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Matthean Conflations and Luke's Utilization Procedure under the Farrer Hypothesis: In Defense of F. Gerald Downing 法雷尔假说下的马修合并与卢克利用程序:为唐宁辩护
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.8
Olegs Andrejevs, David B. Sloan
Abstract:In 1965, F. Gerald Downing first outlined the phenomenon that subsequently became known as Luke's "unpicking" of his Matthean source—a frequent procedure whereby Luke, under the Farrer Hypothesis, appears to excise some of Matthew's Markan material when copying Matthew's non-Markan text. In the ensuing decades, Downing's observations were seconded by a number of scholars supporting the Two-Document Hypothesis. Recently, Ken Olson (2004) and Eric Eve (2021) have responded to Downing from the position of the Farrer Hypothesis, with Eve asserting that his argument dismisses the phenomenon. We believe, however, that Downing's discussion is more accurately in need of an update. In this article, we revisit two of Downing's original (1965) test cases—the Beelzebul accusation and the appearance of John in the Synoptic Gospels—engaging Olson's and Eve's discussion of these two test cases and offering new observations. We conclude by providing an extensive tabulation of the phenomenon of unpicking to facilitate future discussion.
摘要:1965年,F.Gerald Downing首次概述了这一现象,后来被称为Luke对其马太福音来源的“拆封”——根据Farrer假说,Luke在复制马太福音的非马堪文本时似乎删除了一些马太福音的马堪材料。在随后的几十年里,唐宁的观察得到了许多支持双文件假说的学者的支持。最近,Ken Olson(2004)和Eric Eve(2021)从Farrer假说的立场对唐宁做出了回应,Eve断言他的论点否定了这一现象。然而,我们认为,唐宁的讨论更准确,需要更新。在这篇文章中,我们回顾了唐宁最初(1965年)的两个测试案例——别西卜的指控和约翰在对观福音书中的出现——参与了奥尔森和夏娃对这两个测试用例的讨论,并提供了新的观察结果。最后,我们提供了一个关于取消拾取现象的广泛表格,以便于未来的讨论。
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引用次数: 0
The "Community Setting" of the Ascension of Isaiah: A New Analysis 以赛亚升天的“社群背景”:一个新的分析
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.10
Jonathan T. Knight
Abstract:There is a widespread assumption that conflict between different prophetic schools in early Christianity prompted the writing of the Ascension of Isaiah. Challenging this position, I argue that the term "the prophets" is a cipher for pious Christians and that the work warns of the dangers of conflict within the church in the face of potentially hostile attention from the Roman administration.
摘要:有一种普遍的假设认为,早期基督教不同预言学派之间的冲突促使了以赛亚升天的写作。我对这一观点提出了挑战,我认为“先知”一词对虔诚的基督徒来说是一个暗号,这部作品警告了面对罗马政府潜在的敌意关注时教会内部冲突的危险。
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引用次数: 0
The Relationship between 3 Maccabees and the Vetus Latina of Esther 三位马卡比人与Esther的Vetus Latina的关系
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.6
J. Thambyrajah
Abstract:There is a widely recognized connection between Esther and 3 Maccabees. This is particularly so for the "noncanonical" sections of Esther and the letters and prayers in 3 Maccabees, which appear to be the result of direct borrowing. The direction of borrowing, however, is still debated. Although the Septuagint text has been the main basis of comparison, I suggest, in contrast, that the Vetus Latina is the best text for comparison. I argue that there are at least two stages of borrowing between the texts and that the borrowing goes in both directions.
摘要:Esther和3 Maccabees之间有着公认的联系。《以斯帖》的“非经典”部分以及《马卡比书3》中的信件和祈祷尤其如此,这似乎是直接借用的结果。然而,借款的方向仍存在争议。尽管Septuagint文本是比较的主要基础,但相比之下,我认为Vetus Latina是最好的比较文本。我认为,文本之间至少有两个借用阶段,而且借用是双向的。
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引用次数: 1
Mourning for Tammuz: Prophecy and Projection in Ezekiel 8:14 哀悼坦慕斯:以西结书8:14中的预言和投射
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.4
William S Morrow
Abstract:While many commentators take Ezek 8:14 at face value, ancient Near Eastern parallels call this understanding into question. Both East and West Semitic sources indicate that mourning rituals for a goddess's dead consort were carried out in state-sponsored temples that symbolized the goddess. Since this does not accord with what is known about the Jerusalem temple in the early sixth century BCE, it is probable that the visionary writer of verse 14 has projected onto the temple observances for the dying god that did not belong to it. There are indications, however, that his mourning rites were also observed in less formal settings. Women were prominent participants in these popular rituals (as they were in funeral observances in general). It is likely, therefore, that the author of verse 14 knew of mourning rites for a dead god observed in Judah outside of the temple context. Since Ezekiel indicted illegitimate cultic activities that took place throughout the nation for defiling the central sanctuary, the vision of ritual mourning for Tammuz buttressed the prophet's claim that YHWH had decided to abandon the temple. As it is uncertain that women in Judah called the dead god "Tammuz," the use of that divine name may come from Ezekiel.
摘要:虽然许多评论家从表面上看《以西结书》8:14,但古代近东的相似之处使这种理解受到质疑。东闪米特和西闪米特的资料都表明,对女神已故配偶的哀悼仪式是在国家赞助的象征女神的寺庙中进行的。由于这与人们对公元前六世纪初耶路撒冷神庙的了解不一致,第14节的富有远见的作者很可能在神庙上投射了对不属于它的垂死之神的纪念。然而,有迹象表明,他的哀悼仪式也在不太正式的环境中进行。女性是这些流行仪式的重要参与者(就像她们在葬礼上一样)。因此,第14节的作者很可能知道在犹大,在寺庙之外为一位死去的神举行哀悼仪式。由于以西结以玷污中央圣地为由起诉全国各地发生的非法邪教活动,为坦穆兹举行仪式哀悼的愿景支持了先知的说法,即YHWH已决定放弃寺庙。由于不确定犹大的妇女是否将死去的神称为“Tammuz”,这个神圣的名字的使用可能来自以西结。
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引用次数: 0
The Tabernacle Manual: Exodus 25:1–31:18 in Light of the Cuneiform Procedural Genre 会幕手册:出埃及记25:1-31:18在楔形文字程序体裁的光
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.2
Brian Donnelly-Lewis
Abstract:The end of the book of Exodus centers on the construction of the tabernacle, both the divine commands and the descriptive fulfillment. While several studies have attempted to explain the form and function of the descriptive fulfillment, the form-critical features of the divine commands have eluded explanation. In this article, I present a form-critical reanalysis of the tabernacle instructions, suggesting that the most salient features of the instructions (second-person directives, technical vocabulary, and descriptive nonrestrictive clauses) accord well with the features of the procedural genre known from Akkadian literature. I compare grammatical, lexical, and pragmatic aspects of the tabernacle instructions to the central features of a variety of "instruction manuals," which include glassmaking and perfume-production manuals. I argue that the similarities between the tabernacle instructions and these manuals from Mesopotamia evidence a shared genre background, making the tabernacle instructions a tabernacle "manual" of sorts. The consistency in features additionally presents new evidence for the formal unity of a broad core of texts throughout Exod 25:1–30:10, shedding new light on various segments of the text broadly considered secondary (29:10–46; 30:1–10, 11–17, 23–38; and 31:2–6). The conclusion of the study presents avenues for future inquiry.
摘要:《出埃及记》的结尾集中在帐幕的建造上,包括神圣的命令和描述性的实现。虽然一些研究试图解释描述性实现的形式和功能,但神圣命令的形式批判特征却未能得到解释。在这篇文章中,我对帐幕指令进行了形式批判的重新分析,表明指令的最显著特征(第二人称指令、技术词汇和描述性非限制性从句)与阿卡德文献中已知的程序类型的特征非常一致。我将帐幕说明书的语法、词汇和语用方面与各种“说明书”的核心特征进行了比较,其中包括玻璃制作和香水生产手册。我认为,帐幕说明书和美索不达米亚的这些手册之间的相似之处证明了一个共同的流派背景,使帐幕说明书成为某种程度上的帐幕“手册”。特征的一致性还为整个Exod 25:1-30:10中广泛核心文本的形式统一提供了新的证据,为广泛认为次要的文本的各个部分提供了新线索(29:10-46;30:1-10,11-17,23-38;31:2-6)。该研究的结论为今后的研究提供了途径。
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引用次数: 0
The Literary-Historical Memory of Sargon of Akkad in Assyria as the Background for Nimrod in Genesis 10:8–12 创世纪10:8-12中亚述亚甲撒珥贡作为宁录背景的文史记忆
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.1
Christopher W. Jones
Abstract:The figure of Nimrod in Gen 10:8–12 remains enigmatic: while the passage clearly depicts a Mesopotamian figure, no consensus has been reached on attempts to identify Nimrod with any historical or mythological character. I argue that the passage dates from the mid-seventh century and should be understood in light of the literary-historical memory of Sargon of Akkad and the Akkad dynasty then circulating in the Neo-Assyrian Empire. With royal support, Assyrian court scholars used omens, chronicles, epics, and geographic lists to present the Neo-Assyrian Empire of the seventh century as the heir to the legacy of Sargon's empire a millennium and a half earlier, a process that culminated in the refounding of the city of Akkad by Esarhaddon in 674 BCE. The identification of Assyria with Sargon of Akkad served as an ideological justification for imperialism, and the Nimrod pericope should be understood as a response to and a critique of Assyrian imperial ideology.
摘要:第10:8-12代中的尼姆罗德仍然是个谜:虽然这段文字清楚地描绘了一个美索不达米亚的人物,但在试图将尼姆罗德与任何历史或神话人物联系起来的问题上,还没有达成共识。我认为这段话可以追溯到七世纪中期,应该根据当时在新亚述帝国流传的阿卡德萨尔贡和阿卡德王朝的文学历史记忆来理解。在王室的支持下,亚述宫廷学者利用预兆、编年史、史诗和地理列表,将七世纪的新亚述帝国作为一千年半前萨尔贡帝国遗产的继承人,这一过程最终导致公元前674年埃萨哈登夺回阿卡德城。亚述与阿卡德的萨尔贡的认同是帝国主义的意识形态正当理由,而宁罗德时代应该被理解为对亚述帝国意识形态的回应和批判。
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引用次数: 1
The Golden Rule and Ancient Jewish Biblical Exegesis: The Pluriformity of a Tradition 黄金法则与古代犹太圣经训诂:传统的多元性
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.7
M. Kister
Abstract:The present article is an integrative study of rabbinic sources in tandem with gospel pericopes, Pauline passages, and a passage of the Duae viae (included in the Didache). I contend that all these sources are variants of a Jewish tradition composed of two elements: (a) a maxim—the golden rule—or an equivalent biblical verse, Lev 19:18b; (b) an assertion that this maxim or verse summarizes the torah, or is the core of the whole torah (the difference in Hebrew is between kǝlāl, "rule," and kōl, "whole"). The wording of these variants cuts across the putative division between the various corpora. Observing the pluriformity of this tradition is important for the study of both the New Testament and rabbinic literature, the focus of the present article. This study demonstrates that early phraseology may be preserved in late rabbinic texts, which thus problematizes the "synoptic problem" of rabbinic literature (and, mutatis mutandis, of the gospels). Similar wording should not blur different contents; affinities should not obscure inherent dynamics. The potential for a radical interpretation of the formulation that "the whole torah" is encapsulated in one verse or maxim has not been realized in rabbinic literature; the radical potential of the formulation was realized and developed by Paul in Gal 5:14.
摘要:本文是一篇综合研究拉比资料、福音书pericopes、保罗段落和一段Duae viae(包括在十二使徒书信中)的文章。我认为所有这些来源都是由两个元素组成的犹太传统的变体:(a)格言——黄金法则——或相当于圣经的经文,利未记19:18b;(b)断言这个格言或诗句总结了torah,或者是整个torah的核心(希伯来语的区别是kǝlāl,“规则”和kōl,“整体”)。这些变体的措辞跨越了各种语料库之间假定的划分。观察这一传统的多样性对于研究新约和拉比文学都很重要,这也是本文的重点。这项研究表明,早期的措辞可能被保存在后期的拉比文本中,从而使拉比文献(以及福音书)的“符类问题”成为问题。相似的措辞不应模糊不同的内容;亲和力不应该掩盖内在的动态。在拉比文学中,对“整个托拉”被浓缩在一节经文或格言中的表述进行激进解释的可能性尚未实现;保罗在加拉太书5章14节实现并发展了这一提法的根本潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Our Cloud of Witnesses: A Writing of Hebrews 11:1–12:2 in Memory of the Asian and Asian American Women Killed 16 March 2021 我们的见证者云:希伯来文11:1–12:2纪念2021年3月16日被杀害的亚裔和亚裔美国妇女
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.9
Yii-Jan Lin
Abstract:This is a writing of Heb 11:1–12:2 in memory of and inspired by the Asian and Asian American women killed in the Atlanta, Georgia, area on 16 March 2021. It does not reread the passage but rather writes a new passage that honors Asian women immigrants, their histories, and their faith as seekers of a homeland. The themes of lineage, ancestors, migration, faith, and rest in a promised land from Heb 11:1–12:2 are transformed and woven in hermeneutical poiesis to confront the long history and current wave of anti-Asian hate, erasure, and violence against Asian and Asian American women. The purpose of this article is twofold: to produce a text from Scripture that honors and memorializes the women in the context of the Asian American community and to articulate how this creative hermeneutic expands the scope of biblical studies. After an introduction, the new passage is presented alongside the verses from Hebrews, followed by a discussion of methodology and a commentary on the new text.
摘要:这是《希伯来书》11:1–12:2的一篇文章,以纪念2021年3月16日在佐治亚州亚特兰大地区遇害的亚裔和亚裔美国妇女,并受其启发。它没有重读这段话,而是写了一段新的话,向亚洲女性移民、她们的历史以及她们作为祖国寻求者的信仰致敬。《希伯来书》11:1–12:2中关于血统、祖先、移民、信仰和安息在应许之地的主题在解释学的辛酸中被转换和编织,以应对长期以来和当前针对亚裔和亚裔美国妇女的反亚裔仇恨、抹杀和暴力浪潮。这篇文章的目的有两个:从《圣经》中产生一个文本,在亚裔美国人社区的背景下纪念和纪念女性,并阐明这种创造性的解释学如何扩大圣经研究的范围。在介绍之后,新的段落与希伯来文中的诗句一起呈现,然后是对方法的讨论和对新文本的评论。
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引用次数: 0
Kingship and Covenant: Reconsidering the Oath of David and Jonathan 王权与约:重新考虑大卫和约拿单的誓言
IF 0.6 1区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-12-15 DOI: 10.15699/jbl.1414.2022.3
Sophia Johnson
Abstract:Frank Moore Cross's model of covenant as an early legal means of extending fictive kinship has dominated Anglo-American biblical scholarship for the last thirty years. His central case study is the covenant between David and Jonathan and the associated oath sworn by Jonathan in 1 Sam 20. In trying to distill a simple covenant concept, however, Cross collapses distinctions of genre and context, reducing the significance of secular covenant as a form of political bond to simply merging kinship groups. In this article, I reanalyze the oath in 1 Sam 20:12–17, contextualizing it with other material throughout 1 and 2 Samuel and comparing it to ancient Near Eastern treaty formulations to show its political significance in Israelite history. In contrast to Cross's notion of imposing kinship obligations, the oath addresses questions of succession and dynasty, anticipating the political turmoil of David's ascension to the throne. Deuteronomistic language and concern with Davidic succession shared between the oath and the divine promise in 2 Sam 7 point to a common vision of a united kingship. Far from the reiteration of a simple kinship bond, Jonathan's oath of loyalty to their covenant becomes a keystone in the Deuteronomistic ideal of an eternal Davidic dynasty.
摘要:弗兰克·摩尔·克罗斯的契约模式作为扩展虚构亲属关系的早期法律手段,在过去三十年中主导了英美圣经研究。他的中心案例研究是大卫和约拿单之间的盟约,以及约拿单在撒母耳记上20章所发的誓言。然而,在试图提炼一个简单的契约概念的过程中,克罗斯消解了体裁和语境的区别,将世俗契约作为一种政治纽带的重要性降低为简单地合并亲属群体。在这篇文章中,我重新分析了撒母耳记上20:12-17中的誓言,将其与撒母耳记上和撒母耳记下的其他材料结合起来,并将其与古代近东条约的表述进行比较,以显示其在以色列历史中的政治意义。与克罗斯强加亲属义务的观念相反,誓言解决了继承和王朝的问题,预测了大卫登上王位后的政治动荡。申命记的语言和对大卫继承权的关注,在撒母耳记下第7章的誓言和神的应许之间,都指向一个联合王国的共同愿景。远不是简单的亲属关系的重申,约拿单对他们盟约的忠诚誓言,成为了《申命记》中永恒的大卫王朝理想的基石。
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引用次数: 0
Cholera vaccines rationed amid global shortage. 霍乱疫苗在全球短缺的情况下被配给。
1区 哲学 0 RELIGION Pub Date : 2022-10-29 DOI: 10.1016/S0140-6736(22)02116-X
Sharmila Devi
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引用次数: 0
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