We develop a general model of legal and illegal immigration to understand the basic tradeoffs faced by a government in the decision to implement an immigration amnesty in the presence of a selective immigration policy. We show that two channels play an important role: an amnesty is more likely the more restricted are the occupational opportunities of undocumented immigrants and the less redistributive is the welfare state. Empirical evidence based on a novel panel dataset of legalizations carried out by a group of OECD countries between 1980-2007 broadly supports the role played by the channels identified in our theoretical model.
{"title":"What Drives Immigration Amnesties?","authors":"Alessandra Casarico, G. Facchini, T. Frattini","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2171695","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2171695","url":null,"abstract":"We develop a general model of legal and illegal immigration to understand the basic tradeoffs faced by a government in the decision to implement an immigration amnesty in the presence of a selective immigration policy. We show that two channels play an important role: an amnesty is more likely the more restricted are the occupational opportunities of undocumented immigrants and the less redistributive is the welfare state. Empirical evidence based on a novel panel dataset of legalizations carried out by a group of OECD countries between 1980-2007 broadly supports the role played by the channels identified in our theoretical model.","PeriodicalId":134919,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Immigration (Topic)","volume":"352 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123318003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Portuguese colonial era in India began in 1502 and ended in 1961 with the annexation of Goa by India. This long standing colonial relationship led to a deep-rooted historical, cultural and social relationship between Goa and Portugal. Migration from Goa to Portugal, over different periods, played an important part in forging this relationship. This paper examines the history of migration from Goa to Portugal, the characteristics of the Goan community in Portugal, and its engagement with Goa and with India, based on secondary and primary sources of information.Section 2 discusses the different waves of migration from Goa to Portugal. It finds that Goans migrated to Portugal during the colonial period in search of education, then following the annexation of Goa by India in 1961, and subsequently during the 1970s when Goans “twice migrated” to Portugal from Mozambique and Angola following their independence. In recent decades, Goans have been migrating to Portugal to seek access to the larger European market. Today, there is a sizeable Goan community residing in Portugal.Sections 3 and 4 explore the question of identity as perceived by this community in Portugal. The findings indicate that history, the causal factors underlying migration, and the heterogeneity within the community in terms of background, economic and social status have a major influence on the notion of identity. One section of the community does not consider itself as a diaspora group or as expatriates or migrants as it sees itself as fully integrated with Portuguese society. Their connection is with Goa, not with India. Another section of the community views itself as belonging to India and also Goa, realizing that they have a distinct identity within Portugal. For the twice migrated, the issue of identity is even more complex as they identify with a third country and many have never lived in Goa or India.Section 5 discusses how this issue of identity has in manifested itself in different ways, such as through the community’ position on issues of minority representation within Portuguese society, through diaspora associations and networks, and the extent to which the community has engaged with and contributed back to Goa and India. It finds that due to the dilemma over identity, the community has had very weak economic and philanthropic ties with the homeland.Section 6 highlights the growing engagement between the Goan community in Portugal and India in recent years and some initiatives at the government level to deepen this engagement. However, it finds that a long term strategic vision has been lacking on the part of both the Indian and the Portuguese governments.Section 7 concludes by calling for a forward looking approach to engaging with the Goan diaspora community in Portugal. It recommends that this community be strategically leveraged not only to strengthen economic and cultural relations with Portugal but also to serve India’s larger foreign policy and geopolitical ob
{"title":"Goans in Portugal: Role of History and Identity in Shaping Diaspora Linkages","authors":"R. Chanda","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2114034","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2114034","url":null,"abstract":"The Portuguese colonial era in India began in 1502 and ended in 1961 with the annexation of Goa by India. This long standing colonial relationship led to a deep-rooted historical, cultural and social relationship between Goa and Portugal. Migration from Goa to Portugal, over different periods, played an important part in forging this relationship. This paper examines the history of migration from Goa to Portugal, the characteristics of the Goan community in Portugal, and its engagement with Goa and with India, based on secondary and primary sources of information.Section 2 discusses the different waves of migration from Goa to Portugal. It finds that Goans migrated to Portugal during the colonial period in search of education, then following the annexation of Goa by India in 1961, and subsequently during the 1970s when Goans “twice migrated” to Portugal from Mozambique and Angola following their independence. In recent decades, Goans have been migrating to Portugal to seek access to the larger European market. Today, there is a sizeable Goan community residing in Portugal.Sections 3 and 4 explore the question of identity as perceived by this community in Portugal. The findings indicate that history, the causal factors underlying migration, and the heterogeneity within the community in terms of background, economic and social status have a major influence on the notion of identity. One section of the community does not consider itself as a diaspora group or as expatriates or migrants as it sees itself as fully integrated with Portuguese society. Their connection is with Goa, not with India. Another section of the community views itself as belonging to India and also Goa, realizing that they have a distinct identity within Portugal. For the twice migrated, the issue of identity is even more complex as they identify with a third country and many have never lived in Goa or India.Section 5 discusses how this issue of identity has in manifested itself in different ways, such as through the community’ position on issues of minority representation within Portuguese society, through diaspora associations and networks, and the extent to which the community has engaged with and contributed back to Goa and India. It finds that due to the dilemma over identity, the community has had very weak economic and philanthropic ties with the homeland.Section 6 highlights the growing engagement between the Goan community in Portugal and India in recent years and some initiatives at the government level to deepen this engagement. However, it finds that a long term strategic vision has been lacking on the part of both the Indian and the Portuguese governments.Section 7 concludes by calling for a forward looking approach to engaging with the Goan diaspora community in Portugal. It recommends that this community be strategically leveraged not only to strengthen economic and cultural relations with Portugal but also to serve India’s larger foreign policy and geopolitical ob","PeriodicalId":134919,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Immigration (Topic)","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132327080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper discusses how greater collection, use, and communication of performance data would assist policy makers in formulating immigration policies and effectively developing and managing strategies for the achievement of these policies. It reviews what is quantitatively known about illegal immigration, what performance measures should be developed and systematically reported, and how these data could be used to formulate strategy and manage execution. This paper does not recommend specific goals or strategies; rather, it provides examples of how performance measurement could move politically contentious policy debates forward by focusing discussion on fact-based choices between alternative aims and strategies and increasing the confidence of policy makers and the public through the linking of goals to strategies in transparent, measurable ways that provide greater accountability for results.
{"title":"Immigration and Border Control: How Data Driven Management Could Enhance Success","authors":"J. Whitley, Bryan W. Roberts, R. Shea","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2018580","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2018580","url":null,"abstract":"This paper discusses how greater collection, use, and communication of performance data would assist policy makers in formulating immigration policies and effectively developing and managing strategies for the achievement of these policies. It reviews what is quantitatively known about illegal immigration, what performance measures should be developed and systematically reported, and how these data could be used to formulate strategy and manage execution. This paper does not recommend specific goals or strategies; rather, it provides examples of how performance measurement could move politically contentious policy debates forward by focusing discussion on fact-based choices between alternative aims and strategies and increasing the confidence of policy makers and the public through the linking of goals to strategies in transparent, measurable ways that provide greater accountability for results.","PeriodicalId":134919,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Immigration (Topic)","volume":"19 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130400608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Among the more serious arguments against liberalizing immigration is that it can be costly to taxpayers. Low-skilled immigrants in particular consume more government services than they pay in taxes, increasing the burden of government for native-born Americans. Organizations such as the Center for Immigration Studies, the Heritage Foundation, and the Federation for American Immigration Reform have produced reports claiming that immigration costs taxpayers tens of billions of dollars a year, with the heaviest costs borne by state and local taxpayers. No less a classical liberal than Milton Freidman mused that open immigration is incompatible with a welfare state. Responding to a question at a libertarian conference in 1999, Friedman rejected the idea of opening the U.S. border to all immigrants, declaring that “You cannot simultaneously have free immigration and a welfare state” (Free Students 2008).Contrary to those concerns, immigration to the United States does not pose a long-term burden on U.S. taxpayers. The typical immigrant and his or her descendants pay more in taxes than they consume in government services in terms of net present value. Lowskilled immigrants do impose a net cost on government, in particular on the state and local level, but those costs are often exaggerated by critics of immigration and are offset by broader benefits to the overall economy. And with all due respect to Milton Freidman, practical steps can be taken to allow nations such as the United States to reap the benefits of a more open immigration system while maintaining certain welfare programs for citizens.
反对移民自由化的一个更严肃的论点是，这可能会让纳税人付出高昂的代价。尤其是低技能移民，他们消费的政府服务超过了缴纳的税款，增加了美国本土出生的政府负担。移民研究中心、传统基金会和美国移民改革联合会等组织发布的报告称，移民每年花费纳税人数百亿美元，其中最重的成本由州和地方纳税人承担。米尔顿·弗里德曼(Milton friedman)这样的古典自由主义者认为，开放移民与福利国家是不相容的。在1999年的一次自由意志主义会议上，弗里德曼回答了一个问题，拒绝了向所有移民开放美国边境的想法，宣称“你不可能同时拥有自由移民和福利国家”(free Students 2008)。与这些担忧相反，移民到美国不会给美国纳税人带来长期负担。就净现值而言，典型的移民及其后代缴纳的税款比他们在政府服务上的消费要多。低技能移民确实给政府带来了净成本，尤其是在州和地方层面，但这些成本经常被移民批评者夸大，并被整体经济的更广泛利益所抵消。在尊重米尔顿·弗里德曼(Milton friedman)的同时，我们可以采取切实可行的步骤，让美国等国家从更加开放的移民制度中获益，同时为公民保留某些福利项目。
{"title":"Immigration and the Welfare State","authors":"Daniel T. Griswold","doi":"10.4324/9781315679235-9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.4324/9781315679235-9","url":null,"abstract":"Among the more serious arguments against liberalizing immigration is that it can be costly to taxpayers. Low-skilled immigrants in particular consume more government services than they pay in taxes, increasing the burden of government for native-born Americans. Organizations such as the Center for Immigration Studies, the Heritage Foundation, and the Federation for American Immigration Reform have produced reports claiming that immigration costs taxpayers tens of billions of dollars a year, with the heaviest costs borne by state and local taxpayers. No less a classical liberal than Milton Freidman mused that open immigration is incompatible with a welfare state. Responding to a question at a libertarian conference in 1999, Friedman rejected the idea of opening the U.S. border to all immigrants, declaring that “You cannot simultaneously have free immigration and a welfare state” (Free Students 2008).Contrary to those concerns, immigration to the United States does not pose a long-term burden on U.S. taxpayers. The typical immigrant and his or her descendants pay more in taxes than they consume in government services in terms of net present value. Lowskilled immigrants do impose a net cost on government, in particular on the state and local level, but those costs are often exaggerated by critics of immigration and are offset by broader benefits to the overall economy. And with all due respect to Milton Freidman, practical steps can be taken to allow nations such as the United States to reap the benefits of a more open immigration system while maintaining certain welfare programs for citizens.","PeriodicalId":134919,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Immigration (Topic)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-01-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128255675","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Jews of Romania had to bear difficult times within the communist Romania. The Romanian communist state tried to assimilate the minorities and to erase all differences. Emigration was possible after the Second World War, but the Jews who immigrated to Israel lost their jobs when they decided to leave Romania, together with their properties. The diplomatic relations between Romania and Israel were influenced by the emigration problem of the Romanian Jews. The persecutions of Zionist leaders in Romania together with the periods when emigration was prevented constituted moments of tension in the Romanian – Israeli relations. Often, the Israeli diplomats reminded their Romanian counterpart that the process of emigration had to continue. The process of emigration of Romanian Jews depended closely on the development of Romanian – Israeli economic relations. Almost all Romanian Jews emigrated from Romania during the communist years.
{"title":"Anca Oltean, The Jews of Romania and Their Immigration to Israel. 1948–1953, in Eurolimes, vol.11, Leaders of the borders, Borders of the Leaders, eds. Cristina-Maria Dogot, Philippe Perchoc, Tokes Tibor, Editura Universitatii din Oradea, 2011, p. 41-54.","authors":"Anca Oltean","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3258289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3258289","url":null,"abstract":"The Jews of Romania had to bear difficult times within the communist Romania. The Romanian communist state tried to assimilate the minorities and to erase all differences. Emigration was possible after the Second World War, but the Jews who immigrated to Israel lost their jobs when they decided to leave Romania, together with their properties. The diplomatic relations between Romania and Israel were influenced by the emigration problem of the Romanian Jews. The persecutions of Zionist leaders in Romania together with the periods when emigration was prevented constituted moments of tension in the Romanian – Israeli relations. Often, the Israeli diplomats reminded their Romanian counterpart that the process of emigration had to continue. The process of emigration of Romanian Jews depended closely on the development of Romanian – Israeli economic relations. Almost all Romanian Jews emigrated from Romania during the communist years.","PeriodicalId":134919,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Immigration (Topic)","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123869420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper is an attempt to find the main determinants of migrants’ earnings and analyze what makes migrants remit money to their home countries. We use the dataset on migrants compiled by the Riinvest Institute2 in 2006. Ordinary least squares (OLS) and interval regression methods are used to estimate the migrants’ earnings model, while for the remittances model we use OLS and Tobit estimation methods. The results suggest, inter alia, that the returns to education are positive for migrants; also, migrants in countries with higher per capita GDP have higher family earnings. Among the most important determinants of remittances are migrants’ investments in their home countries, migrants’ perceptions of the business environment, migrants’ earnings, gender and the duration of migration. This paper tries to fill the gap in the literature, especially for the case of Kosovo, by exploring what determines the earnings of migrants and what makes migrants remit part of these earnings.
{"title":"Determinants of Migrants’ Earnings and Remittances: Evidence from Kosovo","authors":"Sokol Havolli","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1829998","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1829998","url":null,"abstract":"This paper is an attempt to find the main determinants of migrants’ earnings and analyze what makes migrants remit money to their home countries. We use the dataset on migrants compiled by the Riinvest Institute2 in 2006. Ordinary least squares (OLS) and interval regression methods are used to estimate the migrants’ earnings model, while for the remittances model we use OLS and Tobit estimation methods. The results suggest, inter alia, that the returns to education are positive for migrants; also, migrants in countries with higher per capita GDP have higher family earnings. Among the most important determinants of remittances are migrants’ investments in their home countries, migrants’ perceptions of the business environment, migrants’ earnings, gender and the duration of migration. This paper tries to fill the gap in the literature, especially for the case of Kosovo, by exploring what determines the earnings of migrants and what makes migrants remit part of these earnings.","PeriodicalId":134919,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Immigration (Topic)","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-05-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126880804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
States share costs of immigrant welfare with the federal government but the cost-sharing puts more burden on states than on the federal government.
各州与联邦政府分担移民福利的成本，但这种成本分担给各州带来的负担大于联邦政府。
{"title":"Federal/State Cost Sharing of Immigrant Welfare","authors":"I. Light","doi":"10.5070/P2XG6H","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5070/P2XG6H","url":null,"abstract":"States share costs of immigrant welfare with the federal government but the cost-sharing puts more burden on states than on the federal government.","PeriodicalId":134919,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Immigration (Topic)","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2010-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115530854","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Emigration leads to finite changes in structure of production and sectors vanish because they cannot pay higher wages. Does emigration of one type of labor hurt the other non-emigrating type in this set up? We demonstrate various scenarios when real income of the emigrating and the non-emigrating type do not move together and in the process generalize some of the existing results in the literature. In particular emigration can lead to a drastic change in the degree of inequality depending on which sectors survive in the post-emigration scenario.
{"title":"Emigration, Wage Inequality and Vanishing Sectors","authors":"S. Marjit, S. Kar","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1502727","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1502727","url":null,"abstract":"Emigration leads to finite changes in structure of production and sectors vanish because they cannot pay higher wages. Does emigration of one type of labor hurt the other non-emigrating type in this set up? We demonstrate various scenarios when real income of the emigrating and the non-emigrating type do not move together and in the process generalize some of the existing results in the literature. In particular emigration can lead to a drastic change in the degree of inequality depending on which sectors survive in the post-emigration scenario.","PeriodicalId":134919,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Immigration (Topic)","volume":"78 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116094151","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Going Back to Basics: Re-Embracing the Fundamentals of the Free Movement of Persons in Metock","authors":"E. Fahey","doi":"10.54648/leie2009006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54648/leie2009006","url":null,"abstract":"Case C-127/08, Metock & others v Minister for Justice, Equality & Law Reform, Judgment of the European Court of Justice of 25 July 2008, nyr.","PeriodicalId":134919,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Immigration (Topic)","volume":"244 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2009-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116569556","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Objective. Agenda-setting theory is used to motivate hypotheses about how media coverage of immigration influences public perceptions of its importance. The authors seek to offer a more complete explanation of public opinion on immigration by exploring differences in the effects of immigration news in border and nonborder states. Method. This article employs content analyses of newspaper coverage of immigration and Gallup public opinion data over a 12-month period (January‐ December 2006). Respondents’ identification of immigration as a ‘‘Most Important Problem’’ is modeled as a conditional relationship between border state/nonborder state residence and media coverage, ethnic context, and individual-level demographics. Results. Media attention to immigration is greater in border states than in nonborder states; as a result, residents of border states are more likely to identify immigration as a most important problem than are residents of nonborder states. Conclusions. The analyses point to the importance of geography and news coverage in explanations of public opinion on immigration. The public’s attitude toward immigration has traditionally been different for those residing in states that share a border with Mexico and those living in nonborder states. Extant survey research, which focuses primarily on Anglo attitudes (Alvarez and Buttereld, 2000; Johnson, Stein, and Wrinkle, 2003), reveals that individuals residing in border states consistently rate immigration as one of the ‘‘most important problems facing the nation,’’ relative to individuals residing in nonborder states. However, immediately following the 2006 spike in national media attention toward immigration reform and the wave of immigration protests nationwide, public opinion polls revealed that national public opinion regarding immigration surged to
目标。议程设置理论被用来激发关于媒体对移民的报道如何影响公众对其重要性的看法的假设。作者试图通过探索移民新闻在边境和非边境国家的影响差异，对公众对移民的看法提供一个更完整的解释。方法。本文采用了对12个月(2006年1月至12月)期间报纸移民报道和盖洛普民意数据的内容分析。受访者认为移民是一个“最重要的问题”，并将其建模为边境州/非边境州居住与媒体报道、种族背景和个人层面人口统计之间的条件关系。结果。媒体对边境州移民问题的关注要大于非边境州;因此，与非边境州的居民相比，边境州的居民更有可能将移民视为最重要的问题。结论。分析指出地理位置和新闻报道在解释公众对移民的看法方面的重要性。传统上，居住在与墨西哥接壤的州和居住在非边境州的公众对移民的态度是不同的。现存的调查研究，主要关注盎格鲁人的态度(阿尔瓦雷斯和巴特菲尔德，2000;Johnson, Stein, and Wrinkle, 2003)的研究表明，与居住在非边境州的个人相比，居住在边境州的个人始终将移民视为“国家面临的最重要问题”之一。然而，随着2006年全国媒体对移民改革的关注和全国范围内的移民抗议浪潮的激增，民意调查显示，全国公众对移民的看法飙升至
{"title":"Agenda Setting, Public Opinion, and the Issue of Immigration Reform","authors":"J. Dunaway, Marisa A. Abrajano, Regina Branton","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.1017846","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1017846","url":null,"abstract":"Objective. Agenda-setting theory is used to motivate hypotheses about how media coverage of immigration influences public perceptions of its importance. The authors seek to offer a more complete explanation of public opinion on immigration by exploring differences in the effects of immigration news in border and nonborder states. Method. This article employs content analyses of newspaper coverage of immigration and Gallup public opinion data over a 12-month period (January‐ December 2006). Respondents’ identification of immigration as a ‘‘Most Important Problem’’ is modeled as a conditional relationship between border state/nonborder state residence and media coverage, ethnic context, and individual-level demographics. Results. Media attention to immigration is greater in border states than in nonborder states; as a result, residents of border states are more likely to identify immigration as a most important problem than are residents of nonborder states. Conclusions. The analyses point to the importance of geography and news coverage in explanations of public opinion on immigration. The public’s attitude toward immigration has traditionally been different for those residing in states that share a border with Mexico and those living in nonborder states. Extant survey research, which focuses primarily on Anglo attitudes (Alvarez and Buttereld, 2000; Johnson, Stein, and Wrinkle, 2003), reveals that individuals residing in border states consistently rate immigration as one of the ‘‘most important problems facing the nation,’’ relative to individuals residing in nonborder states. However, immediately following the 2006 spike in national media attention toward immigration reform and the wave of immigration protests nationwide, public opinion polls revealed that national public opinion regarding immigration surged to","PeriodicalId":134919,"journal":{"name":"PSN: Politics of Immigration (Topic)","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2007-09-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120987629","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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