Pub Date : 2022-05-13DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29010006
Van Jackson
{"title":"Feng Zhang and Richard Ned Lebow, Taming Sino-American Rivalry","authors":"Van Jackson","doi":"10.1163/18765610-29010006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-29010006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"21 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125635350","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-13DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29010002
P. Zarrow
In late 2020 and early 2021—the weeks surrounding the election of President Joseph R. Biden Jr.—a flood of China experts offered an incalculable amount of unsolicited advice to the new administration. With the exception of Taiwan, the differences between doves and hawks were extremely slight, resting more on tone than substance. Policy directions they presented largely followed those of the Trump administration minus the U.S. version of wolf diplomacy rhetoric. Views ranged from the position that the United States should do all it could to squash the rise of the People’s Republic of China (prc), to the position that the United States should pursue competition and cooperation simultaneously—but “never forget competition!” This limited range of views shared four premises. First, the prc and the United States were competitors engaged in a potentially existential struggle for global dominance. Second, the Clinton-Bush-Obama approach of “managing” the prc with the goal of incorporating it into the existing postwar and neoliberal economic structures had failed. Third, the United States had done much to weaken itself, but it could regain its strengths. Fourth, while the Cold War model was inappropriate, the United States should engage in “strategic competition” to constrain China, or in other words wage a Chilly War.
在2020年底和2021年初，也就是小约瑟夫·r·拜登(Joseph R. Biden jr .)当选总统的前几周，大批中国问题专家主动向新政府提出了数不清的建议。除了台湾问题，鸽派和鹰派之间的分歧非常小，更多的是在语气上而不是实质上。他们提出的政策方向基本上遵循了特朗普政府的政策方向，但没有美国版的狼外交言论。从认为美国应该尽其所能打压中华人民共和国的崛起，到认为美国应该同时追求竞争与合作——但“永远不要忘记竞争!”这种有限的观点有四个前提。首先，中国和美国是竞争对手，为争夺全球主导地位进行了潜在的生存斗争。其次，克林顿-布什-奥巴马“管理”中国的方法，其目标是将其纳入现有的战后和新自由主义经济结构，已经失败了。第三，美国做了很多削弱自己的事情，但它可以重新获得力量。第四，虽然冷战模式不合适，但美国应该通过“战略竞争”来遏制中国，或者换句话说，发动一场冷战。
{"title":"Prospects for a Chilly War: China Advice at the Dawn of the Biden Era","authors":"P. Zarrow","doi":"10.1163/18765610-29010002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-29010002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In late 2020 and early 2021—the weeks surrounding the election of President Joseph R. Biden Jr.—a flood of China experts offered an incalculable amount of unsolicited advice to the new administration. With the exception of Taiwan, the differences between doves and hawks were extremely slight, resting more on tone than substance. Policy directions they presented largely followed those of the Trump administration minus the U.S. version of wolf diplomacy rhetoric. Views ranged from the position that the United States should do all it could to squash the rise of the People’s Republic of China (prc), to the position that the United States should pursue competition and cooperation simultaneously—but “never forget competition!” This limited range of views shared four premises. First, the prc and the United States were competitors engaged in a potentially existential struggle for global dominance. Second, the Clinton-Bush-Obama approach of “managing” the prc with the goal of incorporating it into the existing postwar and neoliberal economic structures had failed. Third, the United States had done much to weaken itself, but it could regain its strengths. Fourth, while the Cold War model was inappropriate, the United States should engage in “strategic competition” to constrain China, or in other words wage a Chilly War.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"86 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130095703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-13DOI: 10.1163/18765610-29010003
T. Zeiler
The People’s Republic of China has confronted the United States with diplomatic challenges ever since Washington recognized Beijing in January 1979. Basic to this engagement was and continues to be economics, and particularly trade, which elicited American responses ranging from enmity, fear, and uncertainty to cooperation, amity, and hope. Scholarship has not focused enough attention on the ideals and values that undergirded commercial relations as the principal American approach to China. Beginning with President Richard M. Nixon’s opening to Beijing and ending with President Donald J. Trump’s trade war (with touchstones in the Nixon, George H. W. Bush, William J. Clinton, Barack Obama, and Trump years), this article analyzes how a bilateral trading relationship that so transformed the world evolved from recognition to rivalry. The answer to the wax and wane lies in the near-century long practice of American free-trade internationalism that followed the principles of the “capitalist peace” paradigm, long embraced by the United States as a pillar of its foreign policy.
{"title":"Projecting China: Trade Engagement in Beijing’s Half Century","authors":"T. Zeiler","doi":"10.1163/18765610-29010003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-29010003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000The People’s Republic of China has confronted the United States with diplomatic challenges ever since Washington recognized Beijing in January 1979. Basic to this engagement was and continues to be economics, and particularly trade, which elicited American responses ranging from enmity, fear, and uncertainty to cooperation, amity, and hope. Scholarship has not focused enough attention on the ideals and values that undergirded commercial relations as the principal American approach to China. Beginning with President Richard M. Nixon’s opening to Beijing and ending with President Donald J. Trump’s trade war (with touchstones in the Nixon, George H. W. Bush, William J. Clinton, Barack Obama, and Trump years), this article analyzes how a bilateral trading relationship that so transformed the world evolved from recognition to rivalry. The answer to the wax and wane lies in the near-century long practice of American free-trade internationalism that followed the principles of the “capitalist peace” paradigm, long embraced by the United States as a pillar of its foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"72 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131593254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28040001
Seok-won Lee
Abe Fortas (1910–1982) has been best known for service during his legal career as an Associate Justice on the Supreme Court of the United States for four years from 1965 to 1969. His supporters have characterized his life as a lawyer who supported and defended the American Civil Rights Movement during the tumultuous periods of the 1950s and 1960s in the United States. However, observers of his career have paid little attention to the fact that Fortas was one of the few American bureaucrats who took the stand in defense of those of Japanese ancestry in the official hearings in the 1980sinvestigating the internment of Japanese Americans during World War ii. Fortas, as undersecretary in the Department of the Interior from 1942 to 1946, had a close relationship to key U.S. policies dealing with people of Japanese ancestry during the Asia-Pacific War, including the establishment of martial law in Hawai‘i and the ending of the Japanese internment. Fortas’s responses to and critiques of U.S. policy regarding the Japanese American question reveal the intertwined dynamics of how white racism developed and challenges against it at the governmental level.
{"title":"An Insider’s Response to Racism: Abe Fortas and the Japanese Question during the Asia-Pacific War, 1941–1945","authors":"Seok-won Lee","doi":"10.1163/18765610-28040001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28040001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Abe Fortas (1910–1982) has been best known for service during his legal career as an Associate Justice on the Supreme Court of the United States for four years from 1965 to 1969. His supporters have characterized his life as a lawyer who supported and defended the American Civil Rights Movement during the tumultuous periods of the 1950s and 1960s in the United States. However, observers of his career have paid little attention to the fact that Fortas was one of the few American bureaucrats who took the stand in defense of those of Japanese ancestry in the official hearings in the 1980sinvestigating the internment of Japanese Americans during World War ii. Fortas, as undersecretary in the Department of the Interior from 1942 to 1946, had a close relationship to key U.S. policies dealing with people of Japanese ancestry during the Asia-Pacific War, including the establishment of martial law in Hawai‘i and the ending of the Japanese internment. Fortas’s responses to and critiques of U.S. policy regarding the Japanese American question reveal the intertwined dynamics of how white racism developed and challenges against it at the governmental level.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"24 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121277229","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28040008
Robert York
{"title":"Benjamin R. Young, Guns, Guerillas, and the Great Leader: North Korea and the Third World","authors":"Robert York","doi":"10.1163/18765610-28040008","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28040008","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"52 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129382261","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28040003
Lori Maguire
This article examines the little-known system of foreign aid that the Eisenhower administration called “triangular trade.” Created to increase development aid without specific Congressional authorization, U.S. officials managed it chaotically and often secretly. This article analyzes U.S. application of this policy in relations with France, focusing on an examination of “triangular francs” whose most important manifestation occurred in South Vietnam. It tries to understand the complicated and often contentious relationships between the three nations with respect to “triangular francs,” illustrating its often neo-colonial aspects. After first presenting the system, the article proceeds to examine each of the three participants’ role in it and reservations about it. In particular, it seeks to show how Saigon’s leaders sought to influence the system to make it more advantageous to them and the impact this had on both Paris and Washington.
{"title":"Triangular Francs: The Eisenhower Administration’s Complicated Franco-American-South Vietnamese System of Foreign Aid to Saigon","authors":"Lori Maguire","doi":"10.1163/18765610-28040003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28040003","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article examines the little-known system of foreign aid that the Eisenhower administration called “triangular trade.” Created to increase development aid without specific Congressional authorization, U.S. officials managed it chaotically and often secretly. This article analyzes U.S. application of this policy in relations with France, focusing on an examination of “triangular francs” whose most important manifestation occurred in South Vietnam. It tries to understand the complicated and often contentious relationships between the three nations with respect to “triangular francs,” illustrating its often neo-colonial aspects. After first presenting the system, the article proceeds to examine each of the three participants’ role in it and reservations about it. In particular, it seeks to show how Saigon’s leaders sought to influence the system to make it more advantageous to them and the impact this had on both Paris and Washington.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124838877","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28040002
Chiou-ling Yeh
Although scholars have investigated the intricacies of anti-Americanism, few have examined the factors that affected the abilities of minorities or colonized people to protest U.S. policies. This article compares and contrasts the responses of Chinese in the Philippines, Thailand, and Hong Kong to the May 24th Incident of 1957, when 25,000 Chinese attacked the U.S. embassy and ransacked the U.S. Information Service Office in Taipei, Taiwan, due to the acquittal of a U.S. soldier for killing a Chinese. While U.S. military and economic aid motivated recipients to rally behind the anti-Communist banner, geopolitics, domestic conditions, and anti-Chinese racism also played pivotal roles in determining whether the Chinese could voice or act upon their anti-American sentiment. The Philippines’ heavy dependence on U.S. military and economic aid, coupled with long-lasting anti-Chinese racism, limited the potential for Philippine Chinese to critique U.S. policies. By contrast, tenuous U.S.-Thai relations and domestic anti-Americanism emboldened Thai Chinese to lambaste U.S. military injustice. Although the largest U.S. aid recipient, Britain adhered to neutrality in its Cold War politics and permitted a vibrant cultural industry in Hong Kong, resulting in strong criticism of U.S. policies among the city’s Chinese.
{"title":"Anti-American Expressions: The 1957 Taipei Incident and Chinese in the Philippines, Thailand, and Hong Kong","authors":"Chiou-ling Yeh","doi":"10.1163/18765610-28040002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28040002","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Although scholars have investigated the intricacies of anti-Americanism, few have examined the factors that affected the abilities of minorities or colonized people to protest U.S. policies. This article compares and contrasts the responses of Chinese in the Philippines, Thailand, and Hong Kong to the May 24th Incident of 1957, when 25,000 Chinese attacked the U.S. embassy and ransacked the U.S. Information Service Office in Taipei, Taiwan, due to the acquittal of a U.S. soldier for killing a Chinese. While U.S. military and economic aid motivated recipients to rally behind the anti-Communist banner, geopolitics, domestic conditions, and anti-Chinese racism also played pivotal roles in determining whether the Chinese could voice or act upon their anti-American sentiment. The Philippines’ heavy dependence on U.S. military and economic aid, coupled with long-lasting anti-Chinese racism, limited the potential for Philippine Chinese to critique U.S. policies. By contrast, tenuous U.S.-Thai relations and domestic anti-Americanism emboldened Thai Chinese to lambaste U.S. military injustice. Although the largest U.S. aid recipient, Britain adhered to neutrality in its Cold War politics and permitted a vibrant cultural industry in Hong Kong, resulting in strong criticism of U.S. policies among the city’s Chinese.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115965750","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-12-21DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28040007
Thomas Saylor
{"title":"Sarah Kovner, Prisoners of the Empire: Inside Japanese pow Camps","authors":"Thomas Saylor","doi":"10.1163/18765610-28040007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28040007","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114953665","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-08DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28030006
Zachary M. Matusheski
{"title":"Christopher Capozzola, Bound by War: How the United States and the Philippines Built America’s First Pacific Century","authors":"Zachary M. Matusheski","doi":"10.1163/18765610-28030006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28030006","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127209146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-09-08DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28030001
C. Guth
Japanese food first became the focus of serious attention in the United States during the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), when Japan’s victory over the Russian empire signaled that nation’s arrival as a new world power. This newfound interest had nothing to do with gastronomy. The conviction driving it was that diet and preventative health care in the Japanese military, which had been critical to its unexpected success, could serve as models for the United States. Military doctors, home economists, dietitians, businesses, vegetarians, and physical fitness fans joined this discourse, each with their own agendas. Many participants were women whose advocacy linked the supposed innate feminine propensity for nurturing and care giving with a shared faith in science to solve the problems facing the modern world. All believed Japan’s rice, vegetable, and fish-based diet contributed to the exceptional physical strength and stamina of the Japanese people because, unlike their own, “it was plain, rational, and easily digested, metabolized and assimilated.” More enthusiasm than knowledge in their claims, but this mattered little since the goal was not to popularize Japanese culinary culture, but to reform U.S. eating habits. This article examines the American discourse on Japanese food and health and how it shaped and reflected domestic political, social, and economic priorities in the 20th Century’s first decade.
{"title":"‘The Japanese Stand Today as Teachers of the Whole World’: American Food Reform and the Russo-Japanese War","authors":"C. Guth","doi":"10.1163/18765610-28030001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/18765610-28030001","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000Japanese food first became the focus of serious attention in the United States during the Russo-Japanese War (1904–1905), when Japan’s victory over the Russian empire signaled that nation’s arrival as a new world power. This newfound interest had nothing to do with gastronomy. The conviction driving it was that diet and preventative health care in the Japanese military, which had been critical to its unexpected success, could serve as models for the United States. Military doctors, home economists, dietitians, businesses, vegetarians, and physical fitness fans joined this discourse, each with their own agendas. Many participants were women whose advocacy linked the supposed innate feminine propensity for nurturing and care giving with a shared faith in science to solve the problems facing the modern world. All believed Japan’s rice, vegetable, and fish-based diet contributed to the exceptional physical strength and stamina of the Japanese people because, unlike their own, “it was plain, rational, and easily digested, metabolized and assimilated.” More enthusiasm than knowledge in their claims, but this mattered little since the goal was not to popularize Japanese culinary culture, but to reform U.S. eating habits. This article examines the American discourse on Japanese food and health and how it shaped and reflected domestic political, social, and economic priorities in the 20th Century’s first decade.","PeriodicalId":158942,"journal":{"name":"The Journal of American-East Asian Relations","volume":"81 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116683936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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