Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30020003
Tristan Miguel Osteria
It often has been an illusion that Filipinos lack indigeneity due to the ties with the United States since 1898. Lost in these mists were the indigenous agendas that lay underneath the official narratives. The article presents a background and then examines the administration of Elpidio Quirino, president of the Philippines from 1948 to 1953, particularly his neutralist Pacific Pact initiative and the failed use of military force against the Huks. It concludes with a discussion of the rise of Ramón Magsaysay. It then examines Magsaysay, Philippine president from 1953 to 1957, beginning as defense secretary, support from the United States, the Magsaysay myth, his counterinsurgency campaign against the Huks, his election as president, international leadership, and legacies after his death. The study will show how the top-down policies of Quirino reliant on military force gave way to the unifying, reformist, inclusive, and inspirational leadership of Magsaysay, which became a kind of third force apart from the oligarchy and the Communists.
{"title":"The Illusion of Neutralism: The Indigenous Third Force and the Filipino Republic from the Late 1940s to the 1950s","authors":"Tristan Miguel Osteria","doi":"10.1163/18765610-30020003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30020003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000It often has been an illusion that Filipinos lack indigeneity due to the ties with the United States since 1898. Lost in these mists were the indigenous agendas that lay underneath the official narratives. The article presents a background and then examines the administration of Elpidio Quirino, president of the Philippines from 1948 to 1953, particularly his neutralist Pacific Pact initiative and the failed use of military force against the Huks. It concludes with a discussion of the rise of Ramón Magsaysay. It then examines Magsaysay, Philippine president from 1953 to 1957, beginning as defense secretary, support from the United States, the Magsaysay myth, his counterinsurgency campaign against the Huks, his election as president, international leadership, and legacies after his death. The study will show how the top-down policies of Quirino reliant on military force gave way to the unifying, reformist, inclusive, and inspirational leadership of Magsaysay, which became a kind of third force apart from the oligarchy and the Communists.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124182392","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30020006
John G. Grisafi
{"title":"Heonik Kwon and Jun Hwan Park, Spirit Power: Politics and Religion in Korea’s American Century","authors":"John G. Grisafi","doi":"10.1163/18765610-30020006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30020006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127662557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30020005
Yu-chung Shen
{"title":"Zack Fredman, The Tormented Alliance: American Servicemen & the Occupation of China, 1941-1949","authors":"Yu-chung Shen","doi":"10.1163/18765610-30020005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30020005","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130582429","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30020002
Constance J. S. Chen
During the interwar years, Americans redefined the meaning of Asianness amid new geopolitical conditions and shifts in global axes of power, thereby relocating the role that Asia played in the U.S. grand strategy to recalibrate the nation-state’s position within the international community. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, a consortium of international non-governmental organizations such as the Institute of Pacific Relations and the American Council of Learned Societies collaborated with universities in the production of knowledge. Historians and international relations specialists have touted the creation of area studies at institutions of higher learning at the end of World War ii as one of the principal responses for stemming the proliferation of communism. Instead of focusing on the 1950s and 1960s as the formative era of the academic discipline as many scholars have done, this article illuminates the earlier interconnections between the nascent intellectual fascination with Asia and the reinscription of otherness. Ultimately, anxiety over growing Japanese aggression in the Pacific aided the development of U.S. hegemony as the academic system became part of an inter-imperialist amalgamation of a multitude of economic, intellectual, and political processes and mechanisms that worked together to engineer American influence within and over Asia.
{"title":"‘What the Far East Means to America’: The Politics of Area Studies during the Interwar Years","authors":"Constance J. S. Chen","doi":"10.1163/18765610-30020002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30020002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000During the interwar years, Americans redefined the meaning of Asianness amid new geopolitical conditions and shifts in global axes of power, thereby relocating the role that Asia played in the U.S. grand strategy to recalibrate the nation-state’s position within the international community. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, a consortium of international non-governmental organizations such as the Institute of Pacific Relations and the American Council of Learned Societies collaborated with universities in the production of knowledge. Historians and international relations specialists have touted the creation of area studies at institutions of higher learning at the end of World War ii as one of the principal responses for stemming the proliferation of communism. Instead of focusing on the 1950s and 1960s as the formative era of the academic discipline as many scholars have done, this article illuminates the earlier interconnections between the nascent intellectual fascination with Asia and the reinscription of otherness. Ultimately, anxiety over growing Japanese aggression in the Pacific aided the development of U.S. hegemony as the academic system became part of an inter-imperialist amalgamation of a multitude of economic, intellectual, and political processes and mechanisms that worked together to engineer American influence within and over Asia.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114061975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30020007
{"title":"Notes on Contributors","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/18765610-30020007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30020007","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135543562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-30DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30020004
Edward Ashbee, Steve Hurst
One can attribute the Trump administration’s pursuit of a trade war against the People’s Republic of China (prc) to a range of variables, including its re-election hopes, commitment to protectionism as an economic weapon, fears about Beijing’s pursuit of artificial intelligence, and broader strategic concerns about the global balance of power. This article argues that another explanation for President Donald J. Trump’s ability to change trade policy towards China was the structural weaknesses of the trade policy regime that emerged at the end of the 1990s when Congress adopted Permanent Normal Trade Relations as a designation for free trade in July 1998 and the prc joined the World Trade Organization in December 2001. Those weaknesses owed much to the ways in which the United States initially framed the new trade regime with the prc and the limited, only partially conclusive, character of the debate that took place at the time. Despite the growth and embedding of supply chains between China and the United States, these inbuilt weaknesses contributed to the progressive erosion of the trade policy regime during the years that followed. Within this context, few constituencies were ready to lobby for the prc after January 2017 and the Trump administration faced little opposition to its change of trade policy.
{"title":"The U.S.-China Trade War and Policy Resilience","authors":"Edward Ashbee, Steve Hurst","doi":"10.1163/18765610-30020004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30020004","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000One can attribute the Trump administration’s pursuit of a trade war against the People’s Republic of China (prc) to a range of variables, including its re-election hopes, commitment to protectionism as an economic weapon, fears about Beijing’s pursuit of artificial intelligence, and broader strategic concerns about the global balance of power. This article argues that another explanation for President Donald J. Trump’s ability to change trade policy towards China was the structural weaknesses of the trade policy regime that emerged at the end of the 1990s when Congress adopted Permanent Normal Trade Relations as a designation for free trade in July 1998 and the prc joined the World Trade Organization in December 2001. Those weaknesses owed much to the ways in which the United States initially framed the new trade regime with the prc and the limited, only partially conclusive, character of the debate that took place at the time. Despite the growth and embedding of supply chains between China and the United States, these inbuilt weaknesses contributed to the progressive erosion of the trade policy regime during the years that followed. Within this context, few constituencies were ready to lobby for the prc after January 2017 and the Trump administration faced little opposition to its change of trade policy.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"103 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-05-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133034236","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-29DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30010006
{"title":"Notes on Contributors jaer 30.1","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/18765610-30010006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30010006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115183980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-29DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29040006
{"title":"Naoko Wake, American Survivors: Trans-Pacific Memories of Hiroshima and Nagasaki","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/18765610-29040006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-29040006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126576217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-29DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30010003
Tōgō Kazuhiko, Brian P. Walsh
Japan’s decision to accept the terms of the Potsdam Declaration was one of the most pivotal events in the country’s modern history. Most students of the decision-making process agree that Foreign Minister Tōgō Shigenori was the principal motive force supporting acceptance of the Allies’ demands throughout the debate over the action. Some recent historiography in Japan has questioned Tōgō’s approach, focusing particularly on his decision to seek the mediation of the Soviet Union and on the question of why he did not bring hostilities to an end sooner. Historical materials that were previously unavailable to scholars shed some light on these questions. In combination with Tōgō’s daily planner (in the author’s possession), his memoirs, and the author’s own recollection of anecdotes his parents told to him, these materials make possible a detailed examination of Tōgō’s thoughts and actions in the days leading to the acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration. This shows that Tōgō, facing stubborn resistance from the military and from public opinion, nevertheless persevered in his quest to bring the war to an end. He also maintained the trust and respect of not only Emperor Hirohito, but also of Army Minister Anami Korechika, his principal antagonist in the debate.
{"title":"Foreign Minister Tōgō’s Bitter Struggle and the Acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration","authors":"Tōgō Kazuhiko, Brian P. Walsh","doi":"10.1163/18765610-30010003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30010003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Japan’s decision to accept the terms of the Potsdam Declaration was one of the most pivotal events in the country’s modern history. Most students of the decision-making process agree that Foreign Minister Tōgō Shigenori was the principal motive force supporting acceptance of the Allies’ demands throughout the debate over the action. Some recent historiography in Japan has questioned Tōgō’s approach, focusing particularly on his decision to seek the mediation of the Soviet Union and on the question of why he did not bring hostilities to an end sooner. Historical materials that were previously unavailable to scholars shed some light on these questions. In combination with Tōgō’s daily planner (in the author’s possession), his memoirs, and the author’s own recollection of anecdotes his parents told to him, these materials make possible a detailed examination of Tōgō’s thoughts and actions in the days leading to the acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration. This shows that Tōgō, facing stubborn resistance from the military and from public opinion, nevertheless persevered in his quest to bring the war to an end. He also maintained the trust and respect of not only Emperor Hirohito, but also of Army Minister Anami Korechika, his principal antagonist in the debate.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122918224","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-29DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30010005
Hayato Yukawa
This article examines the impact of Japan’s economic control of Manchukuo on U.S.-Japan relations. From 1933 to 1935, ties between the two countries came to a temporary standstill. However, during these years, Washington and Tokyo waged a diplomatic war in the background over Japan’s control of Manchukuo’s economy. Although the United States accused Japan of violating the Nine Power Treaty it had signed endorsing the Open Door Policy, Japan established several special companies in Manchukuo, and some American firms withdrew from Manchuria. What kind of diplomatic negotiations developed between the United States and Japan during this period? What impact did they have on the relationship between the two countries? This article examines Japan’s development of economic control in Manchukuo and considers its impact, while situating the matter within the history of U.S.-Japan relations during the interwar period. In doing so, it will show how Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs implemented measures that prevented Japan’s economic domination of Manchukuo from immediately worsening U.S.-Japan relations. At the same time, it demonstrates that Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as its army, played an important role in the process of Japan asserting dominance over Manchuria.
{"title":"U.S.–Japan Economic Contention in Manchukuo: What did Manchukuo’s Economic Control Bring to the U.S.–Japan Relationship?","authors":"Hayato Yukawa","doi":"10.1163/18765610-30010005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-30010005","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article examines the impact of Japan’s economic control of Manchukuo on U.S.-Japan relations. From 1933 to 1935, ties between the two countries came to a temporary standstill. However, during these years, Washington and Tokyo waged a diplomatic war in the background over Japan’s control of Manchukuo’s economy. Although the United States accused Japan of violating the Nine Power Treaty it had signed endorsing the Open Door Policy, Japan established several special companies in Manchukuo, and some American firms withdrew from Manchuria. What kind of diplomatic negotiations developed between the United States and Japan during this period? What impact did they have on the relationship between the two countries? This article examines Japan’s development of economic control in Manchukuo and considers its impact, while situating the matter within the history of U.S.-Japan relations during the interwar period. In doing so, it will show how Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs implemented measures that prevented Japan’s economic domination of Manchukuo from immediately worsening U.S.-Japan relations. At the same time, it demonstrates that Japan’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as its army, played an important role in the process of Japan asserting dominance over Manchuria.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133471502","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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