英国的收支平衡。他们都声称自己拥有帝国。库特的分析在整体规模上(殖民者vs大都市，荷兰帝国vs英国帝国，跨国vs独家)可能会令人困惑。然而，他的特殊案例研究(巴巴多斯、纽约、背风群岛)令人印象深刻，让我们更加了解大英帝国是如何从一个充满竞争的帝国的世界中崛起的，即使它内部和外部是分裂的。

{"title":"Christine Laidlaw. The British in the Levant: Trade and Perceptions of the Ottoman Empire in the Eighteenth Century . New York: Tauris, 2010. Pp. 288. $96.00 (cloth).","authors":"Tillman W. Nechtman","doi":"10.1086/666689","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/666689","url":null,"abstract":"empire” (227). It took about three decades and three wars, and would be disrupted somewhat during the wars with the French between 1689 and 1713, but it is clear that they belonged to the empire as much as any metropolitan policy maker. Koot’s research is strong, but his interpretations can be puzzling. Must the Anglo-Dutch trade links he has demonstrated be seen as proof that “access to Dutch goods” affected the “economic ideologies” of the British colonists? Was there really a “Dutch influence” on their “commercial culture” that made them appreciate “the benefits of a collaborative and multiethnic community because it had sustained them through the early decades of building colonies” (227)? Beginning the study before the Anglo-Dutch Atlantic trade connection existed, rather than at its inception, might help distinguish the Dutch connection from the colonists’ self-interested (and transitory) endorsement of free trade. The trajectory of Koot’s book describes a consolidation of center and periphery even as his analytical framework pits English colonists (the titular “periphery”) against the metropole. He is strongly affected by the colonists’ initial resistance, in word and deed, to the Navigation Acts. It is clear that English colonists preferred free trade when it profited them. Whether this is a story of needs and desires, as Koot insists, or simply wealth and power is uncertain. The Dutch connection may demonstrate that the British colonists were “pieces of an integrated cross-national and interdependent Atlantic community” and not just “cogs in a larger British Atlantic” (212). However, it also demonstrates that the English colonists needed power and desired wealth, and they would seize them whenever and however they could, in a world swirling with wars and revolutions. Koot rightly maintains, “the radical innovation in the middle of the seventeenth century was not colonists’ refusal to accept an exclusive empire, but rather was state builders’ attempts to impose this structure on a preexisting culture that prized cross-national exchange” (224). Nonetheless, he may underestimate the degree to which colonists prized cross-national exchange because it helped them build a British empire. Perhaps ironically, Koot ends his book with the colonists starting to turn against each other, not the metropole. In the 1710s West Indians began “calls for restrictions on foreign trade,” even as New Yorkers argued they “needed to export flour to Dutch, French, and Spanish colonies in order to” maintain their balance of payments with Britain (222). Both claimed the empire for themselves. Koot’s analysis can be perplexing when taken at the scale of the aggregate (colonists vs. metropole, Dutch empire vs. English empire, cross-national vs. exclusive). His particular case studies (Barbados, New York, the Leeward Islands) are impressive, however, and add to our understanding of how the British Empire emerged out of a world of competing empires, even as it was divi","PeriodicalId":132502,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of British Studies","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128644447","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Labor, Law, and Training in Early Modern London: Apprenticeship and the City’s Institutions 近代早期伦敦的劳动、法律和培训:学徒制和城市制度

The Journal of British Studies

Pub Date : 2012-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/666731

P. Wallis

Successful apprenticeship is often explained by effective contract enforcement. But what happened when enforcement was weak? This paper reveals that within early modern London, England’s dominant centre for training, the city’s court provided apprentices with near automatic exits from their indentures, and allowed them to recover a share of their premium, reflecting faults and time served. Between 3 and 8 percent of apprentices received court discharges. Easy dissolution was a response to unstable contracts. By supplying a straightforward mechanism to cut legal ties, the city reduced the risks surrounding apprenticeship and facilitated London’s rapid expansion.

成功的学徒制通常可以用有效的合同执行来解释。但如果执法不力会发生什么呢?本文揭示，在近代早期的伦敦(英国的主要培训中心)，城市法院为学徒提供了几乎自动退出契约的机会，并允许他们收回一部分奖金，以反映他们的过失和服刑时间。3%到8%的学徒被法院开除。轻松解散是对不稳定合同的回应。通过提供一种直接的机制来切断法律关系，伦敦降低了学徒制的风险，促进了伦敦的快速扩张。

引用次数: 27

Thomas Hajkowski. The BBC and National Identity in Britain, 1922–1953 . Studies in Popular Culture. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2010. Pp. xii+252. £60.00 (cloth).

The Journal of British Studies

Pub Date : 2012-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/666716

Todd Avery

引用次数: 0

David Rollison. Commune, Country and Commonwealth: The People of Cirencester, 1117–1643 . Studies in Early Modern Cultural, Political and Social History. Woodbridge: Boydell, 2011. Pp. 296. $99.00 (cloth). 大卫Rollison。公社、国家与联邦:赛伦塞斯特人民，1117-1643。近代早期文化、政治和社会史研究。Woodbridge: Boydell, 2011。296页。99.00美元(布)。

The Journal of British Studies

Pub Date : 2012-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/666690

B. McRee

引用次数: 0

Thomas Fulton. Historical Milton: Manuscript, Print, and Political Culture in Revolutionary England . Boston: University of Massachusetts Press, 2010. Pp. 272. $80.00 (cloth). 托马斯·富尔顿。历史上的弥尔顿:英国革命时期的手稿、印刷和政治文化。波士顿:马萨诸塞大学出版社，2010。272页。80.00美元(布)。

The Journal of British Studies

Pub Date : 2012-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/666683

Susanne Woods

引用次数: 0

Nicholas Freeman. 1895: Drama, Disaster and Disgrace in Late Victorian Britain . Edinburgh Critical Studies in Victorian Culture. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2011. Pp. 248. £65.00 (cloth).

The Journal of British Studies

Pub Date : 2012-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/666729

Barry J. Faulk

引用次数: 0

D. M. Leeson. The Black and Tans: British Police and Auxiliaries in the Irish War of Independence. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Pp. 294. $55.00 (cloth).

The Journal of British Studies

Pub Date : 2012-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/666706

Mark Doyle

引用次数: 0

Tillman W. Nechtman. Nabobs: Empire and Identity in Eighteenth-Century Britain. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010. Pp. 280. $104.00 (cloth). 蒂尔曼·w·内特曼。《贵族:18世纪英国的帝国与身份》纽约:剑桥大学出版社，2010。280页。104.00美元(布)。

The Journal of British Studies

Pub Date : 2012-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/666677

K. Wilson

引用次数: 0

Charles LaPorte. Victorian Poets and the Changing Bible. Victorian Literature and Culture Series. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2011. Pp. 284. $45.00 (cloth). 查尔斯LaPorte。维多利亚时代的诗人和不断变化的圣经。维多利亚时代文学与文化丛书。夏洛茨维尔:弗吉尼亚大学出版社，2011。284页。45.00美元(布)。

The Journal of British Studies

Pub Date : 2012-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/666714

K. Blair

引用次数: 0

Mark Bradley, ed. Classics and Imperialism in the British Empire . Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010. Pp. 350. $125.00 (cloth). 马克·布拉德利编:《大英帝国的经典与帝国主义》。牛津:牛津大学出版社，2010。350页。125.00美元(布)。

The Journal of British Studies

Pub Date : 2012-10-01 DOI: 10.1086/666720

Theodore Koditschek

引用次数: 0

下一页尾页

类型

全部化学•材料生命科学医学物理工程技术环境•农林材料科学地球科学法学管理学化学环境科学与生态学计算机科学教育学经济学农林科学人文科学生物学数学物理与天体物理心理学综合性期刊其他工业工程理学历史学农学文学信息工程

数据库

全部 ACS Publications Elsevier ieeexplore Springer The Royal Society of Chemistry Wiley

期刊

The Journal of British Studies

全部 Acc. Chem. Res. ACS Applied Bio Materials ACS Appl. Electron. Mater. ACS Appl. Energy Mater. ACS Appl. Mater. Interfaces ACS Appl. Nano Mater. ACS Appl. Polym. Mater. ACS BIOMATER-SCI ENG ACS Catal. ACS Cent. Sci. ACS Chem. Biol. ACS Chemical Health & Safety ACS Chem. Neurosci. ACS Comb. Sci. ACS Earth Space Chem. ACS Energy Lett. ACS Infect. Dis. ACS Macro Lett. ACS Mater. Lett. ACS Med. Chem. Lett. ACS Nano ACS Omega ACS Photonics ACS Sens. ACS Sustainable Chem. Eng. ACS Synth. Biol. Anal. Chem. BIOCHEMISTRY-US Bioconjugate Chem. BIOMACROMOLECULES Chem. Res. Toxicol. Chem. Rev. Chem. Mater. CRYST GROWTH DES ENERG FUEL Environ. Sci. Technol. Environ. Sci. Technol. Lett. Eur. J. Inorg. Chem. IND ENG CHEM RES Inorg. Chem. J. Agric. Food. Chem. J. Chem. Eng. Data J. Chem. Educ. J. Chem. Inf. Model. J. Chem. Theory Comput. J. Med. Chem. J. Nat. Prod. J PROTEOME RES J. Am. Chem. Soc. LANGMUIR MACROMOLECULES Mol. Pharmaceutics Nano Lett. Org. Lett. ORG PROCESS RES DEV ORGANOMETALLICS J. Org. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. J. Phys. Chem. A J. Phys. Chem. B J. Phys. Chem. C J. Phys. Chem. Lett. Analyst Anal. Methods Biomater. Sci. Catal. Sci. Technol. Chem. Commun. Chem. Soc. Rev. CHEM EDUC RES PRACT CRYSTENGCOMM Dalton Trans. Energy Environ. Sci. ENVIRON SCI-NANO ENVIRON SCI-PROC IMP ENVIRON SCI-WAT RES Faraday Discuss. Food Funct. Green Chem. Inorg. Chem. Front. Integr. Biol. J. Anal. At. Spectrom. J. Mater. Chem. A J. Mater. Chem. B J. Mater. Chem. C Lab Chip Mater. Chem. Front. Mater. Horiz. MEDCHEMCOMM Metallomics Mol. Biosyst. Mol. Syst. Des. Eng. Nanoscale Nanoscale Horiz. Nat. Prod. Rep. New J. Chem. Org. Biomol. Chem. Org. Chem. Front. PHOTOCH PHOTOBIO SCI PCCP Polym. Chem.

﹀