Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.31.37
C. Shim, Ho Kim
This study focused on the spice trade that originated from the Age of Discovery. From a macro perspective, the purpose was to present meaningful implications that can actively respond to today's rapidly changing international trade environment and that can be used as a reference for national policy trade trends. Compared to the Age of Exploration, today's international trade focuses on securing advanced technology and protecting resources and outwardly promotes free trade, but in reality, protectionism is the basis of national policy. Like spices, the complementary relationship between resources and technology means that economic benefits cannot be secured through monopoly or domination by one party alone, but can be secured from added value through mutual complementation or combination. This perspective is the main cause of today's changes in the international trade environment, which is developing as an appropriate mixture of protectionism and free trade policy. The struggle for control over trade routes and spices, which was the cause of the fierce wars among European countries, went beyond the preservation of commercial interests to meet consumption demands, and now the added value created by the fusion of resources and technology is not only the purpose of diplomacy, but also the top priority. This suggests that it should become a national policy.
{"title":"Historical Implications of the Spice Trade of European Powers during the Age of the Great Voyage","authors":"C. Shim, Ho Kim","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.31.37","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.31.37","url":null,"abstract":"This study focused on the spice trade that originated from the Age of Discovery. From a macro perspective, the purpose was to present meaningful implications that can actively respond to today's rapidly changing international trade environment and that can be used as a reference for national policy trade trends. Compared to the Age of Exploration, today's international trade focuses on securing advanced technology and protecting resources and outwardly promotes free trade, but in reality, protectionism is the basis of national policy. Like spices, the complementary relationship between resources and technology means that economic benefits cannot be secured through monopoly or domination by one party alone, but can be secured from added value through mutual complementation or combination. This perspective is the main cause of today's changes in the international trade environment, which is developing as an appropriate mixture of protectionism and free trade policy. The struggle for control over trade routes and spices, which was the cause of the fierce wars among European countries, went beyond the preservation of commercial interests to meet consumption demands, and now the added value created by the fusion of resources and technology is not only the purpose of diplomacy, but also the top priority. This suggests that it should become a national policy.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139201282","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Christopher Clavius lived during a transitional period in the history of science, the transition from medieval natural philosophy to modern science in the late Renaissance, when the two periods overlapped each other. He was on the threshold of the Scientific Revolution, which began with the great astronomical discoveries by Copernicus and Galileo and led to a “paradigm shift” across European civilization. Most importantly, the discoveries in astronomy posed a serious challenge to the Church. In the face of these intellectual challenges, Clavius carefully weighed the discoveries. He remained committed to the Ptolemaic geocentric planetary system within the framework of Aristotelian natural philosophy, which reaffirmed the celestial system of an unmoving Earth at the center and the other planets in fixed orbits within a solid crystal sphere. In short, Clavius was not a leading figure of paradigm shift in the Scientific Revolution but a prudent mediator between tradition and innovation, and he was a key figure in the Gregorian calendar reform and a pioneer of modern science education.
{"title":"Clavius’ contributions and limitations to the Gregorian calendar reform and modern science education","authors":"Jinhyon Lee","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.31.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.31.1","url":null,"abstract":"Christopher Clavius lived during a transitional period in the history of science, the transition from medieval natural philosophy to modern science in the late Renaissance, when the two periods overlapped each other. He was on the threshold of the Scientific Revolution, which began with the great astronomical discoveries by Copernicus and Galileo and led to a “paradigm shift” across European civilization. Most importantly, the discoveries in astronomy posed a serious challenge to the Church. In the face of these intellectual challenges, Clavius carefully weighed the discoveries. He remained committed to the Ptolemaic geocentric planetary system within the framework of Aristotelian natural philosophy, which reaffirmed the celestial system of an unmoving Earth at the center and the other planets in fixed orbits within a solid crystal sphere. In short, Clavius was not a leading figure of paradigm shift in the Scientific Revolution but a prudent mediator between tradition and innovation, and he was a key figure in the Gregorian calendar reform and a pioneer of modern science education.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":" 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139197509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.31.275
Hyuk Jeong
Sámi Reindeer herders in Trøndelag county of Norway insist that Fosen Vind project is in operation taking up the grazing land for their reindeers posing a threat to their land for living. They maintain that it is in violation of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples stipulated in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Norwegian Fosen Vind project exemplifies a major case that local people in certain region are likely to get exposed to the risk of ‘Climate Justice’ by running renewable energy plant or the accompanying installations or facilities. Strengthening the authority of Norwegian municipalities regarding installation of wind power generation and legal guarantee of the veto, and need for cooperation among the municipalities and the Sámi through implementation of the Zoning Plan, and arranging dialogue window of consultative group consisting of the representatives of operators of the wind power plant and the local people can be the feasible options to take into consideration to materialize the ‘Climate Justice’ for the local people around the wind power plant or the relevant installations However, before any of the options, it is significantly important that the Zoning Plan that comprehends the permit procedure for land use should be effectively put in place. And for that purpose, legal guarantee for land ownership of people residing around the area of installation of wind power plant and the relevant legal review of it and cementing clarity of the ownership should become safety for the likely conflicting case of ‘Climate Justice’ even involving the other renewable energy plants.
{"title":"A perspective on the possibility to realize ‘Climate Justice’ for Norwegian Sámi: Fosen Vind Project","authors":"Hyuk Jeong","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.31.275","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.31.275","url":null,"abstract":"Sámi Reindeer herders in Trøndelag county of Norway insist that Fosen Vind project is in operation taking up the grazing land for their reindeers posing a threat to their land for living. They maintain that it is in violation of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples stipulated in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. The Norwegian Fosen Vind project exemplifies a major case that local people in certain region are likely to get exposed to the risk of ‘Climate Justice’ by running renewable energy plant or the accompanying installations or facilities. Strengthening the authority of Norwegian municipalities regarding installation of wind power generation and legal guarantee of the veto, and need for cooperation among the municipalities and the Sámi through implementation of the Zoning Plan, and arranging dialogue window of consultative group consisting of the representatives of operators of the wind power plant and the local people can be the feasible options to take into consideration to materialize the ‘Climate Justice’ for the local people around the wind power plant or the relevant installations However, before any of the options, it is significantly important that the Zoning Plan that comprehends the permit procedure for land use should be effectively put in place. And for that purpose, legal guarantee for land ownership of people residing around the area of installation of wind power plant and the relevant legal review of it and cementing clarity of the ownership should become safety for the likely conflicting case of ‘Climate Justice’ even involving the other renewable energy plants.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139198971","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.31.233
Eun Ji Song
The aim of this study is to present and analyze how the digital content industry, which is increasingly expanding globally, is developing in Hungary. Hungary has one of the highest proportions of central government spending on culture among the 29 OECD countries. It also has the highest government spending on culture among the 29 EU countries. In light of this, this article focuses on the content industry, which accounts for the largest part of the Hungarian government budget, and analyzes its current status and future development. It also examines the European Union's support for the Hungarian film and broadcasting sector, and discusses Hungary's strengths in the content industry and its expected role in the future.
{"title":"Expansion and New Roles of the Hungarian Content Industry","authors":"Eun Ji Song","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.31.233","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.31.233","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this study is to present and analyze how the digital content industry, which is increasingly expanding globally, is developing in Hungary. Hungary has one of the highest proportions of central government spending on culture among the 29 OECD countries. It also has the highest government spending on culture among the 29 EU countries. In light of this, this article focuses on the content industry, which accounts for the largest part of the Hungarian government budget, and analyzes its current status and future development. It also examines the European Union's support for the Hungarian film and broadcasting sector, and discusses Hungary's strengths in the content industry and its expected role in the future.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139198129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.31.199
Seung-Keun Lee
Emmanuel Macron, representing the newly formed party 'En Marche' and advocating for centrist policies, successfully won the presidency in 2017, gaining popularity among the French population. After taking office, President Macron implemented economically right-leaning policies while also bolstering welfare programs as part of an expansion of left-leaning social initiatives. In terms of foreign policy, he positioned himself as an ideological successor to President de Gaulle, who led the Fifth Republic of France. He strategically utilized the transatlantic alliance's division caused by President Trump in executing his foreign policy, aiming to establish a 'New European Order' with fellow Europeans. Additionally, after the UK's Brexit referendum, he worked towards expanding France's influence in Europe, following the traditional Gaullist path that lies at the core of French right-wing ideology. This study analyzes how President Macron effectively demonstrated the strengthening of France's position, in line with the principles of Gaullism, amid the shifting dynamics of the European order. This was achieved through the deepening of European integration, the collaborative construction of Europe by Europeans, the enhancement of strategic autonomy, and the prioritization of security within the EU over NATO. Ultimately, President Macron incorporated a significant portion of the Gaullist approach into his foreign policy, aiming for an independent and self-reliant European policy for France. He sought to implement this Gaullist approach through the EU, working to empower France to make decisions and take action independently in its relations with the United States. This study illustrates his efforts to enable the EU to operate autonomously in matters of diplomacy, security, and defense.
{"title":"Emmanuel Macron's pursuit of Gaullist policies and conflicts within the Transatlantic Alliance","authors":"Seung-Keun Lee","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.31.199","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.31.199","url":null,"abstract":"Emmanuel Macron, representing the newly formed party 'En Marche' and advocating for centrist policies, successfully won the presidency in 2017, gaining popularity among the French population. After taking office, President Macron implemented economically right-leaning policies while also bolstering welfare programs as part of an expansion of left-leaning social initiatives. In terms of foreign policy, he positioned himself as an ideological successor to President de Gaulle, who led the Fifth Republic of France. He strategically utilized the transatlantic alliance's division caused by President Trump in executing his foreign policy, aiming to establish a 'New European Order' with fellow Europeans. Additionally, after the UK's Brexit referendum, he worked towards expanding France's influence in Europe, following the traditional Gaullist path that lies at the core of French right-wing ideology. This study analyzes how President Macron effectively demonstrated the strengthening of France's position, in line with the principles of Gaullism, amid the shifting dynamics of the European order. This was achieved through the deepening of European integration, the collaborative construction of Europe by Europeans, the enhancement of strategic autonomy, and the prioritization of security within the EU over NATO. Ultimately, President Macron incorporated a significant portion of the Gaullist approach into his foreign policy, aiming for an independent and self-reliant European policy for France. He sought to implement this Gaullist approach through the EU, working to empower France to make decisions and take action independently in its relations with the United States. This study illustrates his efforts to enable the EU to operate autonomously in matters of diplomacy, security, and defense.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139198206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.31.89
Yoo-Joung Kim, Seong Ju Kim
The European Union (EU), which guaranteed peace and prosperity in Europe after the two World Wars, has faced a series of consecutive crises and challenges since the late 2000s. Some analysts have even diagnosed a pessimistic outlook for the future of Europe due to this continuous string of crises. Such a reality has prompted inquiries into the continuity of the EU itself. Is the EU genuinely sustainable? If it endures, can it evolve into a more robust political integration body? Enduring amidst the prevailing ascendancy of nationalism and external pressures, can the EU steadfastly preserve unity within diversity? This study, which discusses the relationship between the crisis of war and the development of European integration, primarily aims to find insights into the current future of the EU and the correlation between crises and the development of European integration. Throughout the past 70 years of European integration, Europe has faced numerous crises. In 1954, with the failure of the European Defense Community (EDC) treaty, journalists questioned the uncertain future of integration. Jean Monnet, in response, asserted that Europe would learn about integration through crises. Moreover, the development of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the first institution of European integration, is closely linked to the crises in Europe during the 20th century, including the World Wars and the Cold War. Therefore, Monnet explained that Europe was born out of crises. This study will explore the origins of the ECSC and the significance of supranational European integration methods, examining how crises of war can strongly reinforce the necessity for integration.
{"title":"Crises of War and European Integration: Background of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC)","authors":"Yoo-Joung Kim, Seong Ju Kim","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.31.89","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.31.89","url":null,"abstract":"The European Union (EU), which guaranteed peace and prosperity in Europe after the two World Wars, has faced a series of consecutive crises and challenges since the late 2000s. Some analysts have even diagnosed a pessimistic outlook for the future of Europe due to this continuous string of crises. Such a reality has prompted inquiries into the continuity of the EU itself. Is the EU genuinely sustainable? If it endures, can it evolve into a more robust political integration body? Enduring amidst the prevailing ascendancy of nationalism and external pressures, can the EU steadfastly preserve unity within diversity? This study, which discusses the relationship between the crisis of war and the development of European integration, primarily aims to find insights into the current future of the EU and the correlation between crises and the development of European integration. Throughout the past 70 years of European integration, Europe has faced numerous crises. In 1954, with the failure of the European Defense Community (EDC) treaty, journalists questioned the uncertain future of integration. Jean Monnet, in response, asserted that Europe would learn about integration through crises. Moreover, the development of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the first institution of European integration, is closely linked to the crises in Europe during the 20th century, including the World Wars and the Cold War. Therefore, Monnet explained that Europe was born out of crises. This study will explore the origins of the ECSC and the significance of supranational European integration methods, examining how crises of war can strongly reinforce the necessity for integration.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"79 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139202823","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.31.175
Seock-Jun Yoon
The aim of this study is to analyse the historical processes and institutional features of European space policy governance in order to understand its unique governance characteristics, which are designed to ensure that horizontal cooperation at the European level between the ESA and the EU and vertical cooperation between the ESA and Member States' national space agencies are complementary. To this end, this study first examines the historical process of the development of European space policy from the perspective of the history of European integration and the history of legal institutions, in order to understand the nature of the parallel development of European space policy centred on ESA, independent of the evolution of European integration from the ECSC to the EU. On this basis, it will analyse the multi-layered governance of European space policy today, focusing on the two characteristics of 'hybridity' and 'integrity' in order to contribute to a more accurate understanding of European space policy.
{"title":"The Governance of European Space Policy","authors":"Seock-Jun Yoon","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.31.175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.31.175","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this study is to analyse the historical processes and institutional features of European space policy governance in order to understand its unique governance characteristics, which are designed to ensure that horizontal cooperation at the European level between the ESA and the EU and vertical cooperation between the ESA and Member States' national space agencies are complementary. To this end, this study first examines the historical process of the development of European space policy from the perspective of the history of European integration and the history of legal institutions, in order to understand the nature of the parallel development of European space policy centred on ESA, independent of the evolution of European integration from the ECSC to the EU. On this basis, it will analyse the multi-layered governance of European space policy today, focusing on the two characteristics of 'hybridity' and 'integrity' in order to contribute to a more accurate understanding of European space policy.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"12 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139199343","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.31.117
Hong Sik Cho
This article aims to present and analyze the theoretical connections between crisis and integration in Europe-making historical movement. Rather than comparing recent integration theories among diverse schools of international politics such as realism, liberalism, and constructivism, I emphasize several concrete theoretical methods linking directly crisis and integration in historical perspective. First, functionalist and neo-functionalist theories will be considered with their concepts of spillover, spillaround, or buildup. Then, I will examine the institutionalist approach which has brought about interesting and fruitful insights into crisis-integration analysis. Finally, I present political-strategy-perspective underlining actors and agency which can complement structural approaches of functionalism and institutionalism. I will conclude by examining the problems of combining those diverse perspectives in empirical research.
{"title":"Crisis and Integration in Europe : Theoretical Perspectives","authors":"Hong Sik Cho","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.31.117","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.31.117","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to present and analyze the theoretical connections between crisis and integration in Europe-making historical movement. Rather than comparing recent integration theories among diverse schools of international politics such as realism, liberalism, and constructivism, I emphasize several concrete theoretical methods linking directly crisis and integration in historical perspective. First, functionalist and neo-functionalist theories will be considered with their concepts of spillover, spillaround, or buildup. Then, I will examine the institutionalist approach which has brought about interesting and fruitful insights into crisis-integration analysis. Finally, I present political-strategy-perspective underlining actors and agency which can complement structural approaches of functionalism and institutionalism. I will conclude by examining the problems of combining those diverse perspectives in empirical research.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"27 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139206701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.31.141
Sung Eun Shim
During the pandemic period, the world underwent significant changes not only in health and economic fields, but also in political ones. European politics also saw substantial changes in supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties. However, in exceptional situations like COVID-19, supporting rates for parties might be influenced more by the crisis itself than by party policies or economic performance. This paper aims to identify the key factors that contributed to the changes of supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties during the two waves of COVID-19 in 2020. A multiple regression analysis was conducted, with the dependent variable of supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties of 30 European countries, including EU member states(excluding Cyprus), Iceland, Norway, the UK, and Scotland, during the first wave, period of pause, and second wave of COVID-19. The independent variables are supporting rates for other parties, health factors such as COVID-19 casualties and confirmed cases, economic factors like GDP growth rate, inflation, total income, and 23 government-imposed lockdown measures of 30 European countries. The analysis revealed following findings. First, the human casualties of COVID-19 did not directly impact supporting rates of parties. The number of deaths per million was only positively correlated with an increase in support for the ruling party during the second wave, likely due to a rallying effect as the pandemic resurged. Second, among the lockdown measures, bans on outdoor activities, restaurant closures, and workplace shutdowns had an impact on the support rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties. Countries that imposed outdoor activity bans for a longer duration experienced a decrease in support for the ruling parties, while far-right and main opposition parties’ supporting rates tended to increase. Third, economic factors continued to influence party support during the pandemic. Countries with higher GDP growth rates, higher total income, and lower unemployment rates during the first and second waves maintained higher supporting rates for the ruling parties. Additionally, during the second wave, countries with rapidly rising unemployment rates had higher supporting rates for far-right parties and the main opposition parties. Through this analysis, it became evident that supporting rates for parties in 30 European countries were influenced more by government-imposed lockdown measures and economic factors than by the direct impact of COVID-19 casualties during the pandemic spread.
{"title":"Does Pandemic Boost the Support for the Ruling Parties?: The Impact of COVID-19 on the Support for European Political Parties","authors":"Sung Eun Shim","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.31.141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.31.141","url":null,"abstract":"During the pandemic period, the world underwent significant changes not only in health and economic fields, but also in political ones. European politics also saw substantial changes in supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties. However, in exceptional situations like COVID-19, supporting rates for parties might be influenced more by the crisis itself than by party policies or economic performance. This paper aims to identify the key factors that contributed to the changes of supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties during the two waves of COVID-19 in 2020. A multiple regression analysis was conducted, with the dependent variable of supporting rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties of 30 European countries, including EU member states(excluding Cyprus), Iceland, Norway, the UK, and Scotland, during the first wave, period of pause, and second wave of COVID-19. The independent variables are supporting rates for other parties, health factors such as COVID-19 casualties and confirmed cases, economic factors like GDP growth rate, inflation, total income, and 23 government-imposed lockdown measures of 30 European countries. The analysis revealed following findings. First, the human casualties of COVID-19 did not directly impact supporting rates of parties. The number of deaths per million was only positively correlated with an increase in support for the ruling party during the second wave, likely due to a rallying effect as the pandemic resurged. Second, among the lockdown measures, bans on outdoor activities, restaurant closures, and workplace shutdowns had an impact on the support rates for the ruling parties, far-right parties, and the main opposition parties. Countries that imposed outdoor activity bans for a longer duration experienced a decrease in support for the ruling parties, while far-right and main opposition parties’ supporting rates tended to increase. Third, economic factors continued to influence party support during the pandemic. Countries with higher GDP growth rates, higher total income, and lower unemployment rates during the first and second waves maintained higher supporting rates for the ruling parties. Additionally, during the second wave, countries with rapidly rising unemployment rates had higher supporting rates for far-right parties and the main opposition parties. Through this analysis, it became evident that supporting rates for parties in 30 European countries were influenced more by government-imposed lockdown measures and economic factors than by the direct impact of COVID-19 casualties during the pandemic spread.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139197993","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.31.65
Jong Hoon Shin
This article aims to examine the relaunching of European integration after the failure to establish the European Defense Community from the perspective of European integration and crisis. The crisis in the early days of European integration in the 1950s, the fiasco to create the European Defense Community and the European Political Community, was a driving force for a new leap forward in integration that led to the creation of the European Economic Community. Case studies from the mid-1950s will present implications for the prospects for the future of the European Union facing crises with new characteristics and the correlation between European integration and the crisis.
{"title":"The fiasco of EDC project and the relaunching of European integration","authors":"Jong Hoon Shin","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.31.65","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.31.65","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to examine the relaunching of European integration after the failure to establish the European Defense Community from the perspective of European integration and crisis. The crisis in the early days of European integration in the 1950s, the fiasco to create the European Defense Community and the European Political Community, was a driving force for a new leap forward in integration that led to the creation of the European Economic Community. Case studies from the mid-1950s will present implications for the prospects for the future of the European Union facing crises with new characteristics and the correlation between European integration and the crisis.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"15 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139200305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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