Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.30.115
Sang Dong Lee
Kitsch culture is a type of popular culture. In Hungary, kitsch culture emerged in the late 19th century and became increasingly popular in the early 20th century. In Hungary, kitsch culture was especially popular among the working class and peasants. Kitsch culture offered a way to escape the drudgery of life and imagine a better world, and it provided a sense of community and belonging. Of course, kitsch culture was also popular among the bourgeoisie, but they saw it as a way to express their patriotism and loyalty to the Hungarian state. The period from the late 1950s to the early 1970s is considered the golden age of Hungarian kitsch culture. This was due to the rise of socialist realism, the official art style of the communist regime after World War II. Socialist realism is characterized by realism and a focus on social issues, and the Hungarian communist regime used art as a means of propaganda, encouraging artists to create works that promoted socialist ideals and values, such as collective farming and industrialization. As such, Hungarian kitsch art was often used to promote the ideology of the communist regime and glorify party leaders. Kitsch culture in Hungary began to decline after the fall of communism in 1989, as the country's political and social landscape changed: Hungary began to move away from Soviet influence, and the government became more open to Western ideas and culture. Kitsch culture became popular again in Hungary in the 2000s, partly because many Hungarians felt nostalgic for the communist era, and partly because kitsch culture provided a way to express individuality and creativity in a society still in transition. In other words, Hungarian kitsch culture was revived by a number of factors, including nostalgia, globalization, and Hungary's accession to the European Union, and it has continued to evolve and adapt to changing cultural and social trends. An important aspect of kitsch culture during this period was the rise of nostalgia for the communist era. This growing nostalgia for the past has led to a renewed interest in the socialist era, including kitsch culture. Therefore, this article examines the history and development of Hungarian kitsch culture and how it continues to shape the self-identity of Hungarians today after Hungary's accession to the European Union.
{"title":"헝가리 키치 문화의 변용: 공산주의 전후 시대부터 유럽연합 가입까지","authors":"Sang Dong Lee","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.30.115","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.30.115","url":null,"abstract":"Kitsch culture is a type of popular culture. In Hungary, kitsch culture emerged in the late 19th century and became increasingly popular in the early 20th century. In Hungary, kitsch culture was especially popular among the working class and peasants. Kitsch culture offered a way to escape the drudgery of life and imagine a better world, and it provided a sense of community and belonging. Of course, kitsch culture was also popular among the bourgeoisie, but they saw it as a way to express their patriotism and loyalty to the Hungarian state. The period from the late 1950s to the early 1970s is considered the golden age of Hungarian kitsch culture. This was due to the rise of socialist realism, the official art style of the communist regime after World War II. Socialist realism is characterized by realism and a focus on social issues, and the Hungarian communist regime used art as a means of propaganda, encouraging artists to create works that promoted socialist ideals and values, such as collective farming and industrialization. As such, Hungarian kitsch art was often used to promote the ideology of the communist regime and glorify party leaders. Kitsch culture in Hungary began to decline after the fall of communism in 1989, as the country's political and social landscape changed: Hungary began to move away from Soviet influence, and the government became more open to Western ideas and culture. Kitsch culture became popular again in Hungary in the 2000s, partly because many Hungarians felt nostalgic for the communist era, and partly because kitsch culture provided a way to express individuality and creativity in a society still in transition. In other words, Hungarian kitsch culture was revived by a number of factors, including nostalgia, globalization, and Hungary's accession to the European Union, and it has continued to evolve and adapt to changing cultural and social trends. An important aspect of kitsch culture during this period was the rise of nostalgia for the communist era. This growing nostalgia for the past has led to a renewed interest in the socialist era, including kitsch culture. Therefore, this article examines the history and development of Hungarian kitsch culture and how it continues to shape the self-identity of Hungarians today after Hungary's accession to the European Union.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"272 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132951137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-31DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.30.337
Bongchul Kim, So-ri Lim, Suyoung Yang, Chulyong Park
In the 15th century, the Spanish Empire had settled in America and dominated the indigenous peoples of Latin America. The some of the region showed that these native were even expropriated after the domination. The Spanish Empire recognized this situation and started to think of how to manage these people who were rulled. At that time, the empire tried to establish law and discipline for recognition of the indigenous people the legislaition was on purpose to protect the human right for them. In spite of the effort to legistlate the laws in the mainland, however, the adaptation of the laws was another problem. This law can not function as not only protection but the ladder for escaping the life of socially underprivileged. According to this, the present study will introduce the discussion of the indigenous people and legislated spainsh laws from 16th century when the Spanish Empire had been in the business of colonization. Furthermore, we thought the turning point of thoguthful recognition on the native is the ‘Valladolid debate’. Through this debate, this study found out the relationship between the Spain and Latin America and treatment of them at that time. The thing is to analyze the 『Recopilación de Leyes de las Indias』 which was merged in 1680 and to reflect on how that law was applid to them. This study would provide the direction to understand what endeavors the Spanish empire did to recognize the race during the period of colonization.
15世纪，西班牙帝国在美洲定居，并统治着拉丁美洲的土著人民。一些地区表明，这些土著甚至在统治后被征用。西班牙帝国意识到了这种情况，开始思考如何管理这些被统治的人。当时，帝国试图建立法律和纪律来承认土著人民，立法是为了保护他们的人权。尽管大陆在立法方面做出了努力，但法律的适应却是另一个问题。这项法律不仅不能起到保护的作用，而且还不能成为摆脱社会弱势群体生活的阶梯。据此，本研究将引入对16世纪西班牙帝国从事殖民业务时的土著人民和西班牙立法法律的讨论。此外，我们认为“巴利亚多利德辩论”是对土著思想认识的转折点。通过这次辩论，本研究了解了西班牙与拉丁美洲的关系以及当时对他们的待遇。重点是分析1680年合并的" Recopilación de Leyes de las Indias "并思考该法律是如何适用于他们的。这项研究将为理解西班牙帝国在殖民时期为承认该种族所做的努力提供方向。
{"title":"A Study of Indigenous Legislation in European Colonization of the Americas: Focusing on the Case of Spain","authors":"Bongchul Kim, So-ri Lim, Suyoung Yang, Chulyong Park","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.30.337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.30.337","url":null,"abstract":"In the 15th century, the Spanish Empire had settled in America and dominated the indigenous peoples of Latin America. The some of the region showed that these native were even expropriated after the domination. The Spanish Empire recognized this situation and started to think of how to manage these people who were rulled. At that time, the empire tried to establish law and discipline for recognition of the indigenous people the legislaition was on purpose to protect the human right for them. In spite of the effort to legistlate the laws in the mainland, however, the adaptation of the laws was another problem. This law can not function as not only protection but the ladder for escaping the life of socially underprivileged. According to this, the present study will introduce the discussion of the indigenous people and legislated spainsh laws from 16th century when the Spanish Empire had been in the business of colonization. Furthermore, we thought the turning point of thoguthful recognition on the native is the ‘Valladolid debate’. Through this debate, this study found out the relationship between the Spain and Latin America and treatment of them at that time. The thing is to analyze the 『Recopilación de Leyes de las Indias』 which was merged in 1680 and to reflect on how that law was applid to them. This study would provide the direction to understand what endeavors the Spanish empire did to recognize the race during the period of colonization.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"108 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122535847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The EU's cultural policy is focused on fostering genuine European integration through a range of diverse cultural programs. Among them, the 'European Capital of Culture(ECoC)' holds a prominent position as a highly esteemed and influential cultural initiative within the EU. While ‘diversity’ and ‘unity’ are emphasized in the European identity, European culture ultimately seeks cohesion and uniformity. In 2012, Slovenia's ambitious '2012 ECoC Maribor' project aimed to showcase European identity through cultural means. Maribor, at the center of the 'Eastern Cohesion,' united diverse cultural assets and created a unique cultural explosion. This strategic approach, promoting unity within diversity, presented a significant challenge and a new model for the European Capital of Culture program. The project instilled European cultural pride and citizenship consciousness in Slovenia, despite modest economic outcomes. The ‘2012 ECoC Maribor’ left a hopeful and optimistic social, political, and cultural impact.
{"title":"2012 ECoC Project of Maribor in collaboration with ‘Eastern Cohesion’ region: Challenges and Implications for ‘Return to Europe’","authors":"H. Kwon","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.30.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.30.1","url":null,"abstract":"The EU's cultural policy is focused on fostering genuine European integration through a range of diverse cultural programs. Among them, the 'European Capital of Culture(ECoC)' holds a prominent position as a highly esteemed and influential cultural initiative within the EU. While ‘diversity’ and ‘unity’ are emphasized in the European identity, European culture ultimately seeks cohesion and uniformity. In 2012, Slovenia's ambitious '2012 ECoC Maribor' project aimed to showcase European identity through cultural means. Maribor, at the center of the 'Eastern Cohesion,' united diverse cultural assets and created a unique cultural explosion. This strategic approach, promoting unity within diversity, presented a significant challenge and a new model for the European Capital of Culture program. The project instilled European cultural pride and citizenship consciousness in Slovenia, despite modest economic outcomes. The ‘2012 ECoC Maribor’ left a hopeful and optimistic social, political, and cultural impact.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"39 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127122557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.29.55
Pyeongeok An
This paper seeks to anlayze whether the Capability-Expectations Gap (CEG) of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy has been narrowed after the War in Ukraine broke out on 24th February 2022. It compares in the components of the CEGs before and after the war. Christopher Hill defines the capability as being composed of the resources (economic and diplomatic), policy instruments and policy cohesiveness. Before the war, Brexit left the EU’s economic power dwindled by 2.17% point from 15.7% to 13.62% in world output. Policy instruments have seen some changes, as the EU could manage to give military as well as economic aid to Ukraine for the first time. Although the EU is not a military alliance, EU leaders could reach agreements on sending military equipments in the face of Russian aggression. Policy cohesiveness refers to the ability to reach agreements and implement such ones among differing national policy preferences. Hungary remained opposed to banning Russian oil and gas imports to the last moment, thus gaining exemption from the EU’s sanction until the end of 2023, at least a year later after such sanction entered into force. With regard to expectations from within and without of the EU, citizens in Europe have wanted the bloc to play a more active role in major international affairs such as in the Ukraine War. The EU also could follow through many sanctions in close consultation with the United States, which has led Western efforts in giving aid to Ukraine. EU’s international role is likely to grow in the process of mediating the war, as the war is probably to last another a year or two. It will also shoulder significant burden to help Ukraine reconstruct after the War.
{"title":"EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy and the War in Ukraine: Has the Capability-Expectations Gap Narrowed?","authors":"Pyeongeok An","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.29.55","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.29.55","url":null,"abstract":"This paper seeks to anlayze whether the Capability-Expectations Gap (CEG) of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy has been narrowed after the War in Ukraine broke out on 24th February 2022. It compares in the components of the CEGs before and after the war. Christopher Hill defines the capability as being composed of the resources (economic and diplomatic), policy instruments and policy cohesiveness. \u0000Before the war, Brexit left the EU’s economic power dwindled by 2.17% point from 15.7% to 13.62% in world output. Policy instruments have seen some changes, as the EU could manage to give military as well as economic aid to Ukraine for the first time. Although the EU is not a military alliance, EU leaders could reach agreements on sending military equipments in the face of Russian aggression. Policy cohesiveness refers to the ability to reach agreements and implement such ones among differing national policy preferences. Hungary remained opposed to banning Russian oil and gas imports to the last moment, thus gaining exemption from the EU’s sanction until the end of 2023, at least a year later after such sanction entered into force. \u0000With regard to expectations from within and without of the EU, citizens in Europe have wanted the bloc to play a more active role in major international affairs such as in the Ukraine War. The EU also could follow through many sanctions in close consultation with the United States, which has led Western efforts in giving aid to Ukraine. \u0000EU’s international role is likely to grow in the process of mediating the war, as the war is probably to last another a year or two. It will also shoulder significant burden to help Ukraine reconstruct after the War.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114687824","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.29.29
H. Cho
This article deals with the question of state in the European context. European countries have progressively achieved a modern form of domination on the basis of sovereignty and rule of law, by monopolizing the legitimacy and mobilizing the society. The European integration assembling national states can be analyzed as a process of new political center formation. The European Union has developed following a somewhat similar historical route of federalism, but a different trajectory on many important points. I suggest that a macro-historical approach of state is crucial in understanding European integration, using the concept of symbolic domination proposed by Pierre Bourdieu. After examining various cases applying the concept of state to Europe, I underline the possibility of analyzing Europe as a state of symbolic domination, meaning an indirect, informal, and unconscious form of domination, going further than the traditional concept of state as a mechanism of physical and direct domination. I conclude by a comparison with East Asia where the traditional national state model culminates at its apex.
{"title":"Europe and the State: the Politics of Symbolic Domination","authors":"H. Cho","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.29.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.29.29","url":null,"abstract":"This article deals with the question of state in the European context. European countries have progressively achieved a modern form of domination on the basis of sovereignty and rule of law, by monopolizing the legitimacy and mobilizing the society. The European integration assembling national states can be analyzed as a process of new political center formation. The European Union has developed following a somewhat similar historical route of federalism, but a different trajectory on many important points. I suggest that a macro-historical approach of state is crucial in understanding European integration, using the concept of symbolic domination proposed by Pierre Bourdieu. After examining various cases applying the concept of state to Europe, I underline the possibility of analyzing Europe as a state of symbolic domination, meaning an indirect, informal, and unconscious form of domination, going further than the traditional concept of state as a mechanism of physical and direct domination. I conclude by a comparison with East Asia where the traditional national state model culminates at its apex.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"158 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127307586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.29.125
Sun Hee Park
This paper aims to analyze the political and economic effects as well as cultural and diplomatic attributes of the establishment of an overseas branch of Louvre Museum, in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates. If the role of the museum as an actor of cultural diplomacy was previously only to exchange works with foreign museums, from the mid 2000s, it played a much more active role through the internationalization of museums. In the case of France, the rise of museum diplomacy coincides with the full-fledged beginning of Diplomacy of Influence(diplomatie d'influence), a French public diplomacy, which shows that French cultural diplomacy has shifted from the previous defensive method to the offensive use of its cultural assets. With a entrepreneurial approach, France revises its strategy to use cultural brands as tools to spread their cultural rayonnement. The mid 2000s was a time when France's status in the United Arab Emirates was overturned by the United States. At a time when France's influence in the United Arab Emirates declined, France was able to strengthen cooperation in Abu Dhabi's aviation and defense fields through the Louvre-Abu Dhabi bilateral cultural cooperation, and further laid the foundation for promoting bilateral political cooperation.
本文旨在分析卢浮宫博物馆在阿拉伯联合酋长国阿布扎比设立海外分馆的政治、经济效应以及文化、外交属性。如果说，作为文化外交的参与者，博物馆的作用仅仅是与外国博物馆交换作品，那么从2000年代中期开始，博物馆的国际化起到了更为积极的作用。就法国而言，博物馆外交的兴起恰逢法国公共外交“影响力外交”(diplomacy of Influence)的全面开始，这表明法国的文化外交已经从以前的防御方式转向了对其文化资产的进攻性利用。法国以创业的方式调整战略，将文化品牌作为传播文化纽带的工具。2000年代中期，法国在阿联酋的地位被美国推翻。在法国在阿联酋的影响力下降之际，法国通过卢浮宫-阿布扎比双边文化合作，加强了阿布扎比在航空和国防领域的合作，进一步为推动两国政治合作奠定了基础。
{"title":"French Diplomacy of Influence and the case of Louvre-Abu Dhabi Museum","authors":"Sun Hee Park","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.29.125","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.29.125","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to analyze the political and economic effects as well as cultural and diplomatic attributes of the establishment of an overseas branch of Louvre Museum, in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates. If the role of the museum as an actor of cultural diplomacy was previously only to exchange works with foreign museums, from the mid 2000s, it played a much more active role through the internationalization of museums. In the case of France, the rise of museum diplomacy coincides with the full-fledged beginning of Diplomacy of Influence(diplomatie d'influence), a French public diplomacy, which shows that French cultural diplomacy has shifted from the previous defensive method to the offensive use of its cultural assets. With a entrepreneurial approach, France revises its strategy to use cultural brands as tools to spread their cultural rayonnement. The mid 2000s was a time when France's status in the United Arab Emirates was overturned by the United States. At a time when France's influence in the United Arab Emirates declined, France was able to strengthen cooperation in Abu Dhabi's aviation and defense fields through the Louvre-Abu Dhabi bilateral cultural cooperation, and further laid the foundation for promoting bilateral political cooperation.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115384988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.29.179
Yongseon Yun
This paper critically analyzes the migration exhibition of the German Museum of Modern History. In German society, which is facing demographic problems such as population decline and aging, the number of people with immigration and migration backgrounds is increasing, approaching 30% of the German population. As a result, Germany without migrants today cannot be als well imagined as existed. However, despite the reality, the Museum of Modern History in Germany still remains in a space where the narratives of one country's history centered on the nation-state are displayed. Museums exhibiting 21st-century modern history, which feature mobility and hybridity, are being asked to abandon the national state paradigm, but no significant change has yet been made. In this regard, the presentation says that Korean society, which is moving in a demographic similar direction to Germany and has a faster pace of change, needs to use Germany's migration policy as a teacher. Entering the early stages of a migration society, Korea already relies on migrants in the problems of insufficient labor and marriage of rural men, and it seems unlikely that this trend will weaken due to population cliffs and aging population.
{"title":"Migration Exhibition at the German Museum of the 21st Century","authors":"Yongseon Yun","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.29.179","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.29.179","url":null,"abstract":"This paper critically analyzes the migration exhibition of the German Museum of Modern History. In German society, which is facing demographic problems such as population decline and aging, the number of people with immigration and migration backgrounds is increasing, approaching 30% of the German population. As a result, Germany without migrants today cannot be als well imagined as existed. However, despite the reality, the Museum of Modern History in Germany still remains in a space where the narratives of one country's history centered on the nation-state are displayed. Museums exhibiting 21st-century modern history, which feature mobility and hybridity, are being asked to abandon the national state paradigm, but no significant change has yet been made. In this regard, the presentation says that Korean society, which is moving in a demographic similar direction to Germany and has a faster pace of change, needs to use Germany's migration policy as a teacher. Entering the early stages of a migration society, Korea already relies on migrants in the problems of insufficient labor and marriage of rural men, and it seems unlikely that this trend will weaken due to population cliffs and aging population.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"46 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134217620","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.29.151
Chae-bok Park
German energy transition policy has developed on the basis of social market economy with acceptance of sustainable development ideology in which economy and society and environment are harmonized. In order to discuss the sustainability of the social market economy, this paper examines the idea and foundation of the social market economy from the perspective of a sustainable paradigm, and the value of the social market economy, which considers economic, social, and environmental factors as equal values at the same time. and how the principles were implemented in energy transition policy in Germany. To this end, this paper first tries to shed light on whether the social market economy is sustainable and justice, and the social market economy from the perspective of sustainable development paradigm. Furthermore, energy transition from unsustainable energy system with fossil energy and nuclear energy to sustainable energy system with renewable energy and the ecologization of the social market economy will be discussed as part of harmonizing environment, economic growth, and social justice. Also this paper will examine whether the social market economy provides a sustainable paradigm, focusing on the background and current status of German energy transition policy. Through this, this paper will attempt to evaluate and forecast the sustainability of the social market economy, whether it can be an alternative model for coping with climate change and solving environmental and ecological problems.
{"title":"Social Market Economy and Sustainability: Focusing on German Energy Transition Policy","authors":"Chae-bok Park","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.29.151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.29.151","url":null,"abstract":"German energy transition policy has developed on the basis of social market economy with acceptance of sustainable development ideology in which economy and society and environment are harmonized. In order to discuss the sustainability of the social market economy, this paper examines the idea and foundation of the social market economy from the perspective of a sustainable paradigm, and the value of the social market economy, which considers economic, social, and environmental factors as equal values at the same time. and how the principles were implemented in energy transition policy in Germany. To this end, this paper first tries to shed light on whether the social market economy is sustainable and justice, and the social market economy from the perspective of sustainable development paradigm. Furthermore, energy transition from unsustainable energy system with fossil energy and nuclear energy to sustainable energy system with renewable energy and the ecologization of the social market economy will be discussed as part of harmonizing environment, economic growth, and social justice. Also this paper will examine whether the social market economy provides a sustainable paradigm, focusing on the background and current status of German energy transition policy. Through this, this paper will attempt to evaluate and forecast the sustainability of the social market economy, whether it can be an alternative model for coping with climate change and solving environmental and ecological problems.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"866 ","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"113996281","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-03-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.29.207
S. Yi
This paper discusses how the view of migrant Muslim women has changed from a security perspective to an object of coexistence. To analyze this process, the paper examines women in migration, immigrant Muslim women in the migration security debate, and the representation and evaluation of immigrant Muslim women's lives in the concept of Refugee Cuisine. In particular, this study introduces the concept of Refugee Cuisine, which has recently been used to refer to the food culture of immigrants, and discusses the implications of this concept. In conclusion, this study examined how migrant Muslim women, who have been categorized as uninitiative, passive, and socially disadvantaged, are expressing their identity and functioning as part of society.
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Pub Date : 2023-03-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2023.29.81
Yoo-Duk Kang
This paper seeks to anlayze whether the Capability-Expectations Gap (CEG) of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy has been narrowed after the War in Ukraine broke out on 24th February 2022. It compares in the components of the CEGs before and after the war. Christopher Hill defines the capability as being composed of the resources (economic and diplomatic), policy instruments and policy cohesiveness. Before the war, Brexit left the EU’s economic power dwindled by 2.17% point from 15.7% to 13.62% in world output. Policy instruments have seen some changes, as the EU could manage to give military as well as economic aid to Ukraine for the first time. Although the EU is not a military alliance, EU leaders could reach agreements on sending military equipments in the face of Russian aggression. Policy cohesiveness refers to the ability to reach agreements and implement such ones among differing national policy preferences. Hungary remained opposed to banning Russian oil and gas imports to the last moment, thus gaining exemption from the EU’s sanction until the end of 2023, at least a year later after such sanction entered into force. With regard to expectations from within and without of the EU, citizens in Europe have wanted the bloc to play a more active role in major international affairs such as in the Ukraine War. The EU also could follow through many sanctions in close consultation with the United States, which has led Western efforts in giving aid to Ukraine. EU’s international role is likely to grow in the process of mediating the war, as the war is probably to last another a year or two. It will also shoulder significant burden to help Ukraine reconstruct after the War.
{"title":"How to Redesign an External Policy according to the Strategic Autonomy Paradigm? the Case of the EU's Trade Policy","authors":"Yoo-Duk Kang","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.29.81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.29.81","url":null,"abstract":"This paper seeks to anlayze whether the Capability-Expectations Gap (CEG) of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy has been narrowed after the War in Ukraine broke out on 24th February 2022. It compares in the components of the CEGs before and after the war. Christopher Hill defines the capability as being composed of the resources (economic and diplomatic), policy instruments and policy cohesiveness. \u0000Before the war, Brexit left the EU’s economic power dwindled by 2.17% point from 15.7% to 13.62% in world output. Policy instruments have seen some changes, as the EU could manage to give military as well as economic aid to Ukraine for the first time. Although the EU is not a military alliance, EU leaders could reach agreements on sending military equipments in the face of Russian aggression. Policy cohesiveness refers to the ability to reach agreements and implement such ones among differing national policy preferences. Hungary remained opposed to banning Russian oil and gas imports to the last moment, thus gaining exemption from the EU’s sanction until the end of 2023, at least a year later after such sanction entered into force. \u0000With regard to expectations from within and without of the EU, citizens in Europe have wanted the bloc to play a more active role in major international affairs such as in the Ukraine War. The EU also could follow through many sanctions in close consultation with the United States, which has led Western efforts in giving aid to Ukraine. \u0000EU’s international role is likely to grow in the process of mediating the war, as the war is probably to last another a year or two. It will also shoulder significant burden to help Ukraine reconstruct after the War.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"407 11","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120886420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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