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The Global in the Local: A Century of War, Commerce, and Technology in China, written by Xin Zhang 地方中的全球:中国一个世纪的战争、商业和技术》,作者张欣
Pub Date : 2024-04-02 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-31010006
Christoph Hess
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引用次数: 0
Line of Advantage: Japan’s Grand Strategy in the Era of Abe Shinzō, written by Michael J. Green 优势之线:安倍晋三时代的日本大战略》,迈克尔-J-格林著
Pub Date : 2024-04-02 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30040006
Frederick R. Dickinson
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引用次数: 0
Chen Han-seng, the Institute of Pacific Relations, and Changing Ideas About the Chinese Rural Economy 陈翰笙、太平洋关系研究所与中国农村经济观念的转变
Pub Date : 2024-04-02 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-31010002
Ying Xiong
The famous sociologist, economist, and historian Chen Han-seng was the founder of the Agrarian China Research Association, publishing influential studies on industrial production and class relations, and their effect on peasant living standards. Through the Institute of Pacific Relations (ipr), Chen engaged in a theoretical dialogue with liberal intellectuals and responded to American, British, and Soviet theories about Chinese society and rural China. Unlike American ipr scholars, such as John Lossing Buck, whose agenda was to investigate the consumer power of Chinese peasants, Chen’s study of living standards emphasized their production capability and the role usury played in it. And unlike the ipr British economists, such as R. H. Tawney, who were generally optimistic about Chinese rural industry, Chen’s research proved Chinese industrialization to be unsustainable and to lower peasant living standards. In reaction to these American and British scholars, Chen tactically changed his concept of “living standards” and developed his own theory of Chinese rural economics.
著名社会学家、经济学家和历史学家陈翰笙是 "中国土地研究会 "的创始人,发表了关于工业生产和阶级关系及其对农民生活水平影响的有影响力的研究报告。通过太平洋关系研究所(ipr),陈翰笙与自由主义知识分子进行了理论对话,并对美国、英国和苏联关于中国社会和中国农村的理论做出了回应。与约翰-罗辛-巴克(John Lossing Buck)等以调查中国农民消费能力为目的的美国研究所学者不同,陈的生活水平研究强调的是农民的生产能力以及高利贷在其中发挥的作用。与 R. H. Tawney 等对中国农村工业普遍持乐观态度的英国经济学家不同,陈的研究证明中国的工业化是不可持续的,会降低农民的生活水平。针对这些美国和英国学者的观点,陈省身改变了 "生活水平 "的概念,提出了自己的中国农村经济理论。
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引用次数: 0
Imperial Gateway: Colonial Taiwan and Japan’s Expansion in South China and Southeast Asia, 1895–1945, written by Seiji Shirane 帝国门户:殖民台湾与日本在华南和东南亚的扩张,1895-1945 年》,白根诚二撰写
Pub Date : 2024-04-02 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-31010005
Catherine Tsai
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引用次数: 0
William Franklin Sands in Late Chosŏn Korea: At the Deathbed of Empire, written by Wayne Patterson 威廉·富兰克林·桑兹在后期Chosŏn韩国:帝国的临终之床,韦恩·帕特森著
Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30030002
Daniel C. Kane
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引用次数: 0
Notes on Contributors 投稿人说明
Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30030007
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引用次数: 0
Chiang Kai-shek’s Politics of Shame: Leadership, Legacy, and National Identity in China, written by Grace C. Huang 《蒋介石的耻辱政治:中国的领导、遗产与国家认同》,黄丽娟著
Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30030004
Stephen R. Mackinnon
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引用次数: 0
To Each His Turn … Today Yours, Tomorrow Mine: François Sully’s Turn in History 今天轮到你,明天轮到我:史上轮到弗朗索瓦·萨利了
Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30030005
Nathaniel L. Moir
François Sully (1927–1971) is an underreported figure in the critical period of U.S.-South Vietnamese relations between 1960 and 1963. As one of the earliest journalists the First Republic of Vietnam expelled in 1962, his reporting introduced Vietnam to American readers, and his journalism influenced a generation of Western reporters covering the intervention of U.S. forces in Vietnam. However, despite his extensive reporting for Newsweek and other outlets, little is known about Sully or how his contentious relationship with President Ngo Dinh Diem of the Republic of Vietnam contributed to political turbulence before Diem’s assassination on 2 November 1963. This is the first article to focus exclusively on Sully’s reporting on Vietnam and the first to assess his efforts using primary sources. It argues that Vietnamese Studies and Vietnam War scholars have underestimated or overlooked his journalism due to the “Vietnamese turn” in their scholarship. In supporting this argument, this article places Sully in the broader context of the media’s coverage – both in the East and the West – of the Vietnam War, and it focuses on Sully’s role in the political divisions between Diem and U.S. authorities. As the first article to provide a historical account of Sully’s journalism, it provides a basis for a more informed understanding of his writing. Such understanding is a precondition for analyzing his biases and perceived contributions to orthodox interpretations of the Vietnam War.
弗朗索瓦·萨利(1927-1971)在1960 - 1963年美越关系的关键时期是一个被低估的人物。作为1962年被越南第一共和国驱逐的最早一批记者之一,他的报道将越南介绍给了美国读者,他的新闻影响了一代报道美军干预越南的西方记者。然而,尽管他为《新闻周刊》和其他媒体做了大量报道,但人们对萨伦伯格知之甚少,也不知道他与越南共和国总统吴庭艳(Ngo Dinh Diem)有争议的关系如何导致了1963年11月2日吴庭艳被暗杀之前的政治动荡。这是第一篇专门关注萨利对越南报道的文章,也是第一篇利用第一手资料评估他所做努力的文章。它认为,越南研究和越南战争学者低估或忽视了他的新闻由于他们的学术“越南转向”。为了支持这一论点,这篇文章将萨利置于媒体报道的更广泛的背景下——无论是东方还是西方——越南战争,它关注的是萨利在柬埔寨和美国当局之间的政治分歧中所扮演的角色。作为第一篇提供萨利新闻历史记录的文章,它为更全面地理解他的作品提供了基础。这种理解是分析他的偏见和对越南战争正统解释的感知贡献的先决条件。
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引用次数: 0
Sino-French Normalization and Its Impact on the United States and Taiwan 中法关系正常化及其对美国和台湾的影响
Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30030006
Q. Zhai
This article examines the making of Chinese-French cooperation during a critical period of the Cold War. In 1964, the People’s Republic of China and France established diplomatic relations. Escaping from the restraints of the rigid Cold War alliance structure, Mao Zedong and Charles de Gaulle took the bold and extraordinary move to forge a new relationship based on the geopolitical calculations of countering American-Soviet domination of world affairs. What motivated Mao’s policy toward France? How did he view de Gaulle? How did the changes in the international system in the early 1960s affect Mao’s perceptions and calculations? What was the connection between Sino-French normalization and the Vietnam conflict? How did Washington and Taipei respond to the Sino-French rapprochement? This article uses newly released Chinese Foreign Ministry Archive files, declassified U.S. government documents, and primary sources from Taiwan (including Chiang Kai-shek’s diaries) to answer these questions.
本文考察了冷战关键时期中法合作的形成。1964年,中华人民共和国和法国建立外交关系。毛对法政策的动机是什么?他是如何看待戴高乐的?20世纪60年代初国际体系的变化是如何影响毛的观念和计算的?中法关系正常化和越南冲突之间有什么联系?华盛顿和台北对中法和解有何反应?本文使用新发布的中国外交部档案文件、解密的美国政府文件和台湾的主要资料(包括蒋介石的日记)来回答这些问题。
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引用次数: 0
P’yŏngyang’s Posthumous Hostages: The Repatriation of U.S. Service Members’ Remains from North Korea, 1991–2018 P 'yŏngyang的死后人质:美国军人遗骸从朝鲜遣返,1991-2018
Pub Date : 2023-08-22 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30030003
Zhaokun Liu
Despite the unending nuclear crises and economic sanctions characterizing U.S.-North Korean relations, North Korea has adopted non-aggressive measures to establish bilateral relations with the United States and bypass U.S.-imposed sanctions without committing to denuclearization since 1990. The repatriation of the remains of U.S. soldiers who died in North Korea during the Korean War became a convenient tool for P’yŏngyang to achieve these two strategic aims, as well as the sole arena in where the two countries displayed meaningful cooperation. This article traces the return of each batch of U.S. bodies between 1991 and 2018 to analyze North Korea’s evolving prerequisites for releasing them. North Korea’s demands included ranking U.S. officials making visits, replacing the Korean War Armistice Agreement with new peace treaties, financial aid, and avoidance of any pressure to denuclearize, all of which served the regime’s goal of surviving in the post-Cold War world. Disagreement over reimbursing North Korea for its support in excavation and the inevitable connection between remains repatriation and denuclearization were major blocks to further cooperation in retrieving remains. This study analyzes the benefits and caveats of a low-risk approach to deescalating tensions in East Asia.
尽管北韩与美国的关系一直存在核危机和经济制裁,但北韩自1990年以来,在不承诺无核化的情况下,采取了与美国建立双边关系、绕过美国制裁的非侵略性措施。6•25战争期间在北韩牺牲的美军遗骸送还成为P 'yŏngyang实现这两个战略目标的便利工具,也是两国唯一有意义的合作场所。本文追溯了1991年至2018年期间每一批美国尸体的归还情况,分析了朝鲜释放这些尸体的先决条件的变化。朝鲜的要求包括美国高级官员访问,以新的和平条约取代朝鲜战争停战协定,财政援助,以及避免任何要求无核化的压力,所有这些都有利于该政权在后冷战世界中生存的目标。在对北韩支援挖掘的补偿问题上的分歧,以及遗骸送还与无核化之间的必然联系,成为了阻碍遗骸送还合作的主要障碍。本研究分析了以低风险方式缓和东亚紧张局势的好处和警告。
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引用次数: 0
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The Journal of American-East Asian Relations
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