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THE ROLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS IN PREVENTING HUMAN RIGHTS AND SEXUAL ABUSE IN JAMMU-KASHMIR CONFLICT 联合国在防止查谟-克什米尔冲突中的人权和性虐待方面的作用
Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v0i0.19031
Foday Yarbou
AbstractThe conflict between Jammu and Kashmir has acquired a multifaceted character. On one hand, the conflict involves national and territorial contestations between India and Pakistan, and on the other, it entails different kinds of human rights abuses and various political demands by religious, linguistic, regional, and ethnic groups in both parts. This article aims to portrait the images and human rights abuses meted on the people of Jammu and Kashmir. It also urges and pleads to India and Pakistan and all those countries who are taking part directly or indirectly in the territorial disputes or conflict in the region of Jammu and Kashmir to end the conflict. Human rights abuse such as torture, rape, sexual harassment, murder, and unnecessary killings of the people of this region were all condemned by the author of this article. He further requests the international community such as the United Nation to take a bold step in settling the conflict in that region by passing an effective resolution at the international level that will put an end to the conflict. In this article, the author uses a qualitative research method to explore different journals and write up of scholars in finding tangible solutions to the conflict in Jammu and Kashmir. The author also uses a theoretical explanation in the article. The result of this article intends to see that all the main concerning points raised in this write-up are fully considered and implemented by the United Nation in bringing peace and stability in the region of Jammu and Kashmir. Conflict in this region has become a worrying issue in the international community and the necessary steps should be taken to bring it to halt.
摘要 查谟和克什米尔之间的冲突具有多面性。一方面,冲突涉及印度和巴基斯坦之间的国家和领土争夺,另一方面,冲突还涉及不同类型的人权侵犯以及两地宗教、语言、地区和种族群体的各种政治诉求。本文旨在描绘查谟和克什米尔人民的形象和人权遭受侵犯的情况。文章还敦促并恳求印度和巴基斯坦以及所有直接或间接参与查谟和克什米尔地区领土争端或冲突的国家结束冲突。本文作者谴责对该地区人民实施酷刑、强奸、性骚扰、谋杀和不必要的杀戮等侵犯人权的行为。他还要求国际社会,如联合国,在解决该地区冲突方面迈出大胆的一步,在国际层面通过一项有效的决议,结束冲突。在本文中,作者采用了定性研究方法,探讨了不同期刊和学者在寻找查谟和克什米尔冲突切实解决方案方面的文章。作者还在文章中使用了理论解释。本文的结果是希望联合国能够充分考虑并落实本文中提出的所有相关要点,以实现查谟和克什米尔地区的和平与稳定。该地区的冲突已成为国际社会一个令人担忧的问题,应采取必要的措施制止冲突。
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引用次数: 0
HAS THE US POLICY BEEN MORE ANTI-IRANIAN THAN PRO-ARAB WITH THE FALL OF THE SHAH? A HISTORICAL ANALYSIS 随着伊朗国王的倒台,美国的政策是否更倾向于反伊朗而非亲阿拉伯?历史分析
Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v0i0.19032
Ilmi Dwiastuti
AbstractSince the fall of the Shah, the US-Iran relations have changed significantly. During the Shah regime, US-Iran experience a warm relationship through economic and military partnerships, however, it changed since the Iran revolution until today. Iran turned out to be one of the axis of evil during the Bush administration. The fall of the Shah also changes the direction of the foreign policy of the US. It then led to the proposition of whether the US foreign policy has been more anti-Iranian than pro-Arab with the fall of the Shah. This paper seeks to answer this question through historical analysis. It examines the US policy during the Cold War era and the post-Cold War. Therefore, the US policy in the region is not always anti-Iranian than the pro-Arab case. The changed regional architecture influences the priorities of the President of the US at that time to put aside Iran's issue, as it happened on George H.W. Bush, Clinton, and Obama administration. Thus, the characteristic of the leader also heavily influences US posture in Iran, as Bush and Trump's personality and policies are clearly against Iran. However, despite the dynamic relations of the US-Iran, Iran has always been one of the threats for the US interest in the Persian Gulf since the Shah has fallen.
摘要自伊朗国王倒台以来,美伊关系发生了重大变化。在沙阿政权期间,美伊通过经济和军事伙伴关系经历了温暖的关系,然而,自伊朗革命以来直到今天,这种关系发生了变化。在布什执政期间,伊朗成为了邪恶轴心之一。伊朗国王的倒台也改变了美国外交政策的方向。这引发了一个问题:随着伊朗国王的倒台,美国的外交政策是否更倾向于反伊朗,而不是亲阿拉伯?本文试图通过历史分析来回答这个问题。它考察了美国在冷战时期和冷战后的政策。因此,美国在该地区的政策并不总是反伊朗而不是亲阿拉伯。地区格局的变化影响了当时美国总统将伊朗问题放在一边的优先事项,就像乔治·h·w·布什、克林顿和奥巴马政府那样。因此,领导人的特点也严重影响了美国在伊朗的姿态,因为布什和特朗普的个性和政策显然是反对伊朗的。然而,尽管美伊关系充满活力,但自从伊朗国王倒台以来,伊朗一直是美国在波斯湾利益的威胁之一。
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引用次数: 0
IMPLIKASI KEBIJAKAN JALUR SUTRA MARITIM CINA TERHADAP KEKUATAN POROS MARITIM DUNIA INDONESIA
Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v0i0.19033
Rahmi Fitriyanti
AbstrakKebijakan Jalur Sutra Maritim (JSM) Abad ke-21 dalam masa kepemimpinan Presiden Cina, Xi Jinping yang mulai diperkenalkan pada Oktober 2013 bertujuan mensponsori pembangunan prasarana transportasi laut dari Cina melintasi Asia Tenggara ke Asia Selatan, Timur Tengah, Eropa, dan Afrika. Cina berupaya melindungi rute JSM secara ekspansif agar dapat mengendalikan jalur pelayaran strategis dunia (Sea Line of Communications/SLOCs), pasar untuk produk Cina (market), serta sumber daya alam untuk energi, bahan mentah, dan bahan baku ke Cina (resources). Tujuannya adalah mewujudkan ambisi “Chinese Dream”. Kebijakan tersebut menimbulkan implikasi bagi kekuatan maritim Indonesia yang juga menerapkan visi Poros Maritim Dunia (PMD) sebagai “pusat” kegiatan ekonomi maritim regional dan global sejak awal era Presiden Joko Widodo pada 2014. Fenomena ini menimbulkan pertanyaan, yakni “Mengapa kebijakan Jalur Sutra Maritim Cina berimplikasi terhadap kekuatan Poros Maritim Dunia Indonesia?” Oleh karena itu, fokus tulisan ini adalah mengkaji implikasi kebijakan JSM Cina terhadap kekuatan PMD Indonesia. Analisanya dibatasi hanya pada implementasi kebijakan JSM yang mempengaruhi secara negatif berbagai aspek internal dan eksternal kekuatan maritim Indonesia. Landasan teori yang digunakan adalah Sea Power dan Kebijakan Luar Negeri.
中国正在扩宽保护JSM航线,以控制世界战略航道、中国产品市场以及通往中国的能源、原材料和自然资源。目标是实现“中国梦”的抱负。这一政策对印尼海上强国产生了影响,自2014年佐科·维多多总统(Joko Widodo)以来,印尼也将世界海事中心(PMD)作为区域和全球海上经济活动的“中心”。因此,本文的重点是研究JSM中国政策对印尼PMD权力的影响。他的分析仅限于JSM政策的实施,该政策对印尼海事力量的内部和外部方面产生了负面影响。理论的基础是海上电力和外交政策。
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引用次数: 0
MODAL SOSIAL KOMUNITAS DALAM PEMBERDAYAAN EKONOMI PURNA PEKERJA MIGRAN PEREMPUAN 社区社会资本赋予妇女移民工人经济权力
Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v0i0.19029
A. Rofiuddin, Ida Ruwaida
Abstract: This study aims to determine the empowerment carried out by the community in increasing the economic and social capacity of former female migrant workers. The research design used was descriptive qualitative. The research instruments included interview guides, observation guidelines and documentation. The results showed that the empowerment carried out by the community in increasing economic capacity had progressed and increased compared to before. The community here has social capital in the form of a social network in the social sphere to increase economic assets for former female migrant workers. Social capital itself has the power to capitalize social relations, including values, social networks and trust to obtain economic and social benefits.Abstrak:Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui  pemberdayaan yang dilakukan komunitas dalam meningkatkan kemampuan ekonomi dan social para mantan buruh migran perempuan. Desain penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif.Instrumen penelitian meliputi pedoman wawancara, pedoman observasi dan dokumentasi.Hasil penelitian menunjukan pemberdayaan yang dilakukan oleh komunitas dalam meningkatkan kemampuan ekonomi mengalami kemajuan dan peningkatan dibandingkan sebelumnya. Komunitas disini  memiliki modal sosial yang  berupa jaringan  social dalam lingkup social untuk  menaikan asset ekonomi bagi para mantan buruh migran perempuan. Modal social sendiri memiliki kekuatan dalam mengkapitalisasiakn relasi-relasi social, mencakup nilai-norma, jaringan social dan kepercayaan untuk memperoleh keuntungan ekonomi dan social.
摘要:本研究旨在确定社区在提高前女性农民工经济和社会能力方面所进行的赋权。采用描述性定性研究设计。研究工具包括访谈指南、观察指南和文件。结果表明,社区在提高经济能力方面的赋权工作取得了进展,与以前相比有所增加。这里的社区在社会领域以社会网络的形式拥有社会资本,为前女性农民工增加经济资产。社会资本本身具有资本化社会关系的能力,包括价值观、社会网络和信任,以获得经济和社会利益。摘要:Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui pemberdayaan yang dilakukan komunitas dalam meningkatkan kemampuan ekonoman social para mantan buruh migran perempuan。Desain penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif quality。仪器、仪器、仪器、仪器、仪器、仪器、仪器和仪器。这是我的第一个女儿,我的女儿,我的女儿,我的女儿,我的女儿,我的女儿。社会主义社会主义社会主义社会主义社会主义社会主义社会主义社会主义经济主义社会主义社会主义经济主义社会主义社会主义社会主义Modal social sendiri memiliki kekuatan dalam mengkapitalisasiakan ease - ease social, menencakup nilai-norma, jaringan social, kepercayaan, untuk memperolan, keuntunan economic dan social。
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引用次数: 0
DINAMIKA TERORISME DI INDONESIA STUDI TENTANG LOKALISASI IDEOLOGI EKSTERNAL 印度尼西亚的恐怖主义动力学研究外部意识形态localialism
Pub Date : 2020-12-30 DOI: 10.15408/jisi.v0i0.19034
Vanny El Rahman
AbstrakThe terrorism movement in Indonesia has developed from time to time. It perceived when comparing the perceptions of The Indonesian Islamic State from each group. Darul Islam, the root of the extremism movement, echoed the narrative of jihad against the colonialist. They believed that theocracy was an ideal state construction amidst the disappointing policies of the Central Government at the beginning of independence. In the meantime, the perception of Jemaah Islamiyah towards an Islamic state was full of Salafi nuances because they believed that its establishment as an obligation for every Muslim. Meanwhile, Jemaah Ansharul Daulah noticed The Indonesian Islamic State as only part of a global caliphate. The author argues that this dynamic is caused by the phenomenon of ideological internalisation. By combining localization theory and ideological concepts, this article concluded that the ideological localization of external radicalism occurred for three reasons, namely moral compliance to adopt a more argumentative ideology, rational calculations of strategies that can be implemented in the local context and temporary strategies to maintain group existence.
印尼的恐怖主义活动时有发生。它在比较每个群体对印尼伊斯兰国的看法时发现。极端主义运动的根源伊斯兰教(Darul Islam)呼应了反对殖民主义者的圣战叙事。他们认为,在独立初期中央政府令人失望的政策下,神权政治是一种理想的国家建设。与此同时,伊斯兰祈祷团对伊斯兰国家的看法充满了萨拉菲派的细微差别,因为他们认为建立伊斯兰国家是每个穆斯林的义务。与此同时,Jemaah Ansharul Daulah注意到印尼伊斯兰国只是全球哈里发国的一部分。作者认为,这种动态是由意识形态内部化现象引起的。本文将本土化理论与意识形态概念相结合,认为外部激进主义的意识形态本土化的发生有三个原因,即采取更具争论性的意识形态的道德遵从,在当地情境下可以实施的策略的理性计算以及维持群体存在的临时策略。
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引用次数: 0
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Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)
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