Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.put.45-66
Vladana Putnik Prica
Međuratni period na jugoslovenskom tlu bio je obeležen kulturnim, umetničkim i društvenim razvojem ali u isto vreme i ekonomskom i zdravstvenom krizom. Visoka stopa smrtnosti i kratak prosek životnog veka bili su prouzrokovani lošim stambenim uslovima i nedovoljno razvijenom svešću o neophodnosti dobre higijene. U svetlu takve nepovoljne zdravstvene slike, jugoslovenski arhitekti su na različite načine pokušali da aktivno učestvuju u njenom poboljšanju. Ovaj rad ima za cilj da sagleda kako su arhitekti svojim teorijskim i praktičnim radom na polju zdravstvene, stambene i školske arhitekture pomagali da se zdravstvena situacija promeni na bolje. Napori koji su jugoslovenski arhitekti sprovodili tokom međuratnog perioda na polju rešavanja zdravstvene krize predstavljaju temelje na osnovu kojih se u posleratnim godinama socijalističko društvo orijentisalo ka unapređenju zdravstvenih uslova svojih građana.
{"title":"ODGOVOR ARHITEKATA JUGOSLAVIJE NA ZDRAVSTVENE IZAZOVE I KRIZE 1918−1941.","authors":"Vladana Putnik Prica","doi":"10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.put.45-66","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.put.45-66","url":null,"abstract":"Međuratni period na jugoslovenskom tlu bio je obeležen kulturnim, umetničkim i društvenim razvojem ali u isto vreme i ekonomskom i zdravstvenom krizom. Visoka stopa smrtnosti i kratak prosek životnog veka bili su prouzrokovani lošim stambenim uslovima i nedovoljno razvijenom svešću o neophodnosti dobre higijene. U svetlu takve nepovoljne zdravstvene slike, jugoslovenski arhitekti su na različite načine pokušali da aktivno učestvuju u njenom poboljšanju. Ovaj rad ima za cilj da sagleda kako su arhitekti svojim teorijskim i praktičnim radom na polju zdravstvene, stambene i školske arhitekture pomagali da se zdravstvena situacija promeni na bolje. Napori koji su jugoslovenski arhitekti sprovodili tokom međuratnog perioda na polju rešavanja zdravstvene krize predstavljaju temelje na osnovu kojih se u posleratnim godinama socijalističko društvo orijentisalo ka unapređenju zdravstvenih uslova svojih građana.","PeriodicalId":14520,"journal":{"name":"Istorija 20. veka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43359534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.dra.99-116
Olivera Dragišić
U radu su ispitivane faze, okolnosti i dinamika izgrađivanja Narodnog fronta u Jugoslaviji. Ukazano je na četiri stupnja njegovog razvoja, kao i na značaj ideologije bratstva i jedinstva u procesu njegove izgradnje. Skrenuta je pažnja na komparaciju sa rumunskim i bugarskim narodnim frontom, kao i na značaj spoljnog političkog konteksta u kojem se jugoslovenski Narodni front razvijao.
{"title":"NARODNI FRONT JUGOSLAVIJE: KARAKTER, SPECIFIČNOSTI I FUNKCIJA","authors":"Olivera Dragišić","doi":"10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.dra.99-116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.dra.99-116","url":null,"abstract":"U radu su ispitivane faze, okolnosti i dinamika izgrađivanja Narodnog fronta u Jugoslaviji. Ukazano je na četiri stupnja njegovog razvoja, kao i na značaj ideologije bratstva i jedinstva u procesu njegove izgradnje. Skrenuta je pažnja na komparaciju sa rumunskim i bugarskim narodnim frontom, kao i na značaj spoljnog političkog konteksta u kojem se jugoslovenski Narodni front razvijao.","PeriodicalId":14520,"journal":{"name":"Istorija 20. veka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47222699","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.baj.117-138
Zoran Bajin
U članku se, pretežno na osnovu neobjavljene građe Arhiva Jugoslavije i Diplomatskog arhiva Ministarstva spoljnih poslova Republike Srbije, analizira saradnja jugoslovenskih komunista i španske revolucionarne emigracije 1945–1975. godine. Na početku i na kraju tog perioda Komunistička partija (Savez komunista) Jugoslavije održavala je bliske odnose s Komunističkom partijom Španije. Usled njihovog naglog prekida posle Rezolucije Informbiroa 1948. godine, jugoslovenski komunisti su se u prvoj polovini pedesetih godina približili drugim grupama španske emigracije. Najtešnji odnosi su uspostavljeni s bivšim komunistima udruženim u efemernoj projugoslovenskoj organizaciji Acción socialista.
{"title":"JUGOSLOVENSKI KOMUNISTI I ŠPANSKA REVOLUCIONARNA EMIGRACIJA 1945–1975.","authors":"Zoran Bajin","doi":"10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.baj.117-138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.baj.117-138","url":null,"abstract":"U članku se, pretežno na osnovu neobjavljene građe Arhiva Jugoslavije i Diplomatskog arhiva Ministarstva spoljnih poslova Republike Srbije, analizira saradnja jugoslovenskih komunista i španske revolucionarne emigracije 1945–1975. godine. Na početku i na kraju tog perioda Komunistička partija (Savez komunista) Jugoslavije održavala je bliske odnose s Komunističkom partijom Španije. Usled njihovog naglog prekida posle Rezolucije Informbiroa 1948. godine, jugoslovenski komunisti su se u prvoj polovini pedesetih godina približili drugim grupama španske emigracije. Najtešnji odnosi su uspostavljeni s bivšim komunistima udruženim u efemernoj projugoslovenskoj organizaciji Acción socialista.","PeriodicalId":14520,"journal":{"name":"Istorija 20. veka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48502504","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.mil.67-82
Jasmina Milanović
Narodna ženska zajednica stvorena je 1926. godine kao paralelna krovna organizacija ženskih društava u Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca. Nastala posle raskola unutar Narodnog ženskog saveza, okupljala je nezadovoljna društva, uglavnom beogradska, posle sukoba uprava Ženskog društva i Kola srpskih sestara. Suština sukoba je bila u drugačijim ciljevima i idejama koje su ova društva zastupala, ali i u međusobnim ličnim neprijateljstvima i rivalstvima. Neposredan inicijator raskola i stvaranja Narodne ženske zajednice bila je Mara Trifković. Pod njenim velikim uticajem Zajednica je nastavila da radi i u kasnijem periodu.
{"title":"NARODNA ŽENSKA ZAJEDNICA 1926–1941.","authors":"Jasmina Milanović","doi":"10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.mil.67-82","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.mil.67-82","url":null,"abstract":"Narodna ženska zajednica stvorena je 1926. godine kao paralelna krovna organizacija ženskih društava u Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca. Nastala posle raskola unutar Narodnog ženskog saveza, okupljala je nezadovoljna društva, uglavnom beogradska, posle sukoba uprava Ženskog društva i Kola srpskih sestara. Suština sukoba je bila u drugačijim ciljevima i idejama koje su ova društva zastupala, ali i u međusobnim ličnim neprijateljstvima i rivalstvima. Neposredan inicijator raskola i stvaranja Narodne ženske zajednice bila je Mara Trifković. Pod njenim velikim uticajem Zajednica je nastavila da radi i u kasnijem periodu.","PeriodicalId":14520,"journal":{"name":"Istorija 20. veka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46245387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-02-01DOI: 10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.vuk.159-176
Igor Vukadinović
U radu su analizirani strogo poverljivi izveštaji u vezi sa dešavanjima u Jugoslaviji koje je ministar spoljnih poslova Albanije Nesti Nase dostavljao sekretaru Partije rada Albanije Enveru Hodži od 1966. do 1968. godine. Istraživanje je kao zasebne celine izdvojilo nekoliko tema koje su obrađivane u ovim izveštajima, a koje su važne za razumevanje situacije na Kosovu i Metohiji, u Srbiji i u Jugoslaviji krajem šezdesetih godina 20. veka – odnosi u jugoslovenskom partijskom vrhu i pitanje kreatora državne politike prema Kosovu i Metohiji, otvaranje pitanja statusa pokrajine, iseljavanje Srba i delatnost albanske emigracije i zapadnih obaveštajnih službi prema pitanju Kosova i Metohije.
{"title":"STROGO POVERLJIVI IZVEŠTAJI MINISTRA SPOLJNIH POSLOVA ALBANIJE O POLITIČKOJ SITUACIJI U JUGOSLAVIJI I NA KOSOVU I METOHIJI 1966–1968.","authors":"Igor Vukadinović","doi":"10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.vuk.159-176","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2023.1.vuk.159-176","url":null,"abstract":"U radu su analizirani strogo poverljivi izveštaji u vezi sa dešavanjima u Jugoslaviji koje je ministar spoljnih poslova Albanije Nesti Nase dostavljao sekretaru Partije rada Albanije Enveru Hodži od 1966. do 1968. godine. Istraživanje je kao zasebne celine izdvojilo nekoliko tema koje su obrađivane u ovim izveštajima, a koje su važne za razumevanje situacije na Kosovu i Metohiji, u Srbiji i u Jugoslaviji krajem šezdesetih godina 20. veka – odnosi u jugoslovenskom partijskom vrhu i pitanje kreatora državne politike prema Kosovu i Metohiji, otvaranje pitanja statusa pokrajine, iseljavanje Srba i delatnost albanske emigracije i zapadnih obaveštajnih službi prema pitanju Kosova i Metohije.","PeriodicalId":14520,"journal":{"name":"Istorija 20. veka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41984662","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.ris.361-382
Rade Ristanović
Tanasije Dinić was a hero from the Balkans and the First World War, a military intelligence officer, a man for special tasks of King Alexander Karadjordjević and a Member of Parliament during the interwar period. Apparently, before the Second World War, he also became an informant of the German intelligence service. In this paper, the author analyzes his career during the Second World War. During this period, he was a man of great trust of the occupiers. He was given special tasks such as investigating the March 27 coup, re-establishing the state administration and police formations. He was also the Minister of the Interior and Social Policy and Public Health. In privately he wrote reports for the occupier in which he analyzed various topics. He was one of the main people in charge of removing officials who were assessed as ideologically, politically and racially “unreliable”. He did not enjoy the trust of Prime Minister Milan Nedić, who considered Dinić to be a strict exponent of the Germans. This caused delays and tensions during his appointments, as well as numerous difficulties in his work. Dinić remained a German man until the end of the Second World War. In a situation where it was clear that Germans had lost the war, he met in Berlin with key people from the police and security sector, Ernst Kaltenbruner and Heinrich Miller. After the end of the war, he was arrested by the authorities in Yugoslavia and sentenced to death.
{"title":"NEMAČKI ČOVEK: ULOGA PUKOVNIKA TANASIJA DINIĆA TOKOM DRUGOG SVETSKOG RATA","authors":"Rade Ristanović","doi":"10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.ris.361-382","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.ris.361-382","url":null,"abstract":"Tanasije Dinić was a hero from the Balkans and the First World War, a military intelligence officer, a man for special tasks of King Alexander Karadjordjević and a Member of Parliament during the interwar period. Apparently, before the Second World War, he also became an informant of the German intelligence service. In this paper, the author analyzes his career during the Second World War. During this period, he was a man of great trust of the occupiers. He was given special tasks such as investigating the March 27 coup, re-establishing the state administration and police formations. He was also the Minister of the Interior and Social Policy and Public Health. In privately he wrote reports for the occupier in which he analyzed various topics. He was one of the main people in charge of removing officials who were assessed as ideologically, politically and racially “unreliable”. He did not enjoy the trust of Prime Minister Milan Nedić, who considered Dinić to be a strict exponent of the Germans. This caused delays and tensions during his appointments, as well as numerous difficulties in his work. Dinić remained a German man until the end of the Second World War. In a situation where it was clear that Germans had lost the war, he met in Berlin with key people from the police and security sector, Ernst Kaltenbruner and Heinrich Miller. After the end of the war, he was arrested by the authorities in Yugoslavia and sentenced to death.","PeriodicalId":14520,"journal":{"name":"Istorija 20. veka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43602600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.dev.383-404
N. Dević
The plot of Dobrica Ćosić’s novel The Sun is Far Away is deeply rooted in the events of 1942-1943, with reference to other war and post-war years. The second layer consists of the writer’s subsequent political ideas and thoughts, which were then attributed to his literary heroes. Ćosić’s early work, with an emphasis on the novel The Sun is Far Away, cannot be viewed as dissident; according to his motives and conclusions, he is politically engaged and completely “on the Party line”. However, the then open dilemma (whether to fight for freedom at all costs) will follow the author in the following period, and his conclusions presented in 1951 will change in the future. The number of identified historical contents in the novel exceeds the initial expectations and it could be said that for all the basic ideas presented in the book, the author had as inspiration specific historical events and personalities. He shaped them through artistic freedoms, but also in accordance with the ideology of the movement to which he belonged. In our opinion, the motives for the creation of the novel in the early post-war years were also political: to present the Partisan Movement to the Serbian people as part of its historical epic vertical; to make a departure from the USSR and present the Partisan struggle as an independently executed, authentic revolution; to point out the betrayal and crimes of the counter-revolution and the Ravna gora Movement (presented in a politically constructed symmetry as “Serbian Ustashas”), and thus to contribute to the war propaganda that was waged against them even then. In that sense, the novel The Sun is Far Away should not be viewed only as a literary fiction, but as a part of engaged literature which had far-reaching consequences in the formation of the historical consciousness of post-war generations.
{"title":"ISTORIJSKO U ROMANU DOBRICE ĆOSIĆA „DALEKO JE SUNCE“","authors":"N. Dević","doi":"10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.dev.383-404","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.dev.383-404","url":null,"abstract":"The plot of Dobrica Ćosić’s novel The Sun is Far Away is deeply rooted in the events of 1942-1943, with reference to other war and post-war years. The second layer consists of the writer’s subsequent political ideas and thoughts, which were then attributed to his literary heroes. Ćosić’s early work, with an emphasis on the novel The Sun is Far Away, cannot be viewed as dissident; according to his motives and conclusions, he is politically engaged and completely “on the Party line”. However, the then open dilemma (whether to fight for freedom at all costs) will follow the author in the following period, and his conclusions presented in 1951 will change in the future. The number of identified historical contents in the novel exceeds the initial expectations and it could be said that for all the basic ideas presented in the book, the author had as inspiration specific historical events and personalities. He shaped them through artistic freedoms, but also in accordance with the ideology of the movement to which he belonged. In our opinion, the motives for the creation of the novel in the early post-war years were also political: to present the Partisan Movement to the Serbian people as part of its historical epic vertical; to make a departure from the USSR and present the Partisan struggle as an independently executed, authentic revolution; to point out the betrayal and crimes of the counter-revolution and the Ravna gora Movement (presented in a politically constructed symmetry as “Serbian Ustashas”), and thus to contribute to the war propaganda that was waged against them even then. In that sense, the novel The Sun is Far Away should not be viewed only as a literary fiction, but as a part of engaged literature which had far-reaching consequences in the formation of the historical consciousness of post-war generations.","PeriodicalId":14520,"journal":{"name":"Istorija 20. veka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45585335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.tuc.345-360
Radosav Tucović
The issue of collaboration has provoked much debate since the end of the Second World War. Appearances of collaboration, diversity depending on geographical location, plans of the Third Reich for a particular country and others were some main phenomena analyzed. However, to adequately study the form of collaboration, it is necessary to start from the legal framework that defined the phenomenon itself. In the pre-war Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Belgrade City Administration was part of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The institution of the same name was formed after the beginning of the occupation in 1941. However, it was established in multiple violations of The Hague Conventions and following the decisions of the Third Reich. Organizational changes made to the Belgrade City Administration adjusted it to the occupation system. All of this was against the provisions of The Hague Conventions, which were supposed to determine the form of occupation and be compulsory for Germany. The purpose of this article is to examine the establishment and functioning of the Belgrade City Administration under occupation from the perspective of international law. The legal framework is put in the context of the historical facts and used to analyze comparative experiences in the case of France and Belgium. Thus, the global context of the plans of the Third Reich and the executive practice in the creation of occupation systems in the west of Europe, are compared to the establishment of the Belgrade City Administration, as an occupation institution of domestic origin.
{"title":"PRAVNA OBAVEZA ILI KOLABORACIJA? USPOSTAVLJANJE I FUNKCIONISANJE UPRAVE GRADA BEOGRADA POD OKUPACIJOM 1941–1944.","authors":"Radosav Tucović","doi":"10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.tuc.345-360","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.tuc.345-360","url":null,"abstract":"The issue of collaboration has provoked much debate since the end of the Second World War. Appearances of collaboration, diversity depending on geographical location, plans of the Third Reich for a particular country and others were some main phenomena analyzed. However, to adequately study the form of collaboration, it is necessary to start from the legal framework that defined the phenomenon itself. In the pre-war Kingdom of Yugoslavia, the Belgrade City Administration was part of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The institution of the same name was formed after the beginning of the occupation in 1941. However, it was established in multiple violations of The Hague Conventions and following the decisions of the Third Reich. Organizational changes made to the Belgrade City Administration adjusted it to the occupation system. All of this was against the provisions of The Hague Conventions, which were supposed to determine the form of occupation and be compulsory for Germany. The purpose of this article is to examine the establishment and functioning of the Belgrade City Administration under occupation from the perspective of international law. The legal framework is put in the context of the historical facts and used to analyze comparative experiences in the case of France and Belgium. Thus, the global context of the plans of the Third Reich and the executive practice in the creation of occupation systems in the west of Europe, are compared to the establishment of the Belgrade City Administration, as an occupation institution of domestic origin.","PeriodicalId":14520,"journal":{"name":"Istorija 20. veka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49249025","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.dju.423-440
D. Đurović
Although the CPY advocated the existence and equality of the three peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the liberation and revolutionary struggles, at the end of the Second World War a change of political course on the status of Muslims and a renunciation of the affirmation of their national identity followed. Despite the fact that the “people’s government” took a position on the “free” national expression of the Bosnian population of the Islamic religion, the political circumstances and relations established after the liberation, to some extent, guided the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims. Serbs were the main force of the national liberation struggle, so after the war they were considered the most reliable element of the new state and order, which encouraged the communists of the Islamic faith to identify with the nation of the informal war victor and the leading people in power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The result was that the predominant number of the leadership and the Muslim party membership accepted the Serbian national name, which profiled the further policy of the CPY towards this Slavic people. However, contrary to the national orientation of the Muslim party membership and the political affinities and efforts of the CPY, the Muslim masses did not accept the Serbian, and especially the Croatian national nomination, but “kept” their ethnic identity, declaring themselves undecided. This generated a paradoxical situation and political contrast, which was one of the complicating factors of the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Poorly developed national consciousness, faced in the past with different orientations of their own intelligentsia, the Bosnian Muslim masses found themselves in a “gap” between the unprincipled policy of the CPY towards their position and national nomination, and the legacy of the Turkish tradition with which they identified. They often called themselves Turks, implying affiliation with the Islamic faith, and such tendencies persisted until the second half of the twentieth century. The communists suppressed the use of the Turkish name to denote local Muslims, and allowed and promoted the expression of negative attitudes towards the Ottoman imperial past, for which there were two reasons. Such an appointment clashed with the current policy of shaping the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims and the fight against the “backward influence of religion”, because the Turkish nomination meant the equivalent of belonging to the Islamic faith. Considering that Islam was a basic element of identity and social being for Bosnian Muslims, such a policy of the Party was also a significant factor in complicating political relations in the republic.
{"title":"PROBLEM NACIONALNOG OPREDJELJENJA BOSANSKOHERCEGOVAČKIH MUSLIMANA 1945–1954: IZMEĐU POLITIKE KPJ/SKJ I OSJEĆAJA PRIPADNOSTI „TURSKOJ VJERI“","authors":"D. Đurović","doi":"10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.dju.423-440","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.dju.423-440","url":null,"abstract":"Although the CPY advocated the existence and equality of the three peoples of Bosnia and Herzegovina during the liberation and revolutionary struggles, at the end of the Second World War a change of political course on the status of Muslims and a renunciation of the affirmation of their national identity followed. Despite the fact that the “people’s government” took a position on the “free” national expression of the Bosnian population of the Islamic religion, the political circumstances and relations established after the liberation, to some extent, guided the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims. Serbs were the main force of the national liberation struggle, so after the war they were considered the most reliable element of the new state and order, which encouraged the communists of the Islamic faith to identify with the nation of the informal war victor and the leading people in power in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The result was that the predominant number of the leadership and the Muslim party membership accepted the Serbian national name, which profiled the further policy of the CPY towards this Slavic people. However, contrary to the national orientation of the Muslim party membership and the political affinities and efforts of the CPY, the Muslim masses did not accept the Serbian, and especially the Croatian national nomination, but “kept” their ethnic identity, declaring themselves undecided. This generated a paradoxical situation and political contrast, which was one of the complicating factors of the political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Poorly developed national consciousness, faced in the past with different orientations of their own intelligentsia, the Bosnian Muslim masses found themselves in a “gap” between the unprincipled policy of the CPY towards their position and national nomination, and the legacy of the Turkish tradition with which they identified. They often called themselves Turks, implying affiliation with the Islamic faith, and such tendencies persisted until the second half of the twentieth century. The communists suppressed the use of the Turkish name to denote local Muslims, and allowed and promoted the expression of negative attitudes towards the Ottoman imperial past, for which there were two reasons. Such an appointment clashed with the current policy of shaping the national “evolutionary path” of Muslims and the fight against the “backward influence of religion”, because the Turkish nomination meant the equivalent of belonging to the Islamic faith. Considering that Islam was a basic element of identity and social being for Bosnian Muslims, such a policy of the Party was also a significant factor in complicating political relations in the republic.","PeriodicalId":14520,"journal":{"name":"Istorija 20. veka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43935246","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-01DOI: 10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.fil.477-494
Luka Filipović
Adoption of the early forms of the new Eurocommunist ideology by the communist parties of Italy, Spain and partially, Greece in the late 1960s (1967–1969) made the conflict of these parties with CP of USSR inevitable. This was the deciding factor of forming the new course of financial policies of LCY towards the previously mentioned parties. The main events leading to this outcome were the establishment of military dictatorship in Greece in 1967 and Czechoslovakian Crises of 1968. The process of forming the official standing of the party on the military intervention in Czechoslovakia marked the crucial turning point in the way the party ideologies of CPI, CPS and eventually CPF were defined and understood. In the aftermath of these events, Eurocommunist fractions gained power in CPI, CPS and in the interior CPG. It was exactly during this troublesome and turbulent period for CPI, CPS and interior CPG that LCY formed the policies of providing the regular financial aid to CPI, and irregular but significant financial aid to CPS and CPG interior. Such financial policy had the goal of easing the financial consequences of braking relations with the CP of USSR, who was the main sponsor of the previously mentioned parties until then, and thus contributing in making the victory of the LCY friendly Eurocommunist fractions in the ensuing power struggle within CPI, CPS and CPG permanent. In the case of CPF, financial policies of LCY were focused on financing the research-vacations in Yugoslavia of those members of CPF that belong to the opposition within the party. Eventually, the relationships of the CPI, CPS and CPG with the CP of USSR recovered, as was also already many times the case in complex relations between USSR and SFRY, but CP of USSR never regained the influence it once held within the communist parties of Europe.
{"title":"FINANSIJSKA POLITIKA SAVEZA KOMUNISTA JUGOSLAVIJE PREMA KOMUNISTIČKIM PARTIJAMA ITALIJE, FRANCUSKE, ŠPANIJE I GRČKE KRAJEM ŠEZDESETIH GODINA 20. VEKA","authors":"Luka Filipović","doi":"10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.fil.477-494","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.fil.477-494","url":null,"abstract":"Adoption of the early forms of the new Eurocommunist ideology by the communist parties of Italy, Spain and partially, Greece in the late 1960s (1967–1969) made the conflict of these parties with CP of USSR inevitable. This was the deciding factor of forming the new course of financial policies of LCY towards the previously mentioned parties. The main events leading to this outcome were the establishment of military dictatorship in Greece in 1967 and Czechoslovakian Crises of 1968. The process of forming the official standing of the party on the military intervention in Czechoslovakia marked the crucial turning point in the way the party ideologies of CPI, CPS and eventually CPF were defined and understood. In the aftermath of these events, Eurocommunist fractions gained power in CPI, CPS and in the interior CPG. It was exactly during this troublesome and turbulent period for CPI, CPS and interior CPG that LCY formed the policies of providing the regular financial aid to CPI, and irregular but significant financial aid to CPS and CPG interior. Such financial policy had the goal of easing the financial consequences of braking relations with the CP of USSR, who was the main sponsor of the previously mentioned parties until then, and thus contributing in making the victory of the LCY friendly Eurocommunist fractions in the ensuing power struggle within CPI, CPS and CPG permanent. In the case of CPF, financial policies of LCY were focused on financing the research-vacations in Yugoslavia of those members of CPF that belong to the opposition within the party. Eventually, the relationships of the CPI, CPS and CPG with the CP of USSR recovered, as was also already many times the case in complex relations between USSR and SFRY, but CP of USSR never regained the influence it once held within the communist parties of Europe.","PeriodicalId":14520,"journal":{"name":"Istorija 20. veka","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49315827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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