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The Centrality of Labor in The Migration-Development Regime: How Class Shapes Indian Emigration 劳动力在移民-发展制度中的中心地位:阶级如何影响印度移民
IF 2.8 3区 管理学 Q1 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.1177/00197939231203894e
P. Banerjee
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引用次数: 0
How Much Does Material Determination Explain in Networks, Labour and Migration among Indian Muslim Artisans? 物质决定在多大程度上解释了印度穆斯林工匠的网络、劳动和迁移?
IF 2.8 3区 管理学 Q1 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.1177/00197939231203894d
Jonathan Parry
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引用次数: 0
The Role of Migration in Classes of Labour: Work and Life in a Central Indian Steel Town 移民在劳动力阶级中的作用:印度中部钢铁小镇的工作与生活
IF 2.8 3区 管理学 Q1 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-12-04 DOI: 10.1177/00197939231203894b
Rina Agarwala
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引用次数: 0
Entrepreneurship Lock and the Demand for Health Insurance: Evidence from the US Affordable Care Act 创业锁定与健康保险需求:来自美国平价医疗法案的证据
IF 2.8 3区 管理学 Q1 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/00197939231211561
Margaret E. Blume-Kohout
Most US workers have health insurance plans sponsored and subsidized by their employers. The US Affordable Care Act (ACA) improved and expanded the availability of non-employer-based health insurance, with protections for pre-existing conditions, guaranteed issue, and community rating in non-group markets. Using National Health Interview Survey data for 2009 to 2018 and a difference-in-differences modeling approach, this study finds that the ACA increased self-employment in 2015 and 2016 among US adults with higher demand for health insurance. The probability of self-employment increased by 1.4 to 1.8 percentage points among adults ages 30 to 64 with at least one pre-ACA declinable condition and no alternative source of health insurance through a spouse’s employer or public programs. However, these effects were short-lived. As uncertainty about the long-term viability of the ACA’s health insurance exchanges increased in 2017 and 2018, the probability of self-employment among individuals with high demand for insurance fell to pre-ACA levels.
大多数美国工人都有由雇主赞助和补贴的医疗保险计划。美国《平价医疗法案》(ACA)改善并扩大了非雇主医疗保险的可用性,在非团体市场中提供了对既存病症、保证发行和社区评级的保护。本研究利用 2009 年至 2018 年的全国健康访谈调查数据和差异建模方法,发现 ACA 增加了 2015 年和 2016 年对健康保险需求较高的美国成年人的自雇人数。在 30 至 64 岁的成年人中,如果他们在 ACA 实施前至少有一项可被取消的条件,并且没有通过配偶的雇主或公共项目获得健康保险的替代来源,那么他们自雇的概率会增加 1.4 至 1.8 个百分点。然而,这些影响都是短暂的。随着 2017 年和 2018 年 ACA 健康保险交易所长期可行性的不确定性增加,对保险需求较高的个人自雇的概率降至 ACA 前的水平。
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引用次数: 0
Public Workers’ Mobilizations in Egypt: Perceptions of Sector Potential in Textile and Transport 埃及的公共工人动员:对纺织和运输部门潜力的看法
IF 2.8 3区 管理学 Q1 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-11-18 DOI: 10.1177/00197939231213350
Nada Matta
This article contributes to explaining the rise of labor unrest in Egypt in the early 2000s, led initially by public-sector workers. Using two case studies in textile and transport, the author shows that perceptions of sector potential affected workers’ ability to protest and compensated for the decline in their sectors’ roles in the economy. The perceptions of underutilization due to corruption and to sector viability based on squandered profits help explain workers’ militancy and capacities to mount an extended protest campaign. These perceptions build on discourses that critique the state’s adoption of neoliberal policies associated with privatization. Workers could develop these perceptions because their sectors still played a role in the economy despite their decline. The analysis contributes to the Power Resource Approach by showing how perceptions of sector potential enhance capacities among Global South workers in declining sectors. To explain labor unrest, the author engages labor scholarship on Egypt that focuses on grievances rather than on workers’ economic position and sources of power.
本文有助于解释 2000 年代初埃及劳工骚乱的兴起,骚乱最初是由公共部门的工人领导的。作者通过对纺织业和运输业的两个案例研究表明,对部门潜力的看法影响了工人的抗议能力,并对其部门在经济中的作用下降起到了补偿作用。对腐败导致的利用率低下和基于利润浪费的行业生存能力的认识,有助于解释工人的好斗性和发起大规模抗议活动的能力。这些看法建立在批评国家采取与私有化相关的新自由主义政策的论述之上。工人们之所以能形成这些观念,是因为他们所在的部门尽管衰落,但仍在经济中发挥着作用。该分析通过展示对行业潜力的认识如何提高全球南部衰退行业工人的能力,为 "权力资源方法 "做出了贡献。为了解释劳工骚乱,作者引用了有关埃及劳工的研究成果,这些成果侧重于不满情绪,而不是工人的经济地位和权力来源。
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引用次数: 0
First to $15: Alberta’s Minimum Wage Policy on Employment by Wages, Ages, and Places 率先达到 15 加元:艾伯塔省关于工资、年龄和地点就业的最低工资政策
IF 2.8 3区 管理学 Q1 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-11-17 DOI: 10.1177/00197939231213064
Sebastian Fossati, Joseph Marchand
Most minimum wage studies are identified on small, plentiful, mostly expected wage changes, spread out over time. A recent set of changes have instead been large, rapid, and unexpected, following the “Fight for $15” movement. Alberta is the first North American province, state, or territory to have this $15 minimum wage, with an unexpectedly large increase (47%) occurring over a short time horizon (3 years). The employment effects of this policy are estimated using a synthetic control approach on Labour Force Survey data. Similar to the existing literature, workers moved up the wage distribution, increment by increment, but with a higher distributional reach. Employment losses occurred at similar elasticities, but with large level changes, mostly among younger workers. Newer to the literature, regional employment losses were found in four of the five non-urban economic regions, but not in Alberta’s two main cities, showing the significance and nuance of regional heterogeneity.
大多数最低工资研究都是针对小幅、大量、预期工资变化进行的,这些变化分布在不同的时间段。而最近在 "为 15 美元而战 "运动之后出现的一系列变化却是巨大、迅速和出人意料的。阿尔伯塔省是北美第一个实行 15 美元最低工资的省、州或地区,在很短的时间内(3 年)就实现了出乎意料的大幅增长(47%)。我们使用劳动力调查数据的合成控制方法估算了这一政策的就业效应。与现有文献类似,工人的工资分布逐级上升,但分布范围更大。就业损失的弹性相似,但水平变化较大,主要是年轻工人。与相关文献不同的是,在五个非城市经济区中,有四个经济区出现了地区性就业损失,但艾伯塔省的两个主要城市却没有出现这种情况,这表明了地区异质性的重要性和细微差别。
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引用次数: 0
Days of Work over a Half Century: The Rise of the Four-Day Workweek 半个世纪以来的工作日:每周四天工作制的兴起
IF 2.8 3区 管理学 Q1 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1177/00197939231209965
D. Hamermesh, Jeff E. Biddle
The authors examine work patterns in the United States from 1973 to 2018, with the novel focus on days per week, using intermittent CPS samples and one ATUS sample. Among full-time workers, the incidence of four-day workweeks tripled, adding 7 million four-day workers. Similar growth occurred in the Netherlands, Germany, and South Korea. The rise was not due to changes in demographics or industrial structure. Such schedules are more common among those who are 1) less educated, 2) younger, 3) white non-Hispanic, 4) men, 5) natives, 6) people with young children, 7) non-unionized, 8) police and firefighters, 9) health care workers, and 10) restaurant workers. Based on an equilibrium model, the authors show that the increase in four-day workweeks results more from workers’ preferences and/or their daily fixed costs of working than production costs. The wage penalty for a four-day workweek is greater when such work is more prevalent, and the penalty has diminished over time.
作者利用间歇性的 CPS 样本和一个 ATUS 样本,研究了 1973 年至 2018 年美国的工作模式,新颖地将重点放在每周工作天数上。在全职工作者中,每周工作四天的情况增加了两倍,增加了 700 万名每周工作四天的工作者。荷兰、德国和韩国也出现了类似的增长。这种增长并非由于人口统计或产业结构的变化。这种工作时间安排在以下人群中更为常见:1)受教育程度较低;2)年轻;3)非西班牙裔白人;4)男性;5)本地人;6)有年幼子女的人;7)非工会成员;8)警察和消防员;9)医疗保健工作者;10)餐厅工作人员。根据一个均衡模型,作者表明,四天工作制的增加更多是由于工人的偏好和/或他们每天工作的固定成本,而不是生产成本。每周四天工作制的工资惩罚在这种工作更普遍时更大,而且这种惩罚随着时间的推移而减少。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Ages of American Capitalism: A History of the United States, by Jonathan Levy 书评:美国资本主义时代:美国资本主义时代:美国史》,乔纳森-列维著
IF 2.8 3区 管理学 Q1 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-11-15 DOI: 10.1177/00197939231213000
Jerome Braun
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Unionizing the Ivory Tower: Cornell Workers’ Fifteen-Year Fight for Justice and a Living Wage, by Al Davidoff 书评:《象牙塔的工会化:康奈尔工人为正义和生活工资的十五年斗争》,作者:Al Davidoff
3区 管理学 Q1 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-11-12 DOI: 10.1177/00197939231213562
Jeff Grabelsky
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引用次数: 0
Top-Down and Bottom-Up Formalization: Waste Pickers’ Struggles for Labor Rights in São Paulo and Bogotá 自上而下和自下而上的正规化:<s:1>圣保罗和波哥大<e:1>拾荒者争取劳工权利的斗争
3区 管理学 Q1 Business, Management and Accounting Pub Date : 2023-10-20 DOI: 10.1177/00197939231205515
Manuel Rosaldo
Many labor scholars and practitioners see the regulation of informal work as necessary to protect the world’s most vulnerable workers from market predation. This article advances an alternative perspective: State regulation is a versatile tool that can be wielded either by workers or by elites, often toward contradictory ends. Accordingly, the key question for those seeking to promote decent work is not whether to formalize informal jobs, but rather, formalization by and for whom? The author uses this approach to analyze differential outcomes between efforts to formalize the work of waste pickers in São Paulo, Brazil, and Bogotá, Colombia. Drawing on 24 months of field research, the author documents how São Paulo’s formalization policies benefited few street waste pickers, whereas those of Bogotá elevated the incomes, conditions, and voices of thousands of comparable workers. The analysis suggests that formalization is likely to yield pro-worker outcomes only when workers possess sufficient power over policy design and implementation.
许多劳工学者和从业人员认为,对非正规工作进行监管是保护世界上最脆弱的工人免受市场掠夺的必要措施。这篇文章提出了另一种观点:国家监管是一种万能的工具,既可以由工人使用,也可以由精英使用,往往是为了相互矛盾的目的。因此,对于那些寻求促进体面工作的人来说,关键问题不是是否将非正式工作正式化,而是由谁正式化,为谁正式化?作者使用这一方法分析了巴西圣保罗和哥伦比亚波哥大两市为使拾荒者的工作正规化所做的努力之间的差异结果。通过24个月的实地调查,作者记录了圣保罗的正规化政策如何使少数街头拾捡者受益,而波哥大的政策却提高了数千名类似工人的收入、工作条件和发言权。分析表明,只有当工人在政策设计和实施方面拥有足够的权力时,正规化才有可能产生有利于工人的结果。
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引用次数: 0
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