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Pub Date : 2023-03-29 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30010000
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引用次数: 0
Theodore Jun Yoo, The Koreas: The Birth of Two Nations Divided Theodore Jun Yoo,《朝鲜:两个分裂国家的诞生》
Pub Date : 2023-03-29 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29040007
David A. Tizzard
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引用次数: 0
In Judgment of Unit 731: A Comparative Study of Medical War Crimes Trials after World War ii 《731部队判决:二战后医疗战争罪审判比较研究
Pub Date : 2023-03-29 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-30010002
V. Cranmer
The prosecution of the crimes of the Imperial Japanese Army’s Unit 731 are often compared to the prosecution of the crimes of the Nazi doctors. These comparisons emphasize immunity for the Japanese, whereas the Nazis were prosecuted for their actions. However, this comparison is an inaccurate one. While both trials look similar on the surface, their composition, scope, and framework were different. Conscious of the fact they were establishing international criminal precedent, the United States’ case against the Nazi doctors relied on military chain of command to prove strong legal responsibility for human experimentation crimes. In contrast, the United States avoided prosecuting Unit 731 because they could not replicate the same clear legal framework used to successfully prosecute the Nazis. The Soviet Union recognized the strategic implications of the United States’ decision not to try Unit 731 and saw an opportunity to strike a moral blow, not only by convicting Japanese military members at the Khabarovsk Trial, but also by immediately publishing the court’s proceedings internationally. Rather than focusing on the morality of who was punished by whom, understanding the military structures as identified through these different court proceedings could enable prevention of crimes against humanity.
对日本帝国陆军731部队罪行的起诉经常与对纳粹医生罪行的起诉进行比较。这些比较强调了日本人的豁免权,而纳粹则因其行为而受到起诉。然而,这种比较是不准确的。虽然这两个试验表面上看起来相似,但它们的组成、范围和框架不同。意识到他们正在建立国际刑事先例的事实,美国起诉纳粹医生的案件依靠军事指挥系统来证明对人体实验罪行负有强有力的法律责任。相比之下,美国避免起诉731部队,因为他们无法复制成功起诉纳粹的明确法律框架。苏联认识到美国决定不审判731部队的战略意义,并看到了一个道义上的打击机会,不仅在哈巴罗夫斯克审判中判定日本军人有罪,而且立即在国际上公布了法庭的诉讼程序。与其关注谁被谁惩罚的道德问题,不如了解通过这些不同的法庭诉讼程序确定的军事结构,从而能够预防危害人类罪。
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引用次数: 0
Journey to Equality: The Establishment of the Relationship Between the United States and Republic of Korea Forces in the Vietnam War 《平等之旅:越南战争中美国与韩国军队关系的建立》
Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29040003
Hosub Shim
This article examines the problem of Operational Control (opcon) in the relationship the Republic of Korea Forces in Vietnam (rokfv) built with the U.S. military during the Vietnam War. When the rokfv deployed in Vietnam, they faced the dilemma of pursuing their own interests while maintaining a good relationship with U.S. forces. Therefore, the rokfv refused to fight under the opcon of U.S. forces, even though all rok troops remaining in South Korea were under U.S. opcon. Instead of arguing who would have opcon over the rokfv, the United States and the rok negotiated the establishment of a cooperative relationship. Although their opcon was not perfect at first, the rokfv nevertheless proved their military professionalism and achievements through securing areas and building company bases in their Vietnamese territories, rather than search-and-destroy operations, to achieve pacification. As a result, the rokfv built a parallel command in which the South Vietnamese, Americans, and South Koreans cooperated, which allowed them to carry out a Korean style of war under a more equal relationship with U.S. forces.
本文探讨了在越南战争期间,驻越韩国军队(rokfv)与美军建立的关系中的作战控制(opcon)问题。俄罗斯驻越南部队在与美军保持良好关系的同时,又要追求自己的利益。因此,即使所有留在韩国的韩国军队都在美国的指挥下,韩国军队也拒绝在美军的指挥下作战。美国和韩国没有争论谁将拥有对韩国的控制权,而是就建立合作关系进行了谈判。虽然他们的作战起初并不完美,但rokfv通过在越南领土上保护区域和建立连基地而不是搜索和摧毁行动来实现和平,证明了他们的军事专业精神和成就。因此,韩国军队建立了南越、美国、韩国三方合作的平行司令部,使他们能够在与美军更平等的关系下进行韩国式战争。
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引用次数: 0
Interpreting Empire:English, U.S. Advisors, and Interpreters in the Korean War 翻译帝国:朝鲜战争中的英语、美国顾问和口译员
Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29040001
S. Jin
The Korean Military Advisory Group (kmag) – a relatively small unit of U.S. Army officers – developed, advised, and exerted influence over the Republic of Korea (rok) Army from its inception in 1946 through the signing of the Korean War armistice in July 1953. kmag advisors served down to the battalion level, working alongside South Korean counterparts in rok Army units, causing language to be a crucial battlefield that animated American anxieties and negative racial assumptions. In a moment when few, if any, American military officers had Korean language proficiency, South Koreans with English-language capability became essential to the U.S. foreign policy project in South Korea. South Korean interpreters, too, amplified racialized concerns about the trustworthiness of rok soldiers. This article places American understandings of language in kmag affairs into critical focus, highlighting the cultural assumptions that came to effect material change in U.S. Army policy towards the rok Army before and during the Korean War. It shows how language was a means of U.S. penetration into the fabric of Korean state and society, but also a target of imaginations that disturbed the U.S. military because of its consistent reminder of how language could resist American suggestion.
韩国军事咨询小组(kmag)是由美国陆军军官组成的一个相对较小的单位,从1946年成立到1953年7月签署朝鲜战争停战协议,一直发展、建议并对大韩民国(rok)军队施加影响。kmag的顾问一直服务到营级,与韩国陆军部队的韩国同行一起工作,这使得语言成为一个关键的战场,激发了美国人的焦虑和消极的种族假设。在几乎没有美国军官精通韩国语的时候,具备英语能力的韩国人对美国在韩国的外交政策项目至关重要。韩国口译员也放大了对韩国士兵可信度的种族化担忧。本文将美国人对朝鲜事务中语言的理解置于关键焦点,强调了在朝鲜战争前和战争期间影响美国陆军对韩国军队政策实质性变化的文化假设。它展示了语言是如何成为美国渗透到韩国国家和社会结构中的一种手段,但它也是一个让美国军方感到不安的想象对象,因为它不断提醒人们语言是如何抵制美国的建议的。
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引用次数: 0
‘Why Korea Failed?’: The American Discourse of Korea’s Historical Failure at the Turn of the 20th Century “为什么韩国失败了?”: 20世纪之交韩国历史失败的美国话语
Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29040002
Sang-M Oh
The discourse of Korea’s failed history has been mostly a production of Japanese colonial scholarship, but the early texts that American authors produced were what guided the Western understanding of Korean history during the long 20th Century. Despite the importance of these texts that left significant imprints on later academic works and policy decisions, scholars have not as yet examined properly the American discourse of failure in Korean history. This article analyzes the representative American books on Korean history of authors William E. Griffis and Homer B. Hulbert to describe the emergence of the American discourse of Korea’s failed history in the late 19th and the early 20th centuries. It argues that early American authors of accounts of Korean history wrote them in a specific narrative structure that depicted Korea’s past as a story of gradual decline that ended with failure. These works identify three major themes – isolation, victimization, and dependency – as explanations for why Korea failed. Then, the article examines the doctoral dissertations of Harold J. Noble and George M. McCune to show how this early narrative framework during the 1930s and the 1940s continued thereafter to shape U.S. understanding of Korea even into the 1950s, informing both policymakers and scholars.
关于韩国失败历史的论述主要是日本殖民学术的产物,但在漫长的20世纪,美国作家撰写的早期文本指导了西方对韩国历史的理解。尽管这些文本在后来的学术著作和政策决策中留下了重要的印记,但学者们尚未对美国在韩国历史上的失败话语进行适当的研究。本文分析了美国作家威廉·e·格里菲斯和霍默·b·赫尔伯特关于韩国历史的代表性著作,描述了19世纪末20世纪初美国关于韩国失败历史的话语的出现。它认为,早期的美国韩国历史作者以一种特定的叙事结构写作,将韩国的过去描绘成一个以失败告终的逐渐衰落的故事。这些作品确定了三个主要主题——孤立、受害和依赖——来解释韩国失败的原因。然后,本文考察了哈罗德·j·诺布尔(Harold J. Noble)和乔治·m·麦库恩(George M. McCune)的博士论文,以展示20世纪30年代和40年代的早期叙事框架如何在此后持续塑造美国对韩国的理解,甚至持续到20世纪50年代,为政策制定者和学者提供了信息。
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引用次数: 0
Elizabeth C. Economy, The World According to China Elizabeth C. Economy,《中国眼中的世界》
Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29040005
Grace Huang
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引用次数: 0
Persistence and Transformation in Southeast Asia: Region, Nation, and Diaspora beyond the U.S. War in Vietnam 东南亚的坚持与转变:美国越战之外的地区、民族和流散
Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29030002
M. Lawrence, J. Lipman
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引用次数: 0
Exhibiting Transnationalism after Vietnam: The Alpha Gallery’s Vision of an Artistic Renaissance in Southeast Asia 越南之后的跨国主义展览:阿尔法画廊对东南亚艺术复兴的展望
Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29030004
Wen-Qing Ngoei
This essay examines the Alpha Gallery, an independent artists’ cooperative that Malaysians and Singaporeans established, which staged art shows during the 1970s to spark an artistic renaissance in Southeast Asia. The cooperative’s transnational vision involved showcasing Balinese folk art as a primitive and, therefore, intrinsically Southeast Asian aesthetic, while asserting that it shared cultural connections with the Bengali Renaissance of the early 20th Century. Alpha’s leaders believed these actions might awaken indigenous artistic traditions across Southeast Asia. Their project underscores the lasting cultural impact of colonialism on Southeast Asia and the contested character of the region. Alpha’s condescending view of Balinese folk art echoed the paternalism of Euro-American colonial discourses about civilizing indigenous peoples that persisted because its key members received much of their education or training in Britain and the United States, a by-product of their countries’ pro-U.S. trajectory during the Vietnam War. Equally, Alpha’s transnationalism ran counter to Southeast Asian political elites’ fixation with pressing art toward nation-building. Indeed, the coalescing of nation-states does not define the region’s history during and after the Vietnam War. Rather, non-state actors like Alpha’s members, in imagining and pursuing their versions of Southeast Asia, contributed to the persistent contingency of the region.
这篇文章考察了阿尔法画廊(Alpha Gallery),这是马来西亚人和新加坡人建立的独立艺术家合作组织,在20世纪70年代举办了艺术展览,引发了东南亚的艺术复兴。合作社的跨国视野包括展示巴厘岛民间艺术作为一种原始的,因此本质上是东南亚的审美,同时声称它与20世纪初的孟加拉文艺复兴有着共同的文化联系。阿尔法的领导者相信这些行动可能会唤醒整个东南亚的土著艺术传统。他们的项目强调了殖民主义对东南亚的持久文化影响以及该地区的争议性。阿尔法对巴厘岛民间艺术的居高临下的看法,与欧美殖民时期关于教化土著人民的话语中的家长式作风相呼应,这种家长式作风一直存在,因为它的主要成员在英国和美国接受了大部分教育或培训,这是这两个国家亲美政策的副产品。越南战争期间的轨迹。同样,阿尔法的跨国主义与东南亚政治精英们执着于将艺术推向国家建设的做法背道而驰。事实上,民族国家的合并并不能定义该地区在越南战争期间和之后的历史。相反,像阿尔法成员国这样的非国家行为体,在想象和追求自己版本的东南亚时,助长了该地区持续的偶然性。
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引用次数: 0
Indonesia and the Third Indochina War: The End of Containment
Pub Date : 2022-09-20 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29030003
Mattias Fibiger
The Third Indochina War called forth dramatic changes in the international relations of Southeast Asia. Foremost among these changes was a shift in the geopolitical orientation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (asean). The organization’s founders established asean in 1967 to contain Chinese influence in Southeast Asia. But in the wake of the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in late 1978, asean forged a tacit alliance with the People’s Republic of China to pursue a campaign of rollback against Vietnam. This article argues that asean’s volte-face and China’s reentry into networks of regional diplomacy depended upon a shift in Indonesian threat perceptions. As political Islam displaced Chinese communism as the key threat fixating Indonesian policy, the Suharto regime abandoned its longstanding attempts to integrate Vietnam into the architecture of regional order and instead accommodated itself to a Thai-led effort to enlist China as a counterweight against Vietnam. The reorientation of Indonesian diplomacy reveals the dynamics of a phenomenon that anthropologist Heonik Kwon has called the “decomposition” of the Cold War – the geographically and temporally uneven erosion of the Cold War as a social reality and the gradual elaboration of a post-Cold War era.
这些变化中最重要的是东南亚国家联盟(asean)地缘政治取向的转变。该组织的创始人于1967年成立了东盟,以遏制中国在东南亚的影响力。但在1978年底越南入侵柬埔寨之后,东盟与中华人民共和国结成了一个默契的联盟,以寻求对越南的退让。本文认为,东盟的转变和中国重新进入地区外交网络取决于印尼对威胁认知的转变。随着政治伊斯兰取代中国共产主义,成为印尼政策的主要威胁,苏哈托政权放弃了将越南纳入地区秩序架构的长期努力,转而接受泰国领导的争取中国作为制衡越南力量的努力。印度尼西亚外交的重新定位揭示了人类学家Heonik Kwon所说的冷战“分解”现象的动态——冷战作为一种社会现实在地理上和时间上的不均匀侵蚀和后冷战时代的逐渐形成。
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The Journal of American-East Asian Relations
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