Pub Date : 2023-05-31DOI: 10.19170/eebs.2023.47.2.113
D. Vujović
The Serbian language is a highly inflected language with a complex morphological system that uses an extensive number of word affixes to express a wide range of grammatical, syntactic, and semantic characteristics. The present paper introduces contemporary Serbian noun-forming elements, processes, and patterns. Understanding the process of word formation makes it easier to learn Serbian as a foreign language, especially for speakers of agglutinative languages such as Korean.
{"title":"Noun-formation in the Contemporary Serbian Language","authors":"D. Vujović","doi":"10.19170/eebs.2023.47.2.113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2023.47.2.113","url":null,"abstract":"The Serbian language is a highly inflected language with a complex morphological system that uses an extensive number of word affixes to express a wide range of grammatical, syntactic, and semantic characteristics. The present paper introduces contemporary Serbian noun-forming elements, processes, and patterns. Understanding the process of word formation makes it easier to learn Serbian as a foreign language, especially for speakers of agglutinative languages such as Korean.","PeriodicalId":142621,"journal":{"name":"East European and Balkan Institute","volume":"103 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126052028","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.77
Yoo-Duk Kang
This study conducts an empirical analysis of the public opinion of Euroscepticism in Central and Eastern Europe countries (CEEC) using micro-data and compares it with Western Europe (EU-15). Considering the changes before and after the system transition and EU accession, it is necessary to examine the specificity of Central and Eastern Europe in research on Euroscepticism. Eurosceptical political movement in Central and Eastern Europe is closely related to the activities of the far-right populist parties that have rapidly emerged since 2010 and the public opinion formed through them. Therefore, it differs from Euroscepticism in Western Europe, which arose from the conflict between the supranational character of European integration and national sovereignty. The Anti-EU movement in politics in Central and Eastern Europe were mainly manifested in the process of the established parties shifting to the right. According to the results of the empirical analysis, individuals with higher levels of education, social status, and income levels, as well as younger age groups, tend to be more favorable to the EU. This systemic association between individual characteristics and Eurosceptic attitude at the individual level can be found in both the EU-15 and CEECs. Professions have also similar influence on individual attitude on the EU in both groups. However, the effect of education level was found to be greater in CEECs. In addition, political affiliation are correlated to the attitude on the EU differently in the EU-15 and CEECs. Our tentative conclusion is that the main framework of Euroscepticism and its determinants developed by the previous studies focusing on the EU-15 could be effective for research on the CEECs. On the other hand, to explain Euroscepticism in CEECs in a more detailed manner, it is necessary to supplement this quantitative study through other qualitative studies on party politics and political discourse.
{"title":"A Study on Euroscepticism in Central and Eastern Europe and its Determinants: An Empirical Analysis Using Micro-data","authors":"Yoo-Duk Kang","doi":"10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.77","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.77","url":null,"abstract":"This study conducts an empirical analysis of the public opinion of Euroscepticism in Central and Eastern Europe countries (CEEC) using micro-data and compares it with Western Europe (EU-15). Considering the changes before and after the system transition and EU accession, it is necessary to examine the specificity of Central and Eastern Europe in research on Euroscepticism. \u0000Eurosceptical political movement in Central and Eastern Europe is closely related to the activities of the far-right populist parties that have rapidly emerged since 2010 and the public opinion formed through them. Therefore, it differs from Euroscepticism in Western Europe, which arose from the conflict between the supranational character of European integration and national sovereignty. The Anti-EU movement in politics in Central and Eastern Europe were mainly manifested in the process of the established parties shifting to the right. \u0000According to the results of the empirical analysis, individuals with higher levels of education, social status, and income levels, as well as younger age groups, tend to be more favorable to the EU. This systemic association between individual characteristics and Eurosceptic attitude at the individual level can be found in both the EU-15 and CEECs. Professions have also similar influence on individual attitude on the EU in both groups. However, the effect of education level was found to be greater in CEECs. In addition, political affiliation are correlated to the attitude on the EU differently in the EU-15 and CEECs. \u0000Our tentative conclusion is that the main framework of Euroscepticism and its determinants developed by the previous studies focusing on the EU-15 could be effective for research on the CEECs. On the other hand, to explain Euroscepticism in CEECs in a more detailed manner, it is necessary to supplement this quantitative study through other qualitative studies on party politics and political discourse.","PeriodicalId":142621,"journal":{"name":"East European and Balkan Institute","volume":"53 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121475780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.3
H. Nam
The corpus, which is based on authentic texts produced by language users, is a practical resource in terms of language education and research. However, unlike in research and teaching of English corpus has not yet been actively utilized in the fields of research and teaching of second foreign languages including Russian. This is primarily due to the lack of researchers and teachers with relevant knowledge, which leads to the absence of teaching using corpora and the discontinuity in follow-up research. Therefore this paper examines in detail the annotation system and search tools of the Main Corpus ― one of the subcorpora of the Russian National Corpus (RNC) — and presents some methods for its educational use. Among several subcorpora constituting the RNC, the Main Corpus is the most representative and balanced one. It is equipped with rich morphological, semantic, syntactic annotation systems and metadata, enabling the sophisticated search and analysis of linguistic phenomena. Moreover, since it provides visualizations and simple statistical data, it can also be utilized in academic research. This study — on a trial basis — constructs simple activities involving the use of data from the Main Corpus in the fields of lexicology, morphology, word formation, and syntax. It will be up to future research tasks to explore how RNC's other subcorpora can be used in education; how useful concordancers such as AntConc and Sketch Engine are distinguished from the RNC; and how to use them in language teaching.
{"title":"A Study on the Composition of the Russian National Corpus and Its Educational Use: Focusing on the Main Corpus","authors":"H. Nam","doi":"10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.3","url":null,"abstract":"The corpus, which is based on authentic texts produced by language users, is a practical resource in terms of language education and research. However, unlike in research and teaching of English corpus has not yet been actively utilized in the fields of research and teaching of second foreign languages including Russian. This is primarily due to the lack of researchers and teachers with relevant knowledge, which leads to the absence of teaching using corpora and the discontinuity in follow-up research. \u0000Therefore this paper examines in detail the annotation system and search tools of the Main Corpus ― one of the subcorpora of the Russian National Corpus (RNC) — and presents some methods for its educational use. Among several subcorpora constituting the RNC, the Main Corpus is the most representative and balanced one. It is equipped with rich morphological, semantic, syntactic annotation systems and metadata, enabling the sophisticated search and analysis of linguistic phenomena. Moreover, since it provides visualizations and simple statistical data, it can also be utilized in academic research. \u0000This study — on a trial basis — constructs simple activities involving the use of data from the Main Corpus in the fields of lexicology, morphology, word formation, and syntax. It will be up to future research tasks to explore how RNC's other subcorpora can be used in education; how useful concordancers such as AntConc and Sketch Engine are distinguished from the RNC; and how to use them in language teaching.","PeriodicalId":142621,"journal":{"name":"East European and Balkan Institute","volume":"71 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126209068","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.39
Sogu Hong
This study explains that the Russia-Ukraine War is a culture war. The essay “On the historical relationship between Russians and Ukrainians” published by Putin on July 12, 2021 reflects Putin’s historical and cultural views, denying Ukraine’s independent historical, national, and cultural identity. Based on Putin's view of history, this study will discuss how the Russian military is carrying out 'erasing Ukrainian culture' and how Ukrainians are preserving their cultural heritage and identity. As a case study, I also introduce how the public and artists in various cultural spheres of Ukraine are culturally resisting the Russian invasion. Analyzing the cases of Ukrainian resistance in folk culture, street art, music and song, this study explains the impact of the Russian invasion on Ukrainian culture.
{"title":"Ukrainian Cultural Resistance on Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine","authors":"Sogu Hong","doi":"10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.39","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.39","url":null,"abstract":"This study explains that the Russia-Ukraine War is a culture war. The essay “On the historical relationship between Russians and Ukrainians” published by Putin on July 12, 2021 reflects Putin’s historical and cultural views, denying Ukraine’s independent historical, national, and cultural identity. Based on Putin's view of history, this study will discuss how the Russian military is carrying out 'erasing Ukrainian culture' and how Ukrainians are preserving their cultural heritage and identity. As a case study, I also introduce how the public and artists in various cultural spheres of Ukraine are culturally resisting the Russian invasion. Analyzing the cases of Ukrainian resistance in folk culture, street art, music and song, this study explains the impact of the Russian invasion on Ukrainian culture.","PeriodicalId":142621,"journal":{"name":"East European and Balkan Institute","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127214743","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.113
Jiyoung Kim
World War I and World War II were the most important inflection points in Hungarian history. As a result of World War I, historical Hungary was annihilated with the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. In particular, as Transylvania, the cause of the conflict between Hungary and Romania, belonged to Romania, Hungary and Romania have maintained uncomfortable relations until now. The defeat of Germany's alliance with Hungary in World War II brought territorial gains to Romania's alliance with the Soviet Union. In this article, we looked at the various measures and discussions that Hungary and Romania had during and after World War II regarding the Transylvania issue. In the end, the interests of the great powers were the decisive factor that separated the fate of the two countries.
{"title":"Quo vadis Transylvania?: Hungarian and Romanian resolution for Transylvania during World War II","authors":"Jiyoung Kim","doi":"10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.113","url":null,"abstract":"World War I and World War II were the most important inflection points in Hungarian history. As a result of World War I, historical Hungary was annihilated with the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. In particular, as Transylvania, the cause of the conflict between Hungary and Romania, belonged to Romania, Hungary and Romania have maintained uncomfortable relations until now. The defeat of Germany's alliance with Hungary in World War II brought territorial gains to Romania's alliance with the Soviet Union. In this article, we looked at the various measures and discussions that Hungary and Romania had during and after World War II regarding the Transylvania issue. In the end, the interests of the great powers were the decisive factor that separated the fate of the two countries.","PeriodicalId":142621,"journal":{"name":"East European and Balkan Institute","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130428665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.171
Jiyoung Min
After the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine War in February 2022, Russia was effectively cut off from the global financial system by being kicked out of the SWIFT payment network. Consequently, the development of the financial market has become an urgent task for Russia. In this paper, an inter-industry analysis was conducted for countries in transition, such as Russia, the Czech Republic, 경Poland, and Kazakhstan, using input-output tables from 1999 to 2018 provided by the OECD. According to the research findings, the financial industries of the four countries showed relatively high forward linkage effects and low backward linkage effects. In other words, they are categorized as intermediate-demand primitive industries. In addition, the Russian financial industry was found to have the following characteristics. First, it does not yet account for a large portion of the national economy and has experienced ups and downs due to economic fluctuations, but is growing relatively steadily. Second, although the financial industry is not a core industry in the Russian economy, it is of great importance because of its relatively high-added value and production support effect of other industries. Third, given the growing support effect of other industries, it is likely that the higher productivity and efficiency in the financial market will contribute to the competitiveness of other industries. This suggests the need to increase the proportion of the Russian financial industry in the national economy. In this context, the policy for the efficient development of the financial market implemented by the Russian government appears to be desirable. In particular, if the efficiency of the financial sector is improved and costs are reduced through the development of fintech, it will contribute more to the growth of other industries and the national economy.
{"title":"Economic Contribution of the Financial Sector to the Russian Economy with I-O Analysis","authors":"Jiyoung Min","doi":"10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.171","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.171","url":null,"abstract":"After the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine War in February 2022, Russia was effectively cut off from the global financial system by being kicked out of the SWIFT payment network. Consequently, the development of the financial market has become an urgent task for Russia. In this paper, an inter-industry analysis was conducted for countries in transition, such as Russia, the Czech Republic, 경Poland, and Kazakhstan, using input-output tables from 1999 to 2018 provided by the OECD. According to the research findings, the financial industries of the four countries showed relatively high forward linkage effects and low backward linkage effects. In other words, they are categorized as intermediate-demand primitive industries. In addition, the Russian financial industry was found to have the following characteristics. First, it does not yet account for a large portion of the national economy and has experienced ups and downs due to economic fluctuations, but is growing relatively steadily. Second, although the financial industry is not a core industry in the Russian economy, it is of great importance because of its relatively high-added value and production support effect of other industries. Third, given the growing support effect of other industries, it is likely that the higher productivity and efficiency in the financial market will contribute to the competitiveness of other industries. This suggests the need to increase the proportion of the Russian financial industry in the national economy. In this context, the policy for the efficient development of the financial market implemented by the Russian government appears to be desirable. In particular, if the efficiency of the financial sector is improved and costs are reduced through the development of fintech, it will contribute more to the growth of other industries and the national economy.","PeriodicalId":142621,"journal":{"name":"East European and Balkan Institute","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115498138","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-28DOI: 10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.141
Kichae Min, Doyun Kim
The purpose of this study is to identify the patterns of unemployment and poverty experienced after systemic transition in the three Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) and social policy responses to solve them, using literature analysis and non-face-to-face interview methods. As a result of the analysis, the three Baltic countries were exposed to the social problems of unemployment and poverty in the process of introducing a radical market economy system, and the social policies to solve them were unemployment assistance (1991), unemployment insurance (1996 and 2002), It was the ALMP (early 2000s), the poverty policy (early 2000s) with definitions and targets for poverty, and official poverty lines. The post-socialist social policies of the three Baltic countries in response to the realities of the socialist welfare system, such as concealed unemployment under full employment, formal job placement and weak vocational training, and the universalization of poverty hidden behind propaganda, were ex post and weak in policy effectiveness.
{"title":"Unemployment, Poverty and Social Policy Response in the Baltic Countries after System Transformation","authors":"Kichae Min, Doyun Kim","doi":"10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2023.47.1.141","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this study is to identify the patterns of unemployment and poverty experienced after systemic transition in the three Baltic countries (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) and social policy responses to solve them, using literature analysis and non-face-to-face interview methods. As a result of the analysis, the three Baltic countries were exposed to the social problems of unemployment and poverty in the process of introducing a radical market economy system, and the social policies to solve them were unemployment assistance (1991), unemployment insurance (1996 and 2002), It was the ALMP (early 2000s), the poverty policy (early 2000s) with definitions and targets for poverty, and official poverty lines. The post-socialist social policies of the three Baltic countries in response to the realities of the socialist welfare system, such as concealed unemployment under full employment, formal job placement and weak vocational training, and the universalization of poverty hidden behind propaganda, were ex post and weak in policy effectiveness.","PeriodicalId":142621,"journal":{"name":"East European and Balkan Institute","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122265144","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.91
J. Y. Kim
In the Second World War, Hungary was an ally of Germany, joining the Axis powers in August 1940 under the Second Vienna Award. Joachim von Ribbentrop, Germany’s Foreign Minister, and Italian Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano met with Hungarian and Romanian representatives in the Belvedere Palace in Vienna. There they began negotiations on Hungary recovering the territory of Transylvania that it had ceded to Romania as a consequence of World War One. The confrontation between Hungary and Romania meant that Hungary’s demands were not accepted. As a result of Ribbentrop and Ciano’s mediation, the two sides agreed to redraw the boundaries of the territory to account for population composition and historical claims to sovereignty. Hungary failed to realize their ambitious dream of recovering the entire territory of Transylvania, and they had to be content with taking back the region of Székelys, where Hungarians were in the majority. Romania’s sovereignty over the rest of Transylvania, which Romania had taken control over post-World War One, was recognized. However, this deal would ultimately hurt Hungary. Because it was brokered by Germany and Italy, Hungary was treated as a defeated state in the post-World War Two peace negotiations.
德国外交部长约阿希姆·冯·里宾特洛甫(Joachim von Ribbentrop)和意大利外交部长加利亚佐·齐亚诺(Galeazzo Ciano)在维也纳美景宫会见了匈牙利和罗马尼亚代表。在那里，他们开始就匈牙利收回第一次世界大战割让给罗马尼亚的特兰西瓦尼亚领土的问题进行谈判。匈牙利和罗马尼亚之间的对峙意味着匈牙利的要求没有被接受。由于里宾特洛甫和齐亚诺的调解，双方同意重新划定领土边界，以考虑到人口构成和历史上对主权的要求。匈牙利未能实现其收复整个特兰西瓦尼亚领土的雄心勃勃的梦想，他们不得不满足于夺回匈牙利人占多数的szsamukelys地区。罗马尼亚对特兰西瓦尼亚其余地区的主权得到承认，特兰西瓦尼亚是罗马尼亚在第一次世界大战后控制的。然而，这笔交易最终会伤害匈牙利。在德国和意大利的斡旋下，匈牙利在二战后的和平谈判中被视为战败国。
{"title":"Territorial Recovery of Hungary through the 2nd Vienna Award: 1940. 8. 30.","authors":"J. Y. Kim","doi":"10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.91","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.91","url":null,"abstract":"In the Second World War, Hungary was an ally of Germany, joining the Axis powers in August 1940 under the Second Vienna Award. Joachim von Ribbentrop, Germany’s Foreign Minister, and Italian Foreign Minister Galeazzo Ciano met with Hungarian and Romanian representatives in the Belvedere Palace in Vienna. There they began negotiations on Hungary recovering the territory of Transylvania that it had ceded to Romania as a consequence of World War One. The confrontation between Hungary and Romania meant that Hungary’s demands were not accepted. As a result of Ribbentrop and Ciano’s mediation, the two sides agreed to redraw the boundaries of the territory to account for population composition and historical claims to sovereignty. Hungary failed to realize their ambitious dream of recovering the entire territory of Transylvania, and they had to be content with taking back the region of Székelys, where Hungarians were in the majority. Romania’s sovereignty over the rest of Transylvania, which Romania had taken control over post-World War One, was recognized. However, this deal would ultimately hurt Hungary. Because it was brokered by Germany and Italy, Hungary was treated as a defeated state in the post-World War Two peace negotiations.","PeriodicalId":142621,"journal":{"name":"East European and Balkan Institute","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132239383","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.59
T. Oum
This study gives attention to the fact that the current change toward a hyper-connected society with the development of technology can affect linguistic changes. The changes that create a hyperconnected society are driven by technological innovations in transportation and communication, and compared to transport, communication that enables connectivity without physical resistance is the core of the innovation that creates a hyperconnected society. However, communication and transportation are not competitive, but complementary, and they seem to be aiming for a unified world in terms of connectivity. However, communication in a hyperconnected world provides a framework of recognition different from direct (face-to-face) communication by the operation of the medium that enables it. By the definition of communication in the virtual world, which is hyperconnected by a medium, We can understand that written language is centered on. However, the function of the written language in the field of cyber language (or netspeak) is limited to a part of a complex symbolic system that works with various symbolic systems that convey visual images, and this functional change is a key reason for language change in virtual space. In other words, for the part where visual images are more suitable for communication, written language takes on only secondary functions, resulting in many abbreviations. For this reason, the written language in the hyperconnected space develops into a state that has lost a lot of the unique characteristics of planned and refined communication of thought, which is so different that it is called “second literacy” compared to the existing written language.
{"title":"Linguistic Variations in HyperConnection Space: Comparison of Korean, Romanian, and English","authors":"T. Oum","doi":"10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.59","url":null,"abstract":"This study gives attention to the fact that the current change toward a hyper-connected society with the development of technology can affect linguistic changes. The changes that create a hyperconnected society are driven by technological innovations in transportation and communication, and compared to transport, communication that enables connectivity without physical resistance is the core of the innovation that creates a hyperconnected society. However, communication and transportation are not competitive, but complementary, and they seem to be aiming for a unified world in terms of connectivity. However, communication in a hyperconnected world provides a framework of recognition different from direct (face-to-face) communication by the operation of the medium that enables it. By the definition of communication in the virtual world, which is hyperconnected by a medium, We can understand that written language is centered on. However, the function of the written language in the field of cyber language (or netspeak) is limited to a part of a complex symbolic system that works with various symbolic systems that convey visual images, and this functional change is a key reason for language change in virtual space. In other words, for the part where visual images are more suitable for communication, written language takes on only secondary functions, resulting in many abbreviations. For this reason, the written language in the hyperconnected space develops into a state that has lost a lot of the unique characteristics of planned and refined communication of thought, which is so different that it is called “second literacy” compared to the existing written language.","PeriodicalId":142621,"journal":{"name":"East European and Balkan Institute","volume":"17 15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133872795","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.117
Hongsub Lee
In the aftermath of the Russia-Ukraine war, the world is suffering from inflation due to a surge in energy prices. The West is accusing Russia of using energy as a means of oppression, as a powerhouse in the world's energy market. Russia, on the other hand, claims that the West has intentionally instigated the war to block its energy markets. Which claim is closer to the truth will be revealed later, but this war once again confirmed just how great the impact of energy on the global political economy. The importance of energy has been highlighted to such an extent that if security in the 20th century depended on military power, the 21st century depended on energy resources such as oil and gas. If the Russian economy is isolated from the world economy through Western economic sanctions, the role of the government in the national economy will expand, which will lead to state capitalism, which has the effect of delaying Russia's reform. In addition, if Europe reduces or stops imports of Russian energy, the US is concerned about the fact that China will take over the lower price of Russian energy. In 2020, Russia adopted a new constitution, making it possible for Putin to remain president until 2036. With Putin in power for a long time, not only can he continue to lead Russia's energy development, but he can also push ahead with the 'New Eastern Policy' more strongly. This means that relations with China will be further strengthened soon. Among them, energy cooperation between the two countries will play a large part. Ultimately, for global energy security, Europe's energy imports from Russia should not be viewed only as a negative aspect of Europe's excessive dependence on Russia for resources. Rather, détente will be realized between Russia and the West through energy cooperation from the point of view of interdependence that Russia also depends on profits through the European market and that Europe needs Russia to secure the stability of supply.
{"title":"Changes in the International Energy Environment and Russia’s Energy Security","authors":"Hongsub Lee","doi":"10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.4.117","url":null,"abstract":"In the aftermath of the Russia-Ukraine war, the world is suffering from inflation due to a surge in energy prices. The West is accusing Russia of using energy as a means of oppression, as a powerhouse in the world's energy market. Russia, on the other hand, claims that the West has intentionally instigated the war to block its energy markets. Which claim is closer to the truth will be revealed later, but this war once again confirmed just how great the impact of energy on the global political economy. The importance of energy has been highlighted to such an extent that if security in the 20th century depended on military power, the 21st century depended on energy resources such as oil and gas. If the Russian economy is isolated from the world economy through Western economic sanctions, the role of the government in the national economy will expand, which will lead to state capitalism, which has the effect of delaying Russia's reform. In addition, if Europe reduces or stops imports of Russian energy, the US is concerned about the fact that China will take over the lower price of Russian energy. In 2020, Russia adopted a new constitution, making it possible for Putin to remain president until 2036. With Putin in power for a long time, not only can he continue to lead Russia's energy development, but he can also push ahead with the 'New Eastern Policy' more strongly. This means that relations with China will be further strengthened soon. Among them, energy cooperation between the two countries will play a large part. Ultimately, for global energy security, Europe's energy imports from Russia should not be viewed only as a negative aspect of Europe's excessive dependence on Russia for resources. Rather, détente will be realized between Russia and the West through energy cooperation from the point of view of interdependence that Russia also depends on profits through the European market and that Europe needs Russia to secure the stability of supply.","PeriodicalId":142621,"journal":{"name":"East European and Balkan Institute","volume":"135 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125473963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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