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The three colors of humanity: Early Jewish race-making in 1 Enoch’s Animal Apocalypse 人类的三种颜色以诺书 1 的《动物启示录》中早期犹太人的种族划分
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2024-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/09518207241227671
Emily Olsen
Over the past several decades since Frank Snowden published his seminal monograph Blacks in Antiquity, scholars have become increasingly interested in understanding the ethnic and racial frameworks deployed by ancient peoples. The intersections of race, color, and ethnicity in classical literature have long been debated, but ancient Jewish texts tend to be left out of these discussions. In this article, I first analyze 1 Enoch’s Animal Apocalypse against the backdrop of Hellenistic-era environmental theory to show that it displays early forms of race-making through its differentiation of colored bulls. Although leading commentaries offered by Nickelsburg and Tiller reject racial readings of the Animal Apocalypse’s colored bulls, Matthew Black’s commentary from the 1980s does not. I show that ancient Hellenistic conceptions of peoples’ color, ethnicity, and behaviors shaped by environmental determinism support Matthew Black’s framework for understanding the Animal Apocalypse’s use of color, namely his equating of Chapter 89’s black bull with Ham, contra Nickelsburg and Tiller. Second, I stress that the Animal Apocalypse’s schema of colored bulls reflects the view that all of humanity derives from white, red, and black ancestors and that this ordering of the three colors constitutes a hierarchal sequencing of humankind, classified into three different types of people in descending order.
自弗兰克-斯诺登(Frank Snowden)出版其开创性专著《古代黑人》(Blacks in Antiquity)以来的几十年间,学者们对了解古代人所使用的民族和种族框架越来越感兴趣。关于古典文学中种族、肤色和民族的交叉点的讨论由来已久,但古代犹太文献往往被排除在这些讨论之外。在本文中,我首先以希腊化时代的环境理论为背景,分析了《以诺一书》中的《动物启示录》,说明它通过对有色公牛的区分,展示了早期的种族制造形式。尽管尼克尔斯伯格和蒂勒提供的主要注释拒绝对《动物启示录》中的有色公牛进行种族解读,但马修-布莱克(Matthew Black)在 20 世纪 80 年代的注释却没有这样做。我表明,古希腊人对肤色、种族和由环境决定论塑造的行为的观念支持马修-布莱克理解《动物启示录》使用肤色的框架,即他将第 89 章的黑公牛等同于含,这与尼克尔斯堡和蒂勒的观点相反。其次,我强调《动物启示录》的有色公牛模式反映了这样一种观点,即全人类的祖先分别来自白色、红色和黑色,这三种颜色的排序构成了人类的等级排序,按降序分为三种不同类型的人。
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引用次数: 0
The necessity of form and spatial content for defining “apocalypse” and “apocalyptic” 形式和空间内容对界定 "启示录 "和 "世界末日 "的必要性
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2024-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/09518207231217237
Benjamin E. Reynolds
The Semeia 14 definition of apocalypse defined apocalypses as a constellation of form, temporal content, and spatial content, but temporal content (particularly eschatological features) remains the dominant lens through which the genre of apocalypse and related texts are understood. Defining apocalypses primarily in terms of eschatology, however, narrows the definition of apocalypse and dismisses some texts that reflect non-eschatological features of apocalypses. Form and spatial content are often neglected in the examination of apocalypses and “apocalyptic” texts. When we pay attention to form and spatial content, along with temporal content, new horizons open for considering what may be considered apocalypse-like. Jubilees and the Gospel of John are presented as two examples of revelatory texts that reflect the form and spatial content of apocalypses.
Semeia 14 对启示录的定义将启示录界定为形式、时间内容和空间内容的组合,但时间内容(尤其是末世论特征)仍是理解启示录体裁和相关文本的主要视角。然而,主要从末世论的角度来定义启示录,会缩小启示录的定义范围,并忽略一些反映启示录非末世论特征的文本。在研究世界末日和 "世界末日 "文本时,形式和空间内容往往被忽视。当我们关注形式和空间内容以及时间内容时,我们就能打开新的视野,考虑哪些内容可被视为类似于启示录。本文以《朱比利斯书》和《约翰福音》为例,介绍了反映启示录形式和空间内容的两部启示录。
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引用次数: 0
Demonstratio et veritas. Priestly oracles in Pseudo-Philo’s Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum Demonstratio et veritas.伪菲洛的《圣经古籍》中的祭司神谕
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2024-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/09518207231169034
Fabrizio Marcello
Although shrouded in mystery, the oracles of the high priest (Urim and Thummim) have often been the subject of curious interest in the literature of the Second Temple, as well as in the Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum (L.A.B.). The present research studies the mentions of this device in Pseudo-Philo’s narrative to shed new light on its configuration, role, and function. Despite the attempts made by recent scholarship to distinguish and separate them from the priestly attire, the most plausible hypothesis is to consider Pseudo-Philo’s understanding of Urim and Thummim as light-giving stones, closely related to the ephod, used by the high priest especially when he has to exercise judgment. Thus, such objects gain importance in reconstructing the peculiar significance of priesthood in L.A.B. In this framework, the strange narrative of L.A.B. 25–26 about the idolatrous stones replaced by new luminous ones becomes more intelligible.
大祭司的神谕(Urim and Thummim)虽然被蒙上了一层神秘的面纱,但在第二圣殿的文献以及《圣经古籍》(Liber Antiquitatum Biblicarum,L.A.B.)中却常常引起人们好奇的兴趣。本研究对伪菲罗叙述中提到的这一装置进行了研究,以揭示其构造、作用和功能。尽管最近的学术研究试图将它们与祭司的服饰区分开来,但最合理的假设是将伪毗罗对乌陵和图们密的理解视为与以弗得密切相关的发光石,尤其是在大祭司需要做出判断时使用。因此,这些物品在重构《圣经》中神职的特殊意义方面具有重要意义。在这一框架下,《圣经》第 25-26 章中关于偶像崇拜的石头被新的发光石头取代的奇怪叙述就变得更加容易理解了。
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引用次数: 0
“Like one of the glorious ones”: The transformation of Enoch in 2 Enoch 22 "像荣耀者中的一员":以诺书》22 中以诺的转变
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2024-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/09518207231190609
Randall E. Otto
The common assertions that Enoch in 2 Enoch is transformed into an angel, if not something more, are shown to lack support from the key bases on which this assertion is made, namely, his standing in the divine presence, the “sounding out” or testing of the angels to his entry into the divine presence, and his change of clothing for priestly service. Moreover, scholarly assertions of Enoch’s “angelic transformation” do not cohere with the clear emphases he later makes to his family of his shared humanity with them. Much of this misreading of the portrayal of Enoch in this book may owe to retrojections of later Hekhalot mysticism back into the book in an effort to discern a “line of development” or trajectory from 1 Enoch to 3 Enoch. Such a trajectory can be warranted only on the basis of a coherent portrayal of Enoch as he is presented in 2 Enoch. There he is clearly depicted as a man who is glorified among the angels but who remains a human being. While Enoch may be “angelomorphic” in having some of the various forms and functions of an angel, even though not explicitly called an “angel” or considered to have the created nature of an angel, this terminology should be used with caution, since it may tend to blur distinctions between the function and ontology of created heavenly and created earthly beings.
常见的断言是《以诺记下》中的以诺变成了天使(如果不是更多的话),但这一断言的主要依据,即他站在神的面前、天使对他进入神的面前的 "呼喊 "或考验,以及他为祭司服务而更换的衣服,都表明这一断言缺乏依据。此外,学者们对以诺 "天使变身 "的断言与他后来对家人明确强调的他与家人共有的人性并不一致。对《以诺》一书中以诺形象的这种误读,很大程度上可能是由于将后来的希克哈洛神秘主义追溯到《以诺》一书中,试图找出从《以诺》一书到《以诺》三书的 "发展脉络 "或轨迹。这种轨迹只有在《以诺记下》对以诺的连贯描述的基础上才能成立。在《以诺记下》中,以诺被清楚地描绘成一个在天使中得到荣耀但仍是人类的人。虽然以诺可能是 "天使形态 "的,他具有天使的某些形态和功能,尽管他没有被明确称为 "天使",也没有被认为具有天使的受造性,但这个术语应该谨慎使用,因为它可能会模糊受造的天上人和受造的地上人的功能和本体之间的区别。
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引用次数: 0
The Life of Adam and Eve and the nature of Second Temple religious devotion: Can Satan be trusted concerning the worship of Adam? 亚当和夏娃的一生以及第二圣殿宗教奉献的本质:撒旦对亚当的崇拜可信吗?
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2024-03-20 DOI: 10.1177/09518207231195099
Adam Winn
The Life of Adam and Eve contains an episode in which Satan describes the protoplast Adam receiving worship from the angels of heaven, worship commanded by God himself. This tradition has played a role in recent debates over the nature of Second Temple religious devotion to the God of Israel. In particular, it has been put forward as an example that undermines arguments that Israel’s God alone was the exclusive recipient of Jewish cultic worship. Within this debate, the reliability of Satan as a narrator within the Life of Adam and Eve has yet to be considered. Demonstrating Satan to be an unreliable narrator would have significant implications for the role of the Life of Adam and Eve in the debate regarding the nature of Jewish religious devotion.
亚当和夏娃的一生》中有一段情节,撒旦描述了原生体亚当接受天堂天使崇拜的情景,这种崇拜是上帝亲自吩咐的。这一传统在最近关于第二圣殿时期对以色列上帝的宗教奉献性质的争论中发挥了作用。特别是,它被作为一个例子提出来,以驳斥关于只有以色列的上帝才是犹太教崇拜的唯一接受者的论点。在这场辩论中,撒旦作为《亚当与夏娃的生活》中的叙述者的可靠性还有待于考虑。如果能证明撒旦是一个不可靠的叙述者,将对《亚当夏娃的一生》在有关犹太宗教崇拜性质的辩论中所扮演的角色产生重大影响。
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引用次数: 0
The ethics of ruling: Unearthing an ethical code of a Hellenistic king (embedded in Arrian, Anabasis 1–7) and its affinity to the symposia “On Kingship” in the Letter of Aristeas to Philocrates 统治的伦理:揭示希腊国王的伦理准则(蕴含在阿里安的《Anabasis》1-7 中)及其与《阿里斯特阿斯致菲罗克拉忒斯的信》中 "论王权 "专题讨论会的亲缘关系
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-11-17 DOI: 10.1177/09518207231168819
D. Mendels
On the basis of a newly discovered ethical code of a Hellenistic king, the Symposia that deal with kingship in the Letter of Aristeas get a new perspective. It is suggested that the two treatises “On Kingship” originated in the Ptolemaic court in the first quarter of the third century B.C.E.
在新发现的希腊国王道德准则的基础上,《亚里斯蒂亚斯书》中有关王权的专题讨论会有了新的视角。有人认为,这两篇 "论王权 "的论文起源于公元前三世纪第一季度的托勒密宫廷。
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引用次数: 0
Propagating the Israelite way of life in the book of Tobit and in Jubilees: Tobit and Noah as exemplary characters 在《托比特书》和《朱比利叶书》中宣传以色列人的生活方式:作为模范人物的托比特和挪亚
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-11-17 DOI: 10.1177/09518207231166877
Katri Antin
This study explores the fluidity of beliefs and practices depicted distinctively Israelite in the Book of Tobit and Jubilees. The comparison between Tobit’s and Noah’s characters demonstrates that their exemplarity is depicted similarly by using the two-way metaphor, but the beliefs that these characters propagate are very different. Drawing on the social identity approach, this article shows that the authors of the Book of Tobit and Jubilees compare different groups that affect which beliefs and practices characterize the ideal way of life: Different features are presented as exemplary when ethnic groups are compared to one another as opposed to when different tribes/families are compared. Similarly, the exemplary characteristics are different when common ancestry is defining for Israelite identity in comparison to when covenantal obedience is defining. The comparative context does not change only between the Book of Tobit and Jubilees but also within each book. The shift in the comparative context offers one explanation for the literary seams in the Book of Tobit.
本研究探讨了《托比特书》和《朱比利斯书》中具有以色列特色的信仰和习俗的流动性。通过对《托比特书》和《挪亚书》中的人物进行比较,我们发现,通过使用双向隐喻,他们的模范形象得到了相似的描绘,但这些人物所传播的信仰却大相径庭。本文借鉴社会认同方法,说明《托比特书》和《朱比利斯书》的作者比较了不同的群体,这些群体影响着哪些信仰和习俗是理想生活方式的特征:族群之间的比较与不同部落/家庭之间的比较会呈现出不同的典范特征。同样,当以共同祖先作为以色列人身份的定义时,与以遵守盟约作为定义时,模范特征也是不同的。比较背景不仅在《托比特书》和《朱比利叶书》之间发生变化,而且在每本书内部也发生变化。比较背景的变化为《托比特书》中的文学缝隙提供了一种解释。
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引用次数: 0
Atoning for the land in the writings of Early Judaism 在早期犹太教的著作中为土地赎罪
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/09518207221140826
Ariel Feldman
This paper explores the references to atonement for the land in Early Jewish literature. The notion that sexual misconduct, idolatry, and bloodshed defile the land is well known from such scriptural texts as Lev 18:6–25, 27 and Num 35:33–34. Recent biblical scholarship distinguishes between ritual and moral impurities and places the defilement of the land within the latter category. For such moral impurities, the Torah makes no provision for a ritual removal. And yet, the book of Jubilees and Genesis Apocryphon depict Noah as offering a sacrifice to atone for the earth immediately after the Flood. Moreover, 1QWords of Moses (1Q22) in its description of the Day of Atonement mentions an atonement for the land. Finally, such sectarian texts as Community Rule (S), Rule of the Congregation, and 4QMiscellaneous Rules (4Q265) depict the sectarian community(ies) as atoning for the land. Looking closely at all these sources, this paper suggests that underlying all of them is a shared halakhic tradition that land can and should be atoned for by means of a sacrifice.
本文探讨了早期犹太文学中对土地赎罪的提法。性行为不端、偶像崇拜和流血玷污土地的概念在《利未记》18:6–25、27和《民数记》35:33–34等圣经文本中广为人知。最近的圣经研究区分了仪式和道德杂质,并将对土地的玷污归入后一类。对于这样的道德杂质,《托拉》没有规定仪式性的去除。然而,《朱比利记》和《创世纪伪经》将诺亚描述为在洪水过后立即为地球献祭赎罪。此外,《摩西记》(1Q22)在对赎罪日的描述中提到了对土地的赎罪。最后,《社区规则》(S)、《公理会规则》和《4Q其他规则》(4Q265)等宗派文本将宗派社区描述为对土地的赎罪。仔细观察所有这些来源,本文认为,所有这些来源的背后都有一个共同的清真传统,即土地可以也应该通过牺牲来弥补。
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引用次数: 0
Heaven and temple in the Second Temple period: A taxonomy 第二圣殿时期的天与庙:一个分类学
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/09518207211052237
Nicholas J Moore
It is a commonplace of ancient Near Eastern worldviews that temples have cosmic significance. This understanding persists and develops in the Second Temple period, with numerous texts witnessing to a widely held belief that the Jerusalem temple reflected heaven or the universe. Scholars have largely been content either to recognize a basic relationship, or to distinguish temple-in-heaven from temple-as-universe, sometimes construing the former as “apocalyptic” and the latter as “Hellenistic.” Jonathan Klawans’ work represents an important articulation of this distinction. This article summarizes his contribution, and critiques it on the grounds that it remains overly dichotomous and does not do full justice to the evidence. Instead, a fresh taxonomy is proposed with four key categories, each illustrated from Second Temple and biblical texts. None of these categories is discrete; rather they demarcate a spectrum or scale of ways that ancient Jewish and early Christian writers conceptualized the heaven–temple relationship.
古代近东的世界观普遍认为寺庙具有宇宙的意义。这种理解在第二圣殿时期继续存在和发展,许多文本见证了一个广泛持有的信念,即耶路撒冷圣殿反映了天堂或宇宙。学者们在很大程度上满足于承认一种基本关系,或者将天堂中的神庙与宇宙中的神庙区分开来,有时将前者解释为“启示录”,将后者解释为“希腊化”。Jonathan Klawans的作品是对这一区别的重要阐述。本文总结了他的贡献,并对其进行了批评,理由是它仍然过于二分,没有充分公正地对待证据。相反,一种新的分类法提出了四个关键类别,每个类别都来自第二圣殿和圣经文本。这些类别都不是独立的;相反,它们划定了古代犹太和早期基督教作家概念化天殿关系的范围或尺度。
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引用次数: 0
Ibises and Egypt in the Animal Apocalypse: A new identification 动物启示录中的伊比斯与埃及:一种新的身份认同
IF 0.3 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/09518207231153819
Elena Dugan
The allegorical quartet of birds which prey upon the sheep in 1 Enoch 90.2 have been variously identified by early-modern and modern scholars, with no solution reaching consensus. This article proposes the “hobay” should be translated as “ibises” and accordingly represent an Egyptian people-group. I first advance this argument with the help of a parallel usage of terminology in the Greek Testament of Judah. I next confirm the utility of this identification with a brief survey of roughly contemporary primary sources (textual and material) which connect ibises and Egypt. Finally, with these cultural discourses in mind, I re-integrate the ibises into the Animal Apocalypse, suggesting that the recasting of a graceful national bird as a carnivorous monster is a deviously clever imperial critique.
在以诺记上90.2章中,寓言中的四只鸟捕食了羊群,早期现代和现代学者对此有不同的看法,但没有达成共识的解决方案。这篇文章提出“hobay”应该翻译成“ibises”,因此代表了一个埃及人的群体。我首先借助希腊文《犹大约书》中类似术语的用法来提出这个论点。接下来,我将通过对将朱鹭和埃及联系在一起的大致当代原始资料(文本和材料)的简要调查来确认这种识别的实用性。最后,考虑到这些文化话语,我将朱鹭重新整合到《动物启示录》中,表明将一只优雅的国鸟重新塑造成食肉怪物是一种狡猾而聪明的帝国批判。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha
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