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The United Nations International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on Transboundary Aquifers 联合国国际法委员会关于跨界含水层的条款草案
Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.1163/18757413_02401003
Michael A. Greenop
Despite being an important source of supply for basic human needs and development, groundwater has been largely out of sight and out of mind. Activities worldwide are rapidly increasing the pressure on this important but invisible resource, causing quantity depletion and quality degradation. A significant development in the process of helping to make groundwater governance visible was the development in 2008 of the United Nations International Law Commission’s Draft Articles on Transboundary Aquifers. This article considers the implications of the Draft Articles from the perspective of international law, reflecting in particular on the overlap with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Non- Navigational Uses of International Watercourses, the principle of limited sovereignty in the context of shared groundwater resources and the possible future form of the Draft Articles. It also considers the work of other international institutions which have supported the Commission’s work. This article concludes that the Draft Articles have struck the right balance and have provided an important step forward in helping to make this invisible resource visible in international law. This article has been prepared in anticipation of the 2022 UN World Water Day on ‘Groundwater: Making the Invisible Visible’ and the International Groundwater Resources Assessment Centre Groundwater Summit on 22–23 March 2022.
尽管地下水是满足人类基本需求和发展的重要供应来源,但人们在很大程度上忽视了地下水,也忽略了地下水。世界各地的活动正在迅速增加对这一重要但无形的资源的压力,造成数量枯竭和质量下降。2008年,联合国国际法委员会制定了《跨界含水层条款草案》,这是使地下水治理公开化过程中的一项重大进展。本文从国际法的角度考虑了条款草案的含义,特别是反映了与《联合国国际水道非航行使用法公约》的重叠、共享地下水资源背景下的有限主权原则以及条款草案未来可能的形式。委员会还审议了支持委员会工作的其他国际机构的工作。该条的结论是,条款草案取得了适当的平衡,并在帮助使这一无形资源在国际法中可见方面向前迈出了重要的一步。本文是为迎接2022年联合国世界水日“地下水:使无形可见”和国际地下水资源评估中心将于2022年3月22日至23日召开的地下水首脑会议而编写的。
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引用次数: 0
unscr 1325 and Maritime Security 第1325号决议和海上安全
Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.1163/18757413_02401006
M. Pappa
United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325/ 2000 on Women, Peace and Security (‘unscr 1325’) has been hailed by States, scholars, and organisations concerned with gender equality. It was a major step towards the recognition of the nexus between gender, violence, and security and a beacon of women’s empowerment. Notwithstanding, it is not without contextual limitations. The security sector is faced with challenges that are not covered by the Resolution. These include non- war situations, such as security crises at sea. The rise of threats at sea (such as piracy, maritime terrorism, and irregular migration) has caused a rapid evolution of maritime security strategies. Still, important aspects are missing therefrom. Such is the treatment of gender – and more specifically, women. Despite their increasing presence in the maritime domain, women are not explicitly mentioned in the maritime affairs agenda. An analysis of some of the world’s most progressive maritime security frameworks (national, regional, and organisational) demonstrates that these are primarily concerned with state (rather than human) security and pay little or no attention to gender aspects. What is more, the international laws (the law of the sea, safety and security laws, human rights instruments, and humanitarian law conventions) that might fill this gap take a fragmented and ineffective approach towards women’s interests in the maritime domain. The gender blindness of the maritime sector may ultimately lead to bias against women, threatening gender equality. This article argues that unscr 1325 should be extended to maritime security contexts in order to advance women’s empowerment at sea.
联合国安全理事会关于妇女、和平与安全的第1325/ 2000号决议(“unscr 1325”)受到关注性别平等的国家、学者和组织的欢迎。这是朝着承认性别、暴力和安全之间的联系迈出的重要一步,也是赋予妇女权力的灯塔。尽管如此,它并非没有上下文限制。安全部门面临着决议未涉及的挑战。这些包括非战争情况,如海上安全危机。海上威胁的增加(如海盗、海上恐怖主义和非法移民)导致了海上安全战略的迅速演变。尽管如此,还是遗漏了一些重要的方面。这就是对待性别的方式——更具体地说,是对待女性的方式。尽管妇女在海洋领域的存在越来越多,但在海洋事务议程中没有明确提到妇女。对世界上一些最先进的海上安全框架(国家、地区和组织)的分析表明,这些框架主要关注国家(而不是人类)安全,很少或根本不关注性别方面。更重要的是,可能填补这一空白的国际法(海洋法、安全和保安法、人权文书和人道主义法公约)对妇女在海洋领域的利益采取了支离破碎和无效的做法。海事部门的性别盲目性最终可能导致对妇女的偏见,威胁到性别平等。本文认为,unscr 1325应扩展到海上安全背景下,以促进妇女在海上的赋权。
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引用次数: 0
The Notion of Institutional Practice in United Nations Law 联合国法中的制度实践概念
Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.1163/18757413_02401002
Lorenzo Gasbarri
This paper aims to define the notion of institutional practice and it examines the extent to which United Nations organs and Member States can rely on and are limited by it. It describes all the normative theories involved, and proposes a simplified and comprehensive framework. The core argument is that institutional practice is less relevant than it seems in the first instance and, generally, it cannot do much by itself. It requires a further element to produce normative effects, whether in the form of Member States’ practice or other means of interpretation of the constitutive instrument. After a brief introduction, the second section focuses on what constitutes institutional practice, distinguishing between the problem of the acts that constitute practice and how they are attributed to the organisation. Section iii discusses its employment by the International Law Commission, which distinguishes ‘subsequent’ institutional practice as a means of interpretation of the constitutive instrument, ‘general’ institutional practice as an element of customary law, and ‘established’ institutional practice as a rule of the organisation. Finally, Section iv provides a general overview of the normative relevance of institutional practice. The Conclusion summarizes these main findings.
本文旨在界定体制实践的概念,并审查联合国各机构和会员国在多大程度上可以依赖体制实践并受其限制。它描述了所有涉及的规范理论,并提出了一个简化和全面的框架。核心论点是,制度实践并不像最初看起来那么重要,而且一般来说,它本身无法发挥多大作用。它需要一个进一步的因素来产生规范性效果,无论是以会员国的做法的形式还是以对构成性文书的其他解释手段的形式。在简要介绍之后,第二部分侧重于什么构成制度实践,区分构成实践的行为问题以及如何将其归因于组织。第三节讨论了国际法委员会对其的使用,其中区分了作为解释构成文书的一种手段的“后续”制度实践,作为习惯法要素的“一般”制度实践,以及作为组织规则的“既定”制度实践。最后,第四节提供了制度实践的规范性相关性的总体概述。结语部分总结了这些主要发现。
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引用次数: 0
The Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism for Grave Violations of Children’s Rights 严重侵犯儿童权利行为监测和报告机制
Pub Date : 2021-12-17 DOI: 10.1163/18757413_02401012
F. Seatzu
Prior to the establishment of the Monitoring and Reporting Mechanism (‘mrm’) in 2005, conflict related violence against children was a largely unknown phenomenon in its real numbers and forms. This situation was rightly perceived as being unacceptable by several reports, including UN documents. Nevertheless, the establishment of mrm leaded to the introduction of a number of criteria and rules for the gathering and reporting of information and data on conflict related violence against children to the UN Security Council. It was generally believed that these innovations would enhance the fight against these acts of violence at UN level. This paper critically examines the various criteria and rules through which the mrm has contributed to the fight against violence towards children in armed conflict scenarios. It asserts that due the continued growth of episodes of violence against children, the benefits anticipated to reduce these odious forms of violence under mrm have remained elusive throughout the fifteen years since the mrm was established. The work advances a suggestion for the improvement of the operation and functioning of the mrm through the attribution of adjudication powers to this body.
在2005年建立监测和报告机制(mrm)之前,与冲突有关的暴力侵害儿童行为的实际数量和形式在很大程度上是一个未知现象。包括联合国文件在内的几份报告正确地认为这种情况是不可接受的。然而,mrm的建立导致了一系列标准和规则的引入,这些标准和规则用于收集和向联合国安理会报告与冲突有关的暴力侵害儿童行为的信息和数据。人们普遍认为,这些创新将加强在联合国一级打击这些暴力行为的斗争。本文批判性地考察了mrm为打击武装冲突中针对儿童的暴力行为做出贡献的各种标准和规则。缔约国声称,由于暴力侵害儿童事件的持续增长,在《儿童权利监测机制》建立以来的15年中,预期减少这些可恶的暴力形式的好处仍然难以实现。通过将审判权归属于上诉法院,提出了完善上诉法院运行和职能的建议。
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引用次数: 0
Preliminary Material 初步材料
Pub Date : 2020-12-03 DOI: 10.1163/18757413_023001001
Editors Max Planck Yearbook of United Natio
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引用次数: 0
The Institutional and Constitutional Aspects of the Arab Maghreb Union and the Dispute on Western Sahara as an Obstacle: What Role does the European Union Play in Promoting Maghreb Regional Integration? 阿拉伯马格里布联盟的体制和宪法方面以及作为障碍的西撒哈拉争端:欧洲联盟在促进马格里布区域一体化方面发挥什么作用?
Pub Date : 2019-10-07 DOI: 10.1163/18757413_022001012
Mohamed Riyad M. Almosly
The current era is witnessing a proliferation of challenges of a transnational character that do not recognize the geographical limits of sovereign States, such as human traficking and pollution. Therefore, States have to establish new regional cooperative methods to find effective solutions for these challenges. Although the Maghreb States (i.e. Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia) have been suffering from the negative impacts of such challenges over the last few decades, they have not yet created an effective regional cooperative framework. In this respect, since its establishment in 1989 among the Maghreb States, the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU, Union) has not been successful in stimulating Maghreb regional integration. The current study addresses a topic that has not yet been fully exploited by legal studies in the English language. It examines, first, the genesis and institutional structure of the AMU as well as the constitutional aspects of the 1989 AMU Treaty; second, the role of the EU’s multilateral and bilateral instruments in promoting Maghreb regional integration; and third, the dispute on Western Sahara between Morocco and the Polisario Front and its effect on Maghreb regional integration. The article concludes that Maghreb regional integration has so far failed due to the institutional and constitutional limits of the AMU Treaty and the political division among the Maghreb States resulting from the Western Sahara conflict. In addition, the EU so far has not followed a consistent and single approach in promoting the Maghreb integration nor did it play any role in solving the dispute on Western Sahara.
当前时代正在目睹不承认主权国家地理限制的跨国性质的挑战的扩散,例如人口贩运和污染。因此,各国必须建立新的区域合作方法,为这些挑战找到有效的解决办法。虽然马格里布国家(即阿尔及利亚、利比亚、毛里塔尼亚、摩洛哥和突尼斯)在过去几十年中一直受到这种挑战的消极影响,但它们尚未建立有效的区域合作框架。在这方面,自1989年在马格里布国家中成立以来,阿拉伯马格里布联盟(联盟)未能成功地促进马格里布区域一体化。目前的研究涉及一个尚未被英语法律研究充分利用的主题。它首先考察了欧洲货币联盟的起源和体制结构,以及1989年欧洲货币联盟条约的宪法方面;第二,欧盟多边和双边文书在促进马格里布地区一体化方面的作用;第三,摩洛哥与波利萨里奥阵线在西撒哈拉问题上的争端及其对马格里布区域一体化的影响。文章的结论是,马格里布区域一体化迄今未能成功,原因是《欧洲货币联盟条约》的体制和宪法限制以及西撒哈拉冲突造成的马格里布国家之间的政治分裂。此外,迄今为止,欧盟在促进马格里布一体化方面没有采取一贯和单一的做法,也没有在解决西撒哈拉争端方面发挥任何作用。
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引用次数: 0
On the Governance of International Judicial Institutions: The Development of Performance Indicators for the International Criminal Court 论国际司法机构的治理:国际刑事法院绩效指标的发展
Pub Date : 2019-10-07 DOI: 10.1163/18757413_022001005
A. Carcano
This article reviews the recent effort of the Assembly of States Parties to the Rome Statute (ASP) to measure the performance of the International Criminal Court (ICC) through the identification of goals and performance indicators. Upon an analysis of the various performance indicators reports prepared by the ICC and pertinent scholarly contributions, it offers a critical review of the ASP’s endeavour. While appreciating the usefulness of the large amount of information collected by the ICC in the said reports, it argues that the turn to managerialism brought about by the ASP’s endeavour, while laudable in many respects, may constitute an encroachment on the exercise of the judicial function if not properly handled through a closer coordination with the goals set in the ICC Statute. It may, in fact, amount to ‘micromanagement’ with the consequence of diverting the ASP’s attention from the more pressing task of developing—20 years after the signing of the Rome Statute—an innovative vision of the ICC’s role for the next (20) years.
本文回顾了《罗马规约》缔约国大会(ASP)最近通过确定目标和绩效指标来衡量国际刑事法院(ICC)绩效的努力。在对国际商会编写的各种绩效指标报告和相关学术贡献进行分析后,它对ASP的努力进行了批判性审查。虽然赞赏国际刑事法院在上述报告中收集的大量资料的有用性,但它认为,ASP的努力所带来的转向管理主义,虽然在许多方面值得赞扬,但如果不通过与国际刑事法院规约所定目标的更密切协调而妥善处理,可能构成对行使司法职能的侵犯。事实上,这可能相当于“微观管理”,其结果是将ASP的注意力从更紧迫的任务上转移开,即在《罗马规约》签署20年后,为国际刑事法院未来20年的角色制定一个创新的愿景。
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引用次数: 0
Preliminary Material 初步材料
Pub Date : 2019-10-07 DOI: 10.1163/18757413-02201001
Editors Max Planck Yearbook of United Natio
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引用次数: 0
Institutions of International Law: How International Law Secures Orderliness in International Affairs 国际法机构:国际法如何保障国际事务秩序
Pub Date : 2019-10-07 DOI: 10.1163/18757413_022001009
Volker Roeben
This article is a plea for adopting a reinvigorated, analytic perspective on contemporary international law, building on MacCormick’s powerful insights into law’s essential structure. The article proposes that international law as whole forms an institutional normative order. The idea of institutional normative order has certain conditions. These link a normative conception of international law with the means of achieving it. The article makes three arguments on these conditions. It first argues that the function of international law is to create order in the sense of orderliness for its principal users, States and international organizations. It then claims that international law establishes normative order through international rules that are binding from the viewpoint of States and international organizations. An international process of rule-making embedded in State practice turns norms into such rules. The process is being held as a bindingness-creating mechanism because it formalizes rules through recognized means and organizes collective consent to authorize them. States and international organizations then apply these rules by exercising international legal powers under a defeasible presumption of legality. Third, the article argues that this normative order becomes institutionalized. The institutions of international law are grounded in ideas about agencies, arrangements, and master-norms that integrate the mass of international rules and principles. The article exemplifies these arguments for UN-driven international law with the relating recent jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS) and Annex vii tribunals, and the Court of Justice of the European Union. The upshot of this idea of international law as institutional normative order is unity, or indeed a system. No part of international law can be seen outside of this context and hence the burden of argumentation is on those wishing to make the case for divergence.
本文在麦考密克对法律本质结构的深刻见解的基础上,呼吁对当代国际法采取一种重新焕发活力的分析视角。本文提出,国际法作为一个整体构成了一种制度规范秩序。制度规范秩序的理念具有一定的条件。它们将国际法的规范性概念与实现这一概念的手段联系起来。本文就这些条件提出了三个论点。它首先认为,国际法的功能是为其主要使用者、国家和国际组织创造秩序意义上的秩序。然后,它声称国际法通过从国家和国际组织的观点来看具有约束力的国际规则建立规范秩序。嵌入国家实践的国际规则制定进程将规范变成这种规则。这一进程被视为一种产生约束力的机制,因为它通过公认的手段使规则正式化,并组织集体同意授权这些规则。然后,各国和国际组织在一种不可推翻的合法性推定下,通过行使国际法律权力来适用这些规则。第三,本文认为这种规范秩序已经制度化。国际法的机构是建立在有关机构、安排和总规范的思想基础之上的,这些概念整合了大量的国际规则和原则。本文以国际法院(ICJ)、国际海洋法法庭(ITLOS)和附件七法庭以及欧盟法院的相关判例为例,举例说明了联合国推动的国际法的这些论点。将国际法作为一种制度性规范秩序的想法的结果是统一,或者实际上是一种体系。国际法的任何部分都不能脱离这一背景来看待,因此,辩论的重担落在那些希望提出分歧理由的人身上。
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引用次数: 0
Sustainable Development Goal 16 at a Cross-Roads 处于十字路口的可持续发展目标16
Pub Date : 2019-10-07 DOI: 10.1163/18757413_022001008
Frauke Lachenmann
The negotiation process of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGS) process was extremely ambitious. It sought to remedy all the shortcomings of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGS) by ensuring transparency, ownership of the countries of the Global South, strong involvement of civil society groups and stakeholders, and creating a truly transformative set of sustainable development goals. Yet, it did not manage to avoid all the mistakes that were characteristic of the formulation of the MDGS. In addition, it struggled with its very own problems.The article traces the developments and debates that led to the formulation of Goal 16 on the rule of law. It shows that the success of this ambitious goal largely depends on the refinement of the indicator framework and the review mechanism.
可持续发展目标(SDGS)进程的谈判过程极其雄心勃勃。它力求通过确保透明度、全球南方国家的自主权、民间社会团体和利益攸关方的大力参与,以及制定一套真正具有变革性的可持续发展目标,来弥补千年发展目标的所有缺陷。然而,它并没有设法避免千年发展目标制定过程中所特有的所有错误。此外,它也在努力解决自身的问题。本文追溯了导致制定关于法治的目标16的发展和辩论。报告显示,这一宏伟目标的成功在很大程度上取决于指标框架和审查机制的完善。
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引用次数: 0
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Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online
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