Verb classifications for sign languages are typically based on agreement properties (Padden 1988) and have also been suggested to be semantically grounded (Meir 1998, 2002). In light of the latter proposition, it is surprising that the semantics of verb types have not been explored in much depth. This study aims to investigate the semantic underpinnings of verb types. It is hypothesized that the semantic properties that govern case-frame selection in spoken languages (Hopper and Thompson 1980; Tsunoda 1981) similarly mediate verb type in sign languages. The rationale behind this idea is that many such properties have the potential to be expressed iconically in sign language verb forms. Particular constellations of features are thus expected to increase the likelihood of a verb to be of a certain type. To test this hypothesis, a method previously used to investigate the connection between verb semantics and transitivity in spoken languages (Malchukov 2005) is applied to data from German Sign Language (DGS). Overall, the results lend credibility to the supposition that case marking systems in spoken languages and the verb-type system in sign languages are sensitive to the same underlying semantic factors, underscoring the centrality of these notions in language. In addition, the results offer a finer-grained picture of the semantics of verbs of different types, and enable us to formulate predictions about the scope of diachronic change and synchronic and cross-linguistic variation in this domain.
手语的动词分类通常是基于协议属性(Padden 1988)，也有人认为是基于语义的(Meir 1998,2002)。鉴于后一个命题，动词类型的语义没有得到深入的探讨是令人惊讶的。本研究旨在探讨动词类型的语义基础。据推测，在口语中控制格框选择的语义属性(Hopper and Thompson 1980;Tsunoda 1981)在手语中也有类似的动词类型。这个想法背后的基本原理是，许多这样的属性都有可能在手语动词形式中被象征性地表达出来。因此，特定的特征组合有望增加动词属于某种类型的可能性。为了验证这一假设，将先前用于研究口语中动词语义和及物性之间联系的方法(Malchukov 2005)应用于德国手语(DGS)的数据。总的来说，研究结果为口语中的大小写标记系统和手语中的动词类型系统对相同的潜在语义因素敏感的假设提供了可信度，强调了这些概念在语言中的中心地位。此外，研究结果为不同类型动词的语义提供了一幅更精细的图景，并使我们能够对该领域的历时变化、共时变化和跨语言变化的范围进行预测。
{"title":"Verb types and semantic maps","authors":"M. Oomen","doi":"10.31009/FEAST.I2.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/FEAST.I2.10","url":null,"abstract":"Verb classifications for sign languages are typically based on agreement properties (Padden 1988) and have also been suggested to be semantically grounded (Meir 1998, 2002). In light of the latter proposition, it is surprising that the semantics of verb types have not been explored in much depth. This study aims to investigate the semantic underpinnings of verb types. It is hypothesized that the semantic properties that govern case-frame selection in spoken languages (Hopper and Thompson 1980; Tsunoda 1981) similarly mediate verb type in sign languages. The rationale behind this idea is that many such properties have the potential to be expressed iconically in sign language verb forms. Particular constellations of features are thus expected to increase the likelihood of a verb to be of a certain type. To test this hypothesis, a method previously used to investigate the connection between verb semantics and transitivity in spoken languages (Malchukov 2005) is applied to data from German Sign Language (DGS). Overall, the results lend credibility to the supposition that case marking systems in spoken languages and the verb-type system in sign languages are sensitive to the same underlying semantic factors, underscoring the centrality of these notions in language. In addition, the results offer a finer-grained picture of the semantics of verbs of different types, and enable us to formulate predictions about the scope of diachronic change and synchronic and cross-linguistic variation in this domain.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121719189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This research has been funded by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness “ClauseCombi2" FFI2012-36238, BES2013062848, “GramRefLSC FFI2015-68594-P, Govern de la Generalitat de Catalunya (2014 SGR 698) and SIGN-HUB project, which has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 693349.
{"title":"Coordination in Catalan Sign Language: a syntactic account for conjunction","authors":"Giorgia Zorzi","doi":"10.31009/feast.i2.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i2.11","url":null,"abstract":"This research has been funded by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness “ClauseCombi2\" FFI2012-36238, BES2013062848, “GramRefLSC FFI2015-68594-P, Govern de la Generalitat de Catalunya (2014 SGR 698) and SIGN-HUB project, which has received funding from the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under grant agreement No 693349.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131191568","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The nonsense sign repetition task that was developed for Sign Language of the Nether-lands in 2015 (the NGT-NSRT) is investigated further in this paper. Specifically, I look into differences in performances on the NGT-NSRT between deaf signers and CODAs, into the effect of movement complexity on the scores of the participants, and into the re-lationship between phoneme-based scores and binary correct/incorrect scores. It turns out that the deaf signers score significantly better than the CODAs, and that the partici-pants score significantly worse on signs with a combined movement compared to signs with a single movement. Furthermore, phoneme-based scores and correct/incorrect scores are significantly correlated. No evidence was found for a difference in complexity between signs with a hand-internal movement and signs with a path movement. Sug-gestions for further research and an alternative analysis of phonological complexity, as adopted by Vink (2018), are discussed.
{"title":"Starting to make sense: Further developing a nonsense sign repetition task","authors":"U. Klomp","doi":"10.31009/FEAST.I2.09","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/FEAST.I2.09","url":null,"abstract":"The nonsense sign repetition task that was developed for Sign Language of the Nether-lands in 2015 (the NGT-NSRT) is investigated further in this paper. Specifically, I look into differences in performances on the NGT-NSRT between deaf signers and CODAs, into the effect of movement complexity on the scores of the participants, and into the re-lationship between phoneme-based scores and binary correct/incorrect scores. It turns out that the deaf signers score significantly better than the CODAs, and that the partici-pants score significantly worse on signs with a combined movement compared to signs with a single movement. Furthermore, phoneme-based scores and correct/incorrect scores are significantly correlated. No evidence was found for a difference in complexity between signs with a hand-internal movement and signs with a path movement. Sug-gestions for further research and an alternative analysis of phonological complexity, as adopted by Vink (2018), are discussed.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129590259","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Serpil Karabüklü, F. Bross, R. Wilbur, Daniel Hole
In this paper, we test Bross and Hole’s (2017) bodily-mapping hypothesis originally proposed for DGS. They found that operators with high scope (above T) are expressed using physically high articulators (mainly the eyebrows) and lower (IP-internal) categories are expressed manually in German Sign Language. In this way, scope is iconically mapped onto the signer’s body (high scope = high articulator; low scope = low articulator). Additionally, they found that descending the scopal height of IP-internal categories, the higher ones (e. g., deontic modality) are concatenated from left to right and the lower ones (e. g., root modality) from right to left. Here, we put the bodily-mapping hypothesis to test by discussing the categories of epistemic (above T), deontic, and root modality (both below T) in Turkish Sign Language. Additionally, we investigate whether concatenation strategies for deontic and root modality differ. We show that, in Turkish Sign Language, epistemic modality, in contrast to deontic and root modality, requires nonmanual markings with the upper face, in line with the bodily-mapping hypothesis. Turkish Sign Language, however, differs from German Sign Language in that the former requires an additional manual modal sign for epistemic modality. We suggest two modeling possibilities to account for this finding: one assuming base-generation of the modals in their scope-taking position and one based on a movement account.
{"title":"Modal signs and scope relations in TID","authors":"Serpil Karabüklü, F. Bross, R. Wilbur, Daniel Hole","doi":"10.31009/FEAST.I2.07","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/FEAST.I2.07","url":null,"abstract":"In this paper, we test Bross and Hole’s (2017) bodily-mapping hypothesis originally proposed for DGS. They found that operators with high scope (above T) are expressed using physically high articulators (mainly the eyebrows) and lower (IP-internal) categories are expressed manually in German Sign Language. In this way, scope is iconically mapped onto the signer’s body (high scope = high articulator; low scope = low articulator). Additionally, they found that descending the scopal height of IP-internal categories, the higher ones (e. g., deontic modality) are concatenated from left to right and the lower ones (e. g., root modality) from right to left. Here, we put the bodily-mapping hypothesis to test by discussing the categories of epistemic (above T), deontic, and root modality (both below T) in Turkish Sign Language. Additionally, we investigate whether concatenation strategies for deontic and root modality differ. We show that, in Turkish Sign Language, epistemic modality, in contrast to deontic and root modality, requires nonmanual markings with the upper face, in line with the bodily-mapping hypothesis. Turkish Sign Language, however, differs from German Sign Language in that the former requires an additional manual modal sign for epistemic modality. We suggest two modeling possibilities to account for this finding: one assuming base-generation of the modals in their scope-taking position and one based on a movement account.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"93 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125216995","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper describes the basic properties of quotation in Russian Sign Language (RSL) using corpus and elicited data. Quotation constructions in RSL consist of source indication (optional), a predicate of speech (optional), and the quote itself. The quote as well as the other constituents of quotation constructions can be marked by non-manual markers (also known as role shift), namely by eye gaze change, head turns, and body turns; however, these markers are optional. Judging by the behavior of indexicals, quotation in naturalistic RSL narratives mostly involves direct speech. Mixed behavior of indexicals is also possible. Interestingly, non-manual marking does not correlate perfectly with the behavior of indexicals. We also find evidence that at least quotes with shifted indexicals are not syntactically embedded. The properties of RSL quotation constructions seem to present problems for some current accounts of role shift in other sign languages.
{"title":"Quotation in Russian Sign Language: insights from corpus and elicitation","authors":"V. Kimmelman, E. Khristoforova","doi":"10.31009/FEAST.I2.08","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/FEAST.I2.08","url":null,"abstract":"This paper describes the basic properties of quotation in Russian Sign Language (RSL) using corpus and elicited data. Quotation constructions in RSL consist of source indication (optional), a predicate of speech (optional), and the quote itself. The quote as well as the other constituents of quotation constructions can be marked by non-manual markers (also known as role shift), namely by eye gaze change, head turns, and body turns; however, these markers are optional. Judging by the behavior of indexicals, quotation in naturalistic RSL narratives mostly involves direct speech. Mixed behavior of indexicals is also possible. Interestingly, non-manual marking does not correlate perfectly with the behavior of indexicals. We also find evidence that at least quotes with shifted indexicals are not syntactically embedded. The properties of RSL quotation constructions seem to present problems for some current accounts of role shift in other sign languages.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"102 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133364916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In contrast to previous discussions on agreement, this paper argues that matching of location is the single morphological exponent of verb agreement in sign languages, using data from Brazilian Sign Language (Libras). Therefore, we reject the analysis of path and/or directionality as agreement markers. We argue that “plain” verbs are actually capable of showing agreement, as long as there is no phonological restriction, if we consider the sharing of location features (co-localization) as the sole agreement mechanism. Agreement is not restricted to a subset of verbs and is actually more pervasive and pro-ductive than has been argued, thus challenging one argument against calling it agreement.
{"title":"Are plain verbs really plain?: Co-localization as the agreement marker in sign languages","authors":"Guilherme Lourenço, R. Wilbur","doi":"10.31009/feast.i2.06","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/feast.i2.06","url":null,"abstract":"In contrast to previous discussions on agreement, this paper argues that matching of location is the single morphological exponent of verb agreement in sign languages, using data from Brazilian Sign Language (Libras). Therefore, we reject the analysis of path and/or directionality as agreement markers. We argue that “plain” verbs are actually capable of showing agreement, as long as there is no phonological restriction, if we consider the sharing of location features (co-localization) as the sole agreement mechanism. Agreement is not restricted to a subset of verbs and is actually more pervasive and pro-ductive than has been argued, thus challenging one argument against calling it agreement.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124250404","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Polar interrogatives in Turkish Sign Language are marked with a special head movement, HEAD FORWARD. In this study I look at the distribution of this nonmanual marker in the embedded context and show that it is likely not merely a syntactic clause-typer as previously claimed in the literature. My findings reveal that this nonmanual marker’s presence and lack thereof distinguish between the semantic types question and proposition , and that it differs from its wh-counterpart, the HEAD BACKWARD, in that it is the sole syntactic clause-typer of the interrogative type, i.e. single conjunct polar, that it marks.
{"title":"Embedded polar interrogatives in Turkish Sign Language","authors":"Emre Hakgüder","doi":"10.31009/FEAST.I2.03","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31009/FEAST.I2.03","url":null,"abstract":"Polar interrogatives in Turkish Sign Language are marked with a special head movement, HEAD FORWARD. In this study I look at the distribution of this nonmanual marker in the embedded context and show that it is likely not merely a syntactic clause-typer as previously claimed in the literature. My findings reveal that this nonmanual marker’s presence and lack thereof distinguish between the semantic types question and proposition , and that it differs from its wh-counterpart, the HEAD BACKWARD, in that it is the sole syntactic clause-typer of the interrogative type, i.e. single conjunct polar, that it marks.","PeriodicalId":164096,"journal":{"name":"FEAST. Formal and Experimental Advances in Sign language Theory","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123081172","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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