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Mara Hvistendahl, The Scientist and the Spy: A True Story of China, the FBI, and Industrial Espionage 玛拉·赫维斯滕达尔,《科学家与间谍:中国、联邦调查局和工业间谍的真实故事》
Pub Date : 2021-09-08 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28030007
J. Morgan
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引用次数: 4
Negotiating an Unequal Partnership: The Korean Children’s Choir 1954 U.S. Tour and Syngman Rhee’s Diplomacy 协商不平等的伙伴关系:韩国儿童合唱团1954年美国巡演和李承晚的外交
Pub Date : 2021-09-08 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28030002
Hye-Jung Park
Most studies of U.S. cultural diplomacy focus on the ways that the United States has leveraged cultural events to achieve its own political ends. The present article takes a slightly different approach in its analysis of the 1954 Korean Children’s Choir (kcc) tour of the United States. Using copious documentary sources and interviews the author has conducted with former child choristers, it traces how Republic of Korea (rok) President Syngman Rhee used this high-profile cultural event to create a new opening to advance his goals in his complicated diplomatic relations with the United States. At the close of the Korean War, the rok was a war-ravaged nation with little power in dealing with its patron superpower. Deploying personal connections and propaganda skills that he had cultivated during decades of living in exile in the United States, Rhee orchestrated the kcc’s tour of the United States, and the visit helped Rhee gain new footing in negotiating the rok’s unequal partnership with the United States. This detailed socio-historical and musicological account shows how both President Rhee and the choristers were active and effective agents in striving to put the rok front and center in the imaginations of Americans and impress upon them its cultural gravitas and strategic importance.
大多数关于美国文化外交的研究都集中在美国如何利用文化活动来实现自己的政治目的。这篇文章在分析1954年韩国儿童合唱团(kcc)的美国巡演时采取了一种稍微不同的方法。作者利用丰富的文献资料和对前儿童唱诗班成员的采访,追溯了韩国总统李承晚如何利用这一备受瞩目的文化活动,在与美国复杂的外交关系中创造了一个新的开端,以推进他的目标。在朝鲜战争结束时,韩国是一个饱受战争蹂躏的国家,在与超级大国打交道时几乎没有什么实力。李承晚利用他在美国流亡数十年期间培养的人际关系和宣传技巧,精心安排了kcc的美国之行,这次访问帮助他在谈判韩国与美国不平等的伙伴关系方面获得了新的立脚点。这本详细的社会历史和音乐学的叙述显示了李承李总统和合唱团是如何积极有效地努力将韩国置于美国人想象的前沿和中心,并给他们留下了其文化的庄严和战略重要性。
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引用次数: 1
Odd Arne Westad, Empire and Righteous Nation: 600 Years of China-Korea Relations 《帝国与正义之国:中韩关系600年》
Pub Date : 2021-09-08 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28030005
Z. Ren
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引用次数: 0
Jennifer Miller, Cold War Democracy: The United States and Japan 詹妮弗·米勒,《冷战民主:美国和日本》
Pub Date : 2021-09-08 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28030004
T. Tsuda
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引用次数: 0
Icebreaking Cooperation: Resuming the Repatriation of U.S. Servicemen’s Remains from North Korea, 1985–1990 破冰合作:恢复从朝鲜遣返1985-1990年美国军人遗骸
Pub Date : 2021-09-08 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28030003
Liu Zhaokun
Unrelenting animosity continues to define the relationship between the United States and North Korea, but in the mid-1980s, P’yŏngyang began to seek non-confrontational measures to fulfill one of its major diplomatic objectives—opening a channel of direct negotiation with Washington. The bodies of U.S. soldiers who had perished or gone missing in North Korea in 1950 during the Korean War became bargaining chips for the North Koreans. This article analyzes the political stakes of these remains for the two countries. It traces the meetings between Congressman Gillespie V. Montgomery and North Korean officials in 1989 and 1990, which led to the first return of U.S. soldiers’ remains since October 1954. North Korea’s insistence on delivering the remains to Montgomery, rather than the Korean War Military Armistice Commission, was an attempt to force the United States to acknowledge its legitimacy. Unable to abandon the bodies, U.S. officials offered limited concessions, while endeavoring to maintain the status quo in Korea. The 1990 remains repatriation revealed the possibility of cooperation between the two countries.
美国和朝鲜之间的关系一直存在着无情的敌意,但在20世纪80年代中期,朝鲜开始寻求非对抗性措施来实现其主要外交目标之一——打开与华盛顿直接谈判的渠道。1950年6•25战争期间在朝鲜死亡或失踪的美国士兵的尸体成为朝鲜讨价还价的筹码。本文分析了这些遗骸对两国的政治利害关系。它追溯了1989年和1990年国会议员吉莱斯皮·蒙哥马利(Gillespie V. Montgomery)与朝鲜官员的会面,这些会面促成了自1954年10月以来美军遗骸的首次归还。朝鲜坚持将遗骸交给蒙哥马利,而不是朝鲜战争军事停战委员会(Korean War Military Armistice Commission),是为了迫使美国承认其合法性。由于无法放弃这些尸体,美国官员做出了有限的让步,同时努力维持朝鲜的现状。1990年的遗骸遣返显示了两国之间合作的可能性。
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引用次数: 1
Rethinking Sino-U.S. Rapprochement: Unconventional Forms of Diplomacy 重新考虑中美。和解:非传统的外交形式
Pub Date : 2021-06-23 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28020002
A. Tagirova
Webster’s Third New International Dictionary broadly defines diplomacy as “an art and practice of conducting negotiations between nations for the attainment of mutually satisfactory terms.”1 Since very few existing definitions manage to encompass all forms of diplomatic interactions, the understanding of the term continues to change as the academic scholarship on the issue evolves. Unfortunately, the academic understanding of diplomacy often lags behind the actual practices, leaving scholars forced to “catch up” with modern day developments. Much like historians, students of political science and international relations continue to grapple with the ambiguity of the term and attempt to produce a comprehensive framework within which one can understand and study diplomacy. A majority of scholars agree that they and their colleagues should leave the traditional view on diplomacy as a nation-to-nation exchange in the past. Some even go as far as to declare the “crisis of state-led diplomacy,” in which governmental institutions are under the heavy restraint of both their bureaucratic nature and the necessity to conform with century-long traditions.2 Historical science had to travel a path similar to political science in expanding its understanding of the past and the role of diplomacy in it. Arguably, it was the most important processes of the 20th Century (two world wars, the Cold War, decolonization, the fall of the Soviet Union, and globalization,
《韦氏第三版新国际词典》将外交宽泛地定义为“在国家之间进行谈判以达到双方满意条件的艺术和实践”。“1由于很少有现有的定义能够涵盖所有形式的外交互动,因此对这一术语的理解随着有关这一问题的学术研究的发展而不断变化。遗憾的是,学术界对外交的理解往往落后于实际实践,学者们被迫“追赶”现代发展。就像历史学家一样,政治科学和国际关系专业的学生也在努力解决这个术语的模糊性,并试图建立一个全面的框架,在这个框架内人们可以理解和研究外交。大多数学者认为,他们和他们的同事应该放弃过去将外交视为国与国之间交流的传统观点。一些人甚至宣称“国家主导的外交危机”,在这种危机中,政府机构既受到官僚主义性质的严重约束,又必须遵守长达一个世纪的传统历史科学必须走一条与政治学相似的道路,以扩大对过去的理解以及外交在其中的作用。可以说,它是20世纪最重要的进程(两次世界大战、冷战、非殖民化、苏联解体和全球化),
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引用次数: 0
Diplomacy vs. Economics: Examining the Roots of Decline in Sino-U.S. Trade in 1975 外交与经济:审视中美关系衰落的根源。1975年的贸易情况
Pub Date : 2021-06-23 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28020004
X. Ding
In 1975, the explosive growth of Sino-U.S. trade that only had resumed after 1971 ended with a severe decline from $920 million a year to just $461 million. The cause of the collapse was the unilateral decision of the People’s Republic of China (prc) to cancel several orders from late 1974 to early 1975. Scholars have advanced three reasons for the prc’s action, blaming to trade disputes, Beijing’s desire to punish the Americans for slow progress on the Taiwan issue, and Chinese trade officials preventing radicals from labeled them “compradors.” Each explanation, however, overstates the importance of high-level politics and ignores mid-level exchanges, as trade delegations shuttled back and forth across the Pacific in 1975. The article demonstrates that the real obstacle to trade in 1975 was China’s limited ability to purchase American grain in the same quantities as in the last four years, along with indications of a good future harvest in China emerging at the end of 1974. Economic factors therefore better explain the decline in prc-U.S. trade, providing an example of how in the last years of the Cultural Revolution, Beijing’s economic policy was more pragmatic than one would expect.
1975年,中美贸易爆炸式增长。1971年以后才恢复的贸易以从每年9.2亿美元急剧下降到仅4.61亿美元而告终。崩溃的原因是中华人民共和国(prc)单方面决定从1974年末到1975年初取消几个订单。学者们对中国的行动提出了三个原因,归咎于贸易争端,北京希望惩罚美国在台湾问题上进展缓慢,以及中国贸易官员防止激进分子给他们贴上“买办”的标签。然而,每种解释都夸大了高层政治的重要性,而忽视了中层交流,就像1975年贸易代表团在太平洋两岸来回穿梭一样。这篇文章表明,1975年贸易的真正障碍是中国购买美国粮食的能力有限,与过去四年的数量相同,同时1974年底中国出现了未来丰收的迹象。因此,经济因素更好地解释了中美关系的下降。这是一个例子,说明在文革的最后几年里,北京的经济政策比人们想象的要务实。
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引用次数: 0
Deng Xiaoping’s Views on Science and Technology: Origins of the Sino-U.S. Science and Technology Cooperation, 1977–1979 科学技术合作,1977-1979年
Pub Date : 2021-06-23 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28020005
Chenxi Xiong
In the late 1970s, after the tumultuous period of the Cultural Revolution, the policy of the government of the People’s Republic of China (prc) in terms of scientific and technological exchanges and cooperation with the United States changed from rejection and exclusion to active participation and promotion. In this process, ideas and views played an important role. The outlook of the Chinese leadership and particularly Deng Xiaoping on science redefined China’s national interests, turning the promotion of Sino-U.S. science and technology cooperation into an active policy of the Chinese government. During the 1970s, the two countries conducted large-scale intergovernmental cooperation in the field of civil science and technology, signed the agreement on scientific and technological cooperation and dozens of memorandums of understanding and protocols, and finally, in 1979, established a long-term scientific and technological cooperation system. The article explores Sino-American relations through the prism of scientific and technological cooperation, showing how this contributed to creating long-term friendly relations beyond other high politics issues.
20世纪70年代末,经历了动荡的“文革”时期,中华人民共和国政府对美科技交流与合作的政策由拒绝和排斥转变为积极参与和促进。在这个过程中,思想和观点发挥了重要作用。科技合作已成为中国政府的一项积极政策。20世纪70年代,两国在民用科技领域开展了大规模的政府间合作,签署了科技合作协定和数十份谅解备忘录和议定书,并于1979年建立了长期的科技合作体系。本文从科技合作的角度探讨了中美关系,展示了科技合作如何超越其他重大政治问题,为建立长期友好关系做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
A New Sphere of Influence: Table Tennis Diplomacy and the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations 新的影响范围:乒乓球外交和美中关系全国委员会
Pub Date : 2021-06-23 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-28020003
J. Crean
Prominent China studies academics who, with the assistance of members of the business and religious communities, founded the National Committee on United States-China Relations (ncuscr) in 1966 did not build it to last. Its leaders foresaw the organization’s work as “catalytic” and envisioned that it would be “going out of business as soon as possible.” By March 1971, with a new era of U.S. relations with China on the horizon, its leaders saw little reason to continue operations, and seriously contemplated closing up shop. Yet that April, the government of the People’s Republic of China hosted the U.S. Table Tennis team, and pledged to have its team make a reciprocal visit to the United States the following year, which the ncuscr funded and organized. This visit’s controversies mirrored the previous ideological divides the group had weathered. Conservative anti-Communist protesters and pro-Taiwan activists disrupted the earliest public events, but antiwar demonstrators, who appeared at later exhibition matches to protest President Richard M. Nixon’s bombing of Haiphong in North Vietnam, soon superseded them. Despite these pitfalls, the visit proved to be a great success for the nsuscr, which received a new lease on life and gained a renewed sense of purpose.
著名的中国研究学者在商界和宗教界成员的帮助下,于1966年成立了美中关系全国委员会(ncuscr),但这个组织并没有持续下去。它的领导人预见到该组织的工作是“催化的”,并设想它将“尽快破产”。到1971年3月,随着美中关系的新时代即将到来,中国领导人认为没有理由继续经营下去,并认真考虑关闭商店。然而,同年4月,中华人民共和国政府接待了美国乒乓球队,并承诺让中国乒乓球队在次年访美,这次访美是由美国乒乓球队资助和组织的。这次访问的争议反映了该组织之前经历过的意识形态分歧。保守派的反共抗议者和亲台活动人士扰乱了最早的公开活动,但反战示威者很快就取代了他们,他们出现在后来的表演赛上,抗议理查德·m·尼克松(Richard M. Nixon)总统轰炸北越海防。尽管有这些陷阱,这次访问对联合国来说是一次巨大的成功,它获得了新的生命,获得了新的使命感。
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引用次数: 1
Craig Etcheson, Extraordinary Justice: Law, Politics, and the Khmer Rouge Tribunals 克雷格·埃切森,《非凡的司法:法律、政治和红色高棉法庭》
Pub Date : 2020-12-16 DOI: 10.1163/18765610-27040007
Kenton J. Clymer
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引用次数: 0
期刊
The Journal of American-East Asian Relations
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