This article aims to describe the background and process of establishing the CAP(Common Agricultural Policy), which is the most important concern of the early Community of the EEC and has a symbolic status as the first common policy of the EEC. The period of research is from the 1950s to the 1960s. Although CAP negotiations officially began in 1958, there is a reason for extending the period of research to the 1950s. The key challenges that Western European agricultural policies tried to solve after World War II remained at the time of establishing the CAP, and the CAP's goals were not much different from those of post-war Western European agricultural policies. Therefore, the subject of this article is largely divided into two categories. The first topic is the discussion of the establishment of a failed agricultural community at the Western European level, which was attempted in the early 1950s to solve the agricultural problems in post-war Western Europe. The second topic concerns the historical process from the mid-1950s to the birth of the CAP in the 1960s, discussed by the six founding countries of the EEC.
{"title":"The Background and Process of Establishing the CAP","authors":"J. Shin","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2023.29.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2023.29.1","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to describe the background and process of establishing the CAP(Common Agricultural Policy), which is the most important concern of the early Community of the EEC and has a symbolic status as the first common policy of the EEC. The period of research is from the 1950s to the 1960s. Although CAP negotiations officially began in 1958, there is a reason for extending the period of research to the 1950s. The key challenges that Western European agricultural policies tried to solve after World War II remained at the time of establishing the CAP, and the CAP's goals were not much different from those of post-war Western European agricultural policies. Therefore, the subject of this article is largely divided into two categories. The first topic is the discussion of the establishment of a failed agricultural community at the Western European level, which was attempted in the early 1950s to solve the agricultural problems in post-war Western Europe. The second topic concerns the historical process from the mid-1950s to the birth of the CAP in the 1960s, discussed by the six founding countries of the EEC.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"13 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127528345","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2022.28.245
Bongchul Kim
Financial regulation and financial policy are actively discussed not only just in Korea but also all over the world. In the United Kingdom, known as a traditional financial powerhouse, combines the financial and the IT sector by applying its own dual supervisory system without using an integrated financial supervisory model commonly referred to as international standards. In addition, the UK emphasizes future-oriented principles through reflection and evaluation of financial supervision. For example, implements incubator and accelerator development policies to support financial tech companies, and unregulated space policies to produce innovative new financial products in the market. As a result, it has grown into a center of fintech startups, and in 2013, the growth rate of financial technology investment in the UK and Ireland exceeded 600%, showing a steep rise. Various policies based on the UK's dualized supervisory system as above have many implications for Korean finance. First, the UK's central bank-centered soundness regulation system can be a solution to secure the independence of current Korean regulatory agencies. Second, if work is divided between soundness regulators and corporate behavior regulators, the part of policy responsibility can be improved. Third, unregulated space can be a solution for growth and financial stability in the Korean fintech sector. Finally, innovative financial reforms led by the government can help Korea's rapid and effective financial stability. Unlike the UK, Korea implements an integrated supervisory system, but by analyzing the above UK cases, it is likely to be an alternative to solve the problems of financial regulations in Korea's current situation.
{"title":"Characteristics of British financial legislation and implications of changes in financial supervision method in Korea","authors":"Bongchul Kim","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2022.28.245","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.245","url":null,"abstract":"Financial regulation and financial policy are actively discussed not only just in Korea but also all over the world. In the United Kingdom, known as a traditional financial powerhouse, combines the financial and the IT sector by applying its own dual supervisory system without using an integrated financial supervisory model commonly referred to as international standards. \u0000In addition, the UK emphasizes future-oriented principles through reflection and evaluation of financial supervision. For example, implements incubator and accelerator development policies to support financial tech companies, and unregulated space policies to produce innovative new financial products in the market. As a result, it has grown into a center of fintech startups, and in 2013, the growth rate of financial technology investment in the UK and Ireland exceeded 600%, showing a steep rise. \u0000Various policies based on the UK's dualized supervisory system as above have many implications for Korean finance. First, the UK's central bank-centered soundness regulation system can be a solution to secure the independence of current Korean regulatory agencies. Second, if work is divided between soundness regulators and corporate behavior regulators, the part of policy responsibility can be improved. Third, unregulated space can be a solution for growth and financial stability in the Korean fintech sector. Finally, innovative financial reforms led by the government can help Korea's rapid and effective financial stability. \u0000Unlike the UK, Korea implements an integrated supervisory system, but by analyzing the above UK cases, it is likely to be an alternative to solve the problems of financial regulations in Korea's current situation.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"58 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134218036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2022.28.297
Jiyoung Kim
The issue of overseas Hungarian citizens arose as a result of World War I and World War II. Hungarians living in the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire before the First World War were unintentionally 'foreigners' due to the end of World War I with the defeat of Hungary and the establishment of subsequent countries following the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Hungary's overseas citizens problem is a complicated in which the political interests of the Allied Powers and allies, and the victorious and defeated countries are at stake. Hungary's overseas national policy has no choice but to consider complex aspects. Moreover, the situation in Hungary after Hungary became communist in 1949 became a factor that made it impossible to carry out the Hungarian policy for overseas citizens normally. Hungary's policies for foreigners residing abroad are largely divided into the communist period and the post-communist period. During the communist period, the Hungarian government recognized that the problems of Hungarian overseas residents and ethnic minorities were individual issues of the country in which the Hungarians reside, that is, internal issues within the scope of their sovereignty.
{"title":"A Study on the Policy for Overseas Hungarian after the Transition from Socialist System","authors":"Jiyoung Kim","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2022.28.297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.297","url":null,"abstract":"The issue of overseas Hungarian citizens arose as a result of World War I and World War II. Hungarians living in the territory of the Austro-Hungarian Empire before the First World War were unintentionally 'foreigners' due to the end of World War I with the defeat of Hungary and the establishment of subsequent countries following the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Hungary's overseas citizens problem is a complicated in which the political interests of the Allied Powers and allies, and the victorious and defeated countries are at stake. Hungary's overseas national policy has no choice but to consider complex aspects. Moreover, the situation in Hungary after Hungary became communist in 1949 became a factor that made it impossible to carry out the Hungarian policy for overseas citizens normally. Hungary's policies for foreigners residing abroad are largely divided into the communist period and the post-communist period. During the communist period, the Hungarian government recognized that the problems of Hungarian overseas residents and ethnic minorities were individual issues of the country in which the Hungarians reside, that is, internal issues within the scope of their sovereignty.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128169033","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2022.28.269
Shinkyu Kim
Judging that factors that enabled the Czech Republic to pursue rapid, continuous and comprehensive reforms immediately after the transition were the effective control of inflation and unemployment, the purpose of this paper is to examine factors that succeeded in price and employment stability through monetary and employment policies. This article confirms that the Czech Republic succeeded in quickly addressing hyperinflation and high unemployment through austerity monetary policy and active employment policy, which served as an asset for continuous reform implementation. This fact suggests lessons for other countries that are promoting or will promote economic reform, that can only pursue further reforms with the support of the people only when they achieve price and employment stability.
{"title":"Analysis of success factors of transition: Focusing on monetary and employment policy in the Czech republic","authors":"Shinkyu Kim","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2022.28.269","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.269","url":null,"abstract":"Judging that factors that enabled the Czech Republic to pursue rapid, continuous and comprehensive reforms immediately after the transition were the effective control of inflation and unemployment, the purpose of this paper is to examine factors that succeeded in price and employment stability through monetary and employment policies. This article confirms that the Czech Republic succeeded in quickly addressing hyperinflation and high unemployment through austerity monetary policy and active employment policy, which served as an asset for continuous reform implementation. This fact suggests lessons for other countries that are promoting or will promote economic reform, that can only pursue further reforms with the support of the people only when they achieve price and employment stability.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"3 6","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120926780","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2022.28.31
H. Cho
This article explains the transformation of the relationship between Britain and France from hereditary enemies to alliance partners in three stages. At first, the Franco-British couple has evolved tremendously in the long period between 1815 and 1914 from structural hostility to firm allies. The domestic political change and European international balance of power, as well as the world political evolution are analyzed for this one hundred year peace. The structural comparison is followed by more detailed and historical analysis. The period 1815-1870 forms a cycle. In 1815, France was militarily and politically defeated and has since then made a progressive comeback on international stage with the help and assistance of Britain until the Crimean War. But France was defeated again by Prussia in 1870. The second period of 1870-1914 resembles the preceding one in that France needed to recover her international status. Nevertheless the relations with Britain has been more turbulent because of the imperialistic rivalry such as planned by the German Chancellor Bismarck in order to deviate France from revenge against Germany. The long term transformation of the bilateral relationship between France and Britain has been influenced by the political regime of these two countries, their imperialistic rivalry on global scene, and the balance of power in European politics, especially in regard to the triangle France-Britain-Germany. France and Britain have been embroiled in imperial rivalry, but have finally elaborated a common front of liberal democracies against the emerging German power.
{"title":"The Franco-British Relations from Hostility to Entente 1815-1914","authors":"H. Cho","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2022.28.31","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.31","url":null,"abstract":"This article explains the transformation of the relationship between Britain and France from hereditary enemies to alliance partners in three stages. At first, the Franco-British couple has evolved tremendously in the long period between 1815 and 1914 from structural hostility to firm allies. The domestic political change and European international balance of power, as well as the world political evolution are analyzed for this one hundred year peace. The structural comparison is followed by more detailed and historical analysis. The period 1815-1870 forms a cycle. In 1815, France was militarily and politically defeated and has since then made a progressive comeback on international stage with the help and assistance of Britain until the Crimean War. But France was defeated again by Prussia in 1870. The second period of 1870-1914 resembles the preceding one in that France needed to recover her international status. Nevertheless the relations with Britain has been more turbulent because of the imperialistic rivalry such as planned by the German Chancellor Bismarck in order to deviate France from revenge against Germany. The long term transformation of the bilateral relationship between France and Britain has been influenced by the political regime of these two countries, their imperialistic rivalry on global scene, and the balance of power in European politics, especially in regard to the triangle France-Britain-Germany. France and Britain have been embroiled in imperial rivalry, but have finally elaborated a common front of liberal democracies against the emerging German power.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125620775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article aims to explain the importance of French-German cooperation in the process of European integration in the 1970s and 1980s. To this end, this article explains how France and Germany became both pillars of European integration from the December 1969 Hague Summit, the starting point for overcoming the stagnation of European integration in the 1960s, to the signing of the European Single Act in 1986. Chapter II will describe important aspects of French-German cooperation in European integration from the Hague Summit in 1969 to the Paris Summit in 1974. Chapters III and IV will explain the leading role of French-German bilateral ties in European integration in the process of establishing the European Monetary System in 1979 and solving the British Budgetary Question in the early 1980s.
{"title":"Germany and France as a driving force for European integration in the 1970s and 1980s","authors":"J. Shin","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2022.28.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.1","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to explain the importance of French-German cooperation in the process of European integration in the 1970s and 1980s. To this end, this article explains how France and Germany became both pillars of European integration from the December 1969 Hague Summit, the starting point for overcoming the stagnation of European integration in the 1960s, to the signing of the European Single Act in 1986. Chapter II will describe important aspects of French-German cooperation in European integration from the Hague Summit in 1969 to the Paris Summit in 1974. Chapters III and IV will explain the leading role of French-German bilateral ties in European integration in the process of establishing the European Monetary System in 1979 and solving the British Budgetary Question in the early 1980s.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123748796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2022.28.121
Donghyun Lim
In the late 17th and the early 18th centuries, the Monastery of Saint Cecilia in Trastevere, founded on the site of the birthplace of a Roman martyr Saint Cecilia, was a representitive site of Roman Baroque culture. The plague in Rome in 1656 was one of main factors that enhanced the monastery’s prestige. The chronicler of the Chronicle of Saint Cecilia intentionally connected the its success in tackling the plague to the “cloisters of nuns”, one of the precepts of the Counter-Reformation. This study utilizes the Chronicle of Saint Cecilia as a primary source and aims to investigate how the benedictine nuns of the monastery of Santa Cecilia responded to the plague on a personal and institutional level and, in doing so, tries to reconsider the chronicler’s intention.
{"title":"Plague in Rome in 1656 and the benedictine nuns from the monastery of Saint Cecilia in Trastevere","authors":"Donghyun Lim","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2022.28.121","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.121","url":null,"abstract":"In the late 17th and the early 18th centuries, the Monastery of Saint Cecilia in Trastevere, founded on the site of the birthplace of a Roman martyr Saint Cecilia, was a representitive site of Roman Baroque culture. The plague in Rome in 1656 was one of main factors that enhanced the monastery’s prestige. The chronicler of the Chronicle of Saint Cecilia intentionally connected the its success in tackling the plague to the “cloisters of nuns”, one of the precepts of the Counter-Reformation. This study utilizes the Chronicle of Saint Cecilia as a primary source and aims to investigate how the benedictine nuns of the monastery of Santa Cecilia responded to the plague on a personal and institutional level and, in doing so, tries to reconsider the chronicler’s intention.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134262450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2022.28.149
Sung-Eun Shim
It is remarkable that, during the French presidential election in 2022, there are two far-right parties: Reconquête and Rassemblée nationale(RN). After creation at the end of 2021, approval rating for Reconquête rose from 13% to 16% and then fell, winning 7.1% of the votes at the first round of 2022 presidential election. Approval rating for Marine Le Pen was in inverse proportion to that of Reconquête. This paper aims to analyze the rise of Reconquête with a niche party theory, trying to confirm it through parties leaders’ declarations, on the one hand, and election pledges of the Reconquête, Front national(FN) and RN party of 2002 and 2022, on the other hand. Analysis shows that the emergence of Reconquête was a consequence of Marine Le Pen’s “dédiabolisation” strategy. In order to keep distance from Jean-Marie Le Pen who caused several scandals by his radical remarks, Marine Le Pen changed the Party’s name from FN to RN, and tried to correct the excessively far-righted path, similar to fascist one. RN succeeded in becoming less extreme far-right party, and was finally criticized for being “too normal”, leaving an extreme far-right party’s place vacant. Reconquête took over the position of an extreme far-right party that had been vacant, and therefore became more politically similar to that of Jean-Marie Le Pen. Common points of two leaders are found in radical remarks which led them sometimes to be sentenced to be guilty, and in the similar campaign pledges of Jean-Marie Le Pen in 2002 and Zemmour in 2022. For these aspects, Reconquête can be seen as a niche party, given that it does not depend on a specific ideology, and keeps strong policy rigidity. In addition, Zemmour’s policy follows extreme far-right tendencies of Jean-Marie Le Pen, which contributes to maintain a consistent minority support in the sense that existing parties are reluctant to deal with it. Moreover, the niche party strategy of Reconquête expanded the support base of the far-right parties. RN’s maximum approval rating was just over 26% before the rise of Reconquête, but, when the latter was included in the polls since September 2021, and during the first round of the 2022 presidential election, the total approval rating for the two far-right parties increased further to 30.3%, which is much more than 26% of RN. Yet, it is possible that the political position of far-rights parties in France would be depend on whether Reconquête will keep its stance as a niche party in the next elections, or its niche party position will be weakened.
值得注意的是，在2022年的法国总统选举中，有两个极右翼政党:Reconquête和rassempe sase nationale(RN)。在2021年底创建后，Reconquête的支持率从13%上升到16%，然后下降，在2022年总统选举第一轮中获得了7.1%的选票。马琳·勒庞的支持率与Reconquête成反比。本文旨在运用利基政党理论分析Reconquête的崛起，试图通过政党领导人的宣言，以及Reconquête、国民阵线(FN)和RN在2002年和2022年的选举承诺来证实这一点。分析表明，Reconquête的出现是马琳•勒庞(Marine Le Pen)“dsamdiabolisation”战略的结果。马琳·勒庞为了与因激进言论而引发多次丑闻的让-玛丽·勒庞保持距离，将该党的名称从FN改为RN，并试图纠正类似法西斯主义的过度极右路线。RN成功地变成了一个不那么极端极右翼的政党，最终被批评为“太正常”，一个极端极右翼政党的位置空缺。Reconquête接替了一个极右翼政党的空缺职位，因此在政治上变得更像让-玛丽·勒庞(Jean-Marie Le Pen)。两位领导人的共同点是，他们有时会因激进的言论而被判有罪，2002年让-玛丽·勒庞和2022年泽穆尔的竞选承诺也类似。在这些方面，Reconquête可以看作是一个利基政党，因为它不依赖于特定的意识形态，并且保持着很强的政策刚性。此外，泽穆尔的政策遵循让-玛丽·勒庞的极端极右倾向，这有助于在现有政党不愿与之打交道的情况下保持一贯的少数派支持。此外，Reconquête的小众党战略扩大了极右政党的支持基础。在Reconquête上升之前，RN的最高支持率刚刚超过26%，但当后者从2021年9月开始纳入民意调查，以及2022年总统选举第一轮投票时，两个极右翼政党的总支持率进一步上升至30.3%，远远超过RN的26%。但是，法国极右翼政党的政治地位很有可能取决于Reconquête在下届选举中是保持利基政党的地位，还是利基政党的地位被削弱。
{"title":"Why does France turn to be far-rightist?: Reconquête as a niche party faced with RN","authors":"Sung-Eun Shim","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2022.28.149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.149","url":null,"abstract":"It is remarkable that, during the French presidential election in 2022, there are two far-right parties: Reconquête and Rassemblée nationale(RN). After creation at the end of 2021, approval rating for Reconquête rose from 13% to 16% and then fell, winning 7.1% of the votes at the first round of 2022 presidential election. Approval rating for Marine Le Pen was in inverse proportion to that of Reconquête. This paper aims to analyze the rise of Reconquête with a niche party theory, trying to confirm it through parties leaders’ declarations, on the one hand, and election pledges of the Reconquête, Front national(FN) and RN party of 2002 and 2022, on the other hand. Analysis shows that the emergence of Reconquête was a consequence of Marine Le Pen’s “dédiabolisation” strategy. In order to keep distance from Jean-Marie Le Pen who caused several scandals by his radical remarks, Marine Le Pen changed the Party’s name from FN to RN, and tried to correct the excessively far-righted path, similar to fascist one. RN succeeded in becoming less extreme far-right party, and was finally criticized for being “too normal”, leaving an extreme far-right party’s place vacant. Reconquête took over the position of an extreme far-right party that had been vacant, and therefore became more politically similar to that of Jean-Marie Le Pen. Common points of two leaders are found in radical remarks which led them sometimes to be sentenced to be guilty, and in the similar campaign pledges of Jean-Marie Le Pen in 2002 and Zemmour in 2022. For these aspects, Reconquête can be seen as a niche party, given that it does not depend on a specific ideology, and keeps strong policy rigidity. In addition, Zemmour’s policy follows extreme far-right tendencies of Jean-Marie Le Pen, which contributes to maintain a consistent minority support in the sense that existing parties are reluctant to deal with it. Moreover, the niche party strategy of Reconquête expanded the support base of the far-right parties. RN’s maximum approval rating was just over 26% before the rise of Reconquête, but, when the latter was included in the polls since September 2021, and during the first round of the 2022 presidential election, the total approval rating for the two far-right parties increased further to 30.3%, which is much more than 26% of RN. Yet, it is possible that the political position of far-rights parties in France would be depend on whether Reconquête will keep its stance as a niche party in the next elections, or its niche party position will be weakened.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"20 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123656122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2022.28.91
Yoo-Joung Kim
In 1957, the six ECSC(European Coal ans Steel Community) members agreed to include the “Black Africa” in the European Economic Community (EEC) through the Treaty of Rome. The Article 131 of the Treaty of Rome identified the “Association of Overseas Countries and Territories (OCT)”. The Treaty of Rome first institutionalized the issue of European-African cooperation at the European Community level. The problem of including the overseas colonial territories in the European Integration Organization clearly shows the contradictions and uncertainties left by European colonial history. The colonial problem in the European integration has created ‘Europeans’ far away from geographical Europe, and extended the boundary of Europe to the Africa. As a result, this made Europe an ambiguous and fluid geopolitical entity with uncertain borders. It can be seen that the shadow of the past colonial era was still hanging in the process of European integration in the 1950s. Relations between Europe and Africa were often glorified by modifiers such as solidarity, complementarity, or interdependence, but the reality of the relationship has been constantly disproportionate. This study deals with the theme of European integration and colonization, which has been neglected in research on the history of European integration. This topic will reveal a side of the uncomfortable truth of European integration, which has not abandoned colonialism while talking about European integration.
{"title":"The relations between Europe and Africa: the European integration and the colonial legacy","authors":"Yoo-Joung Kim","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2022.28.91","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.91","url":null,"abstract":"In 1957, the six ECSC(European Coal ans Steel Community) members agreed to include the “Black Africa” in the European Economic Community (EEC) through the Treaty of Rome. The Article 131 of the Treaty of Rome identified the “Association of Overseas Countries and Territories (OCT)”. The Treaty of Rome first institutionalized the issue of European-African cooperation at the European Community level. The problem of including the overseas colonial territories in the European Integration Organization clearly shows the contradictions and uncertainties left by European colonial history. The colonial problem in the European integration has created ‘Europeans’ far away from geographical Europe, and extended the boundary of Europe to the Africa. As a result, this made Europe an ambiguous and fluid geopolitical entity with uncertain borders. It can be seen that the shadow of the past colonial era was still hanging in the process of European integration in the 1950s. Relations between Europe and Africa were often glorified by modifiers such as solidarity, complementarity, or interdependence, but the reality of the relationship has been constantly disproportionate. This study deals with the theme of European integration and colonization, which has been neglected in research on the history of European integration. This topic will reveal a side of the uncomfortable truth of European integration, which has not abandoned colonialism while talking about European integration.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131761632","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-30DOI: 10.32625/kjei.2022.28.189
T. Lim
This study consists to analyze the conflicts on the expansion of the EU in the early 21st century, through comparing the geopolitical interests of France and Germany. By doing this, this study aims to explore an alternative policy for the coexistence of the geopolitical interests of both countries in the course of the EU-Expansion. Concerning the EU-geopolitical construction, France prefers to consolidate the politico-economic integration of the existing Southern European member states to the EU. And she wants to expand the geopolitical sphere of influence of Europe toward the Mediterranean region. On the contrary, Germany supports the eastward expansion of the EU into Eastern Europe. And she seeks to make European geopolitical influences on Central Asia. This interest conflict between both countries has happened, because the geopolitical strategy of France is based on the Western European centrality and that of Germany has been developed by the Central European centrality. In order to minimize this geopolitical clash on the EU-Expansion between both countries, it would be necessary to develop and to implement constantly the European Neighborhood Policy, of which objective is to stabilize the neighboring regions of the EU and to increase the interdependence with them.
{"title":"The study on the geopolitical conflicts and coexistence between France and Germany in the course of the EU-Expansion during the early 21st century : Centering around analyzing the geopolitical strategies on the European continent of both countries","authors":"T. Lim","doi":"10.32625/kjei.2022.28.189","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32625/kjei.2022.28.189","url":null,"abstract":"This study consists to analyze the conflicts on the expansion of the EU in the early 21st century, through comparing the geopolitical interests of France and Germany. By doing this, this study aims to explore an alternative policy for the coexistence of the geopolitical interests of both countries in the course of the EU-Expansion. Concerning the EU-geopolitical construction, France prefers to consolidate the politico-economic integration of the existing Southern European member states to the EU. And she wants to expand the geopolitical sphere of influence of Europe toward the Mediterranean region. On the contrary, Germany supports the eastward expansion of the EU into Eastern Europe. And she seeks to make European geopolitical influences on Central Asia. This interest conflict between both countries has happened, because the geopolitical strategy of France is based on the Western European centrality and that of Germany has been developed by the Central European centrality. In order to minimize this geopolitical clash on the EU-Expansion between both countries, it would be necessary to develop and to implement constantly the European Neighborhood Policy, of which objective is to stabilize the neighboring regions of the EU and to increase the interdependence with them.","PeriodicalId":167194,"journal":{"name":"Korean Society for European Integration","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129695794","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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