Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)最新文献

{"title":"Modal Sosial pada Usaha Mikro Kecil dan Menengah Berbasis Primordial dan Franchise","authors":"Eggy Anugrah, H. Prasetyo","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v3i2.29668","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v3i2.29668","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. This study discusses a comparative study of social capital in primordial and franchise-based Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) with a case study of the Roti Chilma and Roti Kepo business groups. The discussion of this article is focused on the pattern and process of social capital formation in the two groups of bakery businesses, then compares the implementation of social capital in the two business groups. Through a qualitative comparative study approach by dissecting the three main elements of Francis Fukuyama's social capital, namely norms, networks, and trust, this article finds that there are similarities and differences in utilizing the potential of social capital in the two business groups. In the norm aspect, the similarities between the two groups are found in the implementation of informal norms and the consequences for violators of the rules, while the differences are in the member recruitment system, group structure, and product marketing methods. In the network element, the two business groups have differences in the formation of social group identity, the network in the Roti Chilma group is formed because of a shared identity (ethnicity, fate, and area of origin) while the Roti Kepo group is formed on a formal consensus. The aspect of trust acts as a lubricant for cooperative activities in groups as well as preventive actions in dealing with difficulties that arise in the process of achieving their goals.Keywords: MSMEs, social capital, primordial, franchise. Abstrak. Penelitian ini membahas mengenai studi perbandingan modal sosial pada Usaha Mikro, Kecil, dan Menengah (UMKM) berbasis primordial dan franchise dengan studi kasus kelompok usaha Roti Chilma dan Roti Kepo. Pembahasan artikel ini difokuskan pada pola dan proses terbentuknya modal sosial pada kedua kelompok usaha roti tersebut, kemudian melakukan perbandingan mengenai implementasi modal sosial pada kedua kelompok usaha tersebut. Melalui pendekatan studi komparatif kualitatif dengan membedah tiga unsur utama modal sosial Francis Fukuyama yakni norma, jaringan, dan kepercayaan, artikel ini menemukan bahwa terdapat persamaan dan perbedaan dalam memanfaatkan potensi modal sosial pada kedua kelompok usaha tersebut. Pada aspek norma persamaan kedua kelompok tersebut terdapat pada diberlakukannya norma informal dan konsekuensi bagi pelanggar aturan, sedangkan perbedaan terdapat pada sistem rekrutmen anggota, struktur kelompok, dan cara pemasaran produk. Pada unsur jaringan kedua kelompok usaha tersebut memiliki perbedaan pada pembentukan identitas kelompok sosial, jaringan dalam kelompok Roti Chilma terbentuk karena adanya identitas bersama (suku, nasib, dan daerah asal) sementara kelompok Roti Kepo terbentuk atas konsensus yang bersifat formal. Adapun aspek kepercayaan berperan sebagai pelumas aktivitas kerja sama dalam kelompok serta tindakan preventif dalam menghadapi kesulitan yang muncul dalam proses mencapai tujuannya.Kata Kunci: UMKM, modal sosial, pri","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133318586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Support for Family Politics and Democracy: Evidence From Indonesia","authors":"R. Liddle, Saiful Mujani, D. Irvani","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v3i2.29670","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v3i2.29670","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. Studies on the relationship between family politics and democracy are inconclusive. A number of studies suggest that family politics weakens democracy, and some other studies found that family politics does not matter to democracy, and some other works on the issue even reveals that family politics strenghthens democracy. This article is to report the result of a study about the relationships between family politics and democratic support and performance. Mass support for democracy is an indicator of democratic consolidation at the attitudinal level, and mass assessment of democratic performance is also crucial to the extent in which a democracy performs. In addition, this article addresses the issue how political knowledge of family politics predicts support for family politics. Lack of political knowledge among the massess in developing democracy is probably responsible for the support for family politics. This article relies on relevant data of a nation wide public opinion survey of the fourth largest electorate in the world, Indonesian voter. The findings of this study are: Indonesian voters are in general negative towards family politics; attitudes toward family politics do not matter to democratic support, but explain significantly assessment of democratic performance: negative attitude towards family politics decreases positive assessment of democratic performance. This pattern indicates a syndrome of critical citizens, i.e. political knowledge and education reject family politics which positively assesses democratic performance. Family politics does not demand a better democratic performance. Education does.Keywords: Democracy, democratic performance, family politics, critical citizen, political knowledge, education, Indonesia. Abstrak. Studi tentang hubungan antara dinasti politik dan demokrasi sejauh ini belum menghasilkan kesimpulan yang konklusif. Sejumlah penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dinasti politik telah melemahkan demokrasi, tapi sebagian penelitian yang lain menyebut dinasti politik tidak masalah bagi demokrasi, bahkan memperkuat demokrasi itu sendiri. Artikel ini menampilkan hasil kajian tentang hubungan antara dinasti politik dengan dukungan dan kinerja demokrasi. Dukungan publik terhadap demokrasi merupakan indikator konsolidasi demokrasi pada level sikap, dan penilaian massa terhadap kinerja demokrasi juga penting untuk menguji sejauh mana demokrasi bekerja. Selain itu, artikel ini mengangkat isu bagaimana pengetahuan politik tentang dinasti politik memprediksi dukungan terhadap politik kekeluargaan. Kurangnya pengetahuan politik warga di negara demokrasi yang sedang berkembang menjelaskan mengapa warga mendukung dinasti politik. Artikel ini menggunakan data survei opini publik nasional di negara yang memiliki jumlah penduduk terbesar keempat di dunia, yakni Indonesia. Temuan dari penelitian ini adalah: Pemilih Indonesia secara umum bersikap negatif terhadap dinasti politik. Meskipun sikap publik terhadap dinasti pol","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116803146","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Analisis Normalisasi Hubungan Arab Saudi dengan Qatar Tahun 2021","authors":"Afif Notodewo, Yon Machmudi","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v3i2.26748","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v3i2.26748","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. Saudi Arabia and its ally, UAE (United Arab Emirates), Bahrain, and Egypt decided to end their diplomatic relations with Qatar and at the same time blockade Qatar through land, sea, and air in 2017. Saudi and its ally deemed that Qatar's relations and proximity with Iran and Turkey threaten their existence in the Gulf. But, there are political changes between Saudi and its ally with Qatar in 2021 which is marked by cooperation among them. This research will disclose the main reason why Saudi and Qatar decided to normalize their relationship which there are diplomatic changes in both states. This research uses grand theory neorealism and its middle theory relative gain and prisoner’s dilemma as analytical tools. As the result, there is a struggle for hegemony and geopolitical between Saudi Arabia, Iran, and Turkey in the Middle East and add with political change in the United States of America in which Joe Biden come to power and the spreading of Covid 19.Keywords: Saudi Arabia; Qatar; Neorealism; Relative Gain; Prisoner’s Dilemma. Abstrak. Arab Saudi beserta aliansinya, yaitu UEA (Uni Emirat Arab), Bahrain, dan Mesir memutuskan hubungan diplomatik dengan Qatar serta melakukan blokade jalur darat, air, dan udara pada 2017. Saudi dan aliansinya menganggap kedekatan Qatar dengan Iran dan Turki yang mengancam eksistensi mereka di kawasan Teluk. Namun, pada 2021 dunia dikagetkan dengan normalisasi hubungan antara kedua belah pihak ditandai dengan kerjasama. Penelitian ini membahas alasan mengapa Saudi dan Qatar melakukan normalisasi hubungan? Penelitian ini menggunakan kacamata grand theory neorealisme beserta teori relative gain dan prisoner’s dilemma. Hasilnya ditemukan bahwa terdapat perebutan hegemoni antara Saudi, Iran, dan Turki. Serta kondisi yang tidak menguntungkan Saudi seperti terpilihnya Joe Biden dan merebaknya pandemi Covid 19. Kata Kunci: Arab Saudi; Qatar; Neorealisme; Relative Gain; Prisoner’s dilemma.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117167724","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Peran Perempuan dalam Merebut Ruang Hidup: Studi Ekofeminisme Tentang Perlawanan Perempuan di Banjar Selasih, Bali","authors":"Annajmatul Istiqlali","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v3i2.29674","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v3i2.29674","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. This article aims to identify the role and resistance of Banjar Selasih women in land grabbing conflicts and the struggle for living space through ecofeminism studies. Specifically, the author wants to see how far the contribution of ecofeminism in explaining the domination and discrimination experienced by both the environment and women, with the assumption that these conditions originate from the same problem, namely, patriarchal culture. So that the struggle carried out by Banjar Selasih women for the earth is actually included in the struggle for social-ecological justice and equality. Using a qualitative case study approach, this study indicated that there are factors behind the active participation of Banjar Selasih women in the struggle for living space such as caring for and maintaining, maintaining culture and customs, rejection of domination, and emancipation from tradition which the author then examines through ecofeminism studies with the assumption that feminism and ecology movements actually have mutually reinforcing goals, both want to build a view of the world and its practice that is not based on domination.Keywords: Ecofeminism, Women's Role, Women’s Living Space Dispute, Women's Resistance, Land deprivation. Abstrak. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk mengidentifikasi peran dan perlawanan perempuan Banjar Selasih dalam konflik perampasan tanah dan perebutan ruang hidup melalui studi ekofeminisme. Secara spesifik penulis akan melihat sejauh mana studi ekofeminisme dapat menjelaskan dominasi serta diskriminasi yang dialami baik oleh lingkungan hidup maupun perempuan, dengan dugaan bahwa kondisi tersebut bersumber dari problem yang sama yakni budaya patriarki. Sehingga perjuangan yang dilakukan oleh perempuan Banjar Selasih untuk bumi sejatinya termasuk ke dalam perjuangan demi keadilan dan kesetaraan sosial-ekologis. Melalui studi kasus kualitatif, studi ini menemukan bahwa terdapat faktor yang melatarbelakangi aktifnya perempuan Banjar Selasih dalam upaya perebutan ruang hidup seperti merawat dan memelihara, menjaga budaya dan adat, penolakan atas dominasi, serta emansipasi dari tradisi. Melalui studi ekofeminisme penulis menyimpulkan bahwa gerakan feminisme dan ekologi sejatinya mempunyai tujuan yang saling memperkuat. Keduanya hendak membangun pandangan terhadap dunia yang tidak berdasarkan dominasi.Kata Kunci: Ekofeminisme, Peran Perempuan, Perebutan Ruang hidup, Perlawanan Perempuan, Perampasan tanah.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"25 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120921147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Politik Kebijakan Limbah Energi: Analisis Kebijakan Penghapusan Limbah Faba dari Daftar Limbah Berbahaya di Indonesia","authors":"Maulana Raja Aisyana","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v3i2.29669","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v3i2.29669","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. The state has an important role in managing the energy management needed by the community. But no less important is the regulation of the impact of energy management, namely energy waste. One of Indonesia's largest energy sources comes from coal with the resulting waste called Fly Ash and Bottom Ash (FABA) waste. Initially the government determined FABA waste as hazardous waste (B3), but a new policy emerged that made FABA waste as waste that could be utilized. What are the factors that caused the change? This question is interesting because the policy change invites debate in various perspectives, such as political economy and environmental politics. Through a qualitative approach and a political policy approach, this article finds that policy change is a long process based on factual findings and actual experiences in other countries. The debate arose because there were no convincing steps that became the basis for the seriousness of implementing the previous policy, so it was feared that the new policy would not have a positive impact, or even a destructive impact on the interests of the community.Keywords: Policy Politics, Hazardous Waste, FABA Waste (Fly Ash and Bottom Ash), Utilization and Management Abstrak. Negara mempunyai peran penting dalam menata pengelolaan energi yang dibutuhkan oleh masyarakat. Namun tidak kalah pentingnya adalah pengaturan dampak dari pengelolaan energi tersebut, yaitu limbah energi. Salah satu sumber energi Indonesia yang terbesar adalah berasal dari batu bara dengan limbah yang dihasilkan yang disebut dengan limbah Fly Ash dan Bottom Ash (FABA). Awalnya pemerintah menetapkan limbah FABA sebagai limbah berbahaya (B3), namun muncul kebijakan baru yang menjadikan limbah FABA sebagai limbah yang bisa dimanfaatkan. Apa faktor yang menyebabkan perubahan tersebut. Pertanyaan ini menarik karena perubahan kebijakan tersebut mengundang perdebatan dalam beragam perspektif, seperti ekonomi politik dan politik lingkungan. Melalui pendekatan kualitatif dan pendekatan politik kebijakan, artikel ini menemukan bahwa perubahan kebijakan tersebut merupakan proses panjang berdasarkan temuan faktual dan pengalaman actual di negara-negara lain. Perdebatan muncul karena belum adanya langkah yang meyakinkan dan menjadi pijakan bagi keseriusan implementasi kebijakan sebelumnya, sehingga kebijakan baru dikhawatirkan tidak memiliki dampak positif, atau malah sebaliknya dampak destruktif bagi kepentingan masyarakat.Kata Kunci: Politik Kebijakan, Limbah B3, Limbah FABA (Fly Ash and Bottom Ash), Pemanfaatan dan Pengelolaan.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"76 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127159464","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Syria: A Showroom for Russia Latest Generation of Military Equipment","authors":"Leonando Arief Yasmin, Ilmi Dwiastuti","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v3i1.23786","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v3i1.23786","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. In 2011, a series of protest in MENA (Middle East and North African) region demanding a change of regime to democracy due to their outgrowing rage over the dictatorship government, poor living condition, and high-rates of unemployment ultimately leading to the Syrian Civil War. This paper aims to discuss the correlation of Russian entrance in the Syrian Civil War whether the war affected Russia’s defense industry through the ‘marketing effect’ it created in the battlefield. A Realist perspective is mainly used in this research paper to help uncover the benefits that Russia had gained in multiple spectrums since its entrance in the Syrian Civil War until the end of 2020, though, the discussion is mainly focuses on Russia’s arms sale industry and its growing partners in MENA after Russia’s entrance to the grand theatre.Keywords: Syrian Civil War, Russia, MENA, Arms sale. Abstrak. Pada tahun 2011, serangkaian protes di wilayah MENA (Timur Tengah dan Afrika Utara) menuntut perubahan rezim ke demokrasi karena kemarahan mereka yang semakin besar atas pemerintahan yang diktator, kondisi kehidupan yang buruk, dan tingkat pengangguran yang tinggi pada akhirnya mengarah pada Perang Sipil Suriah. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk membahas korelasi masuknya Rusia dalam Perang Saudara Suriah, apakah perang tersebut mempengaruhi industri pertahanan Rusia melalui “marketing effect” yang ditimbulkannya di medan perang. Perspektif Realis terutamanya digunakan dalam penelitian ini untuk membantu mengungkap manfaat yang diperoleh Rusia dalam berbagai spektrum sejak masuknya dalam Perang Saudara Suriah hingga akhir tahun 2020. Meskipun demikian, diskusi ini terutama berfokus pada industri penjualan senjata Rusia dan mitra yang berkembang di MENA setelah masuknya Rusia ke teater besar.Kata Kunci: Perang Saudara Suriah, Rusia, MENA, Penjualan Senjata.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128162230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Perempuan dan Politik di Ranah Minang","authors":"Devi Deviani, Nur Iman Subono","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v3i1.26018","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v3i1.26018","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. In the beginning of the establishment of West Sumatra and its regencies or cities, it is never a woman elected as regional head.  Since the regional elections in 2015, three women successfully contested the major elections, deputy major, and regent.  The matrilineal system adopted by the people of West Sumatra, placing women in a central position, but cannot encourage women to be present as regional head. Through the qualitative research methods, this study tries to analyze what factors are the causes of women's insecurity as regional heads in West Sumatra.  Then, by using the theory of political recruitment and the glass ceiling, the author finds the factors that women are not elected as regional heads due to the lack of commitment of political parties in West Sumatra in empowering female legislative candidates, in most of the people of West Sumatra, the patriarchal paradigm is still deeply rooted, traditional/cultural system, track record and strong money politics during  the campaign period.Keywords: Women and minang politics, elections, matrilineal.  Abstrak. Dari awal berdirinya Sumatera Barat beserta kabupaten/kotanya, belum pernah satupun perempuan yang terpilih sebagai kepala daerah dan sejak pelaksanaan pilkada langsung yang dilakukan pada tahun 2005 baru ada tiga orang perempuan yang berhasil ikut bertarung dalam pemilihan walikota, wakil walikota dan bupati. Sistem matrilineal yang dianut oleh masyarakat Sumatera Barat, yang menempatkan perempuan pada posisi sentral pun tidak dapat mendorong perempuan untuk hadir sebagai kepala daerah di sana. Dengan metode penelitian kualitatif, penelitian ini mencoba untuk menganalisis mengenai faktor-faktor apa saja yang menjadi penyebab ketidakterpilihan perempuan sebagai kepala daerah di Sumatera Barat. Menggunakan teori rekrutmen politik dan glass ceiling, penulis menemukan faktor-faktor ketidakterpilihan perempuan sebagai kepala daerah karena masih kurangnya komitmen partai politik di Sumatera Barat dalam melakukan pemberdayaan perempuan dalam hal ini melakukan perekrutan terhadap calon-calon perempuan, di sebagian besar masyarakat Sumatera Barat paradigma patriarki masih mengakar kuat, sistem adat/budaya, track record dan masih kuatnya politik uang pada saat kampanye.Kata Kunci: Perempuan Minang dan politik, pilkada, matrilineal.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"118 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134106184","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Potret Filantropi Islam Terbesar di Indonesia","authors":"Yulianti Yulianti, Khoniq Nurafiah, Nikmatul Choyroh Pamungkas, Dinda Ayu Prastiwi Berlianti, Raine Syifa Aulia","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v3i1.24995","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v3i1.24995","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. This research discusses the management of the largest Islamic philanthropy in Indonesia which has a movement in helping to solve various problems experienced by society using the approach of values in Islam and the concept of community empowerment. The research methods used are descriptive qualitative and phenomenological approaches. The data in this study was taken with interview and documentation techniques. This research focuses on studying two major Islamic philanthropies in Indonesia, namely Dompet Dhuafa and Lazis NU. The results of this study say that Dompet Dhuafa and Lazis NU as Islamic philanthropy have management that is not much different from the concept of social institution management in general. There are two important points in this research. First, Dompet Dhuafa and Lazis NU in the process of distributing aid also involve the concept of empowerment and both Islamic philanthropy also follow the process of empowering well. Second, Dompet Dhuafa and Lazis NU also have organizational management based on Community Base Organization. This is indicated by the orientation owned by the two Islamic philanthropies, namely as a non-profit institute oriented to social change.Keywords: Islamic philanthropy, empowerment, organizational management.  Abstrak. Penelitian ini membahas manajemen filantropi Islam terbesar di Indonesia yang memiliki gerakan dalam membantu menyelesaikan berbagai persoalan yang sedang dialami oleh masyarakat dengan menggunakan pendekatan nilai-nilai dalam Islam. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah deskriptif kualitatif dan pendekatan fenomenologi. Data-data dalam penelitian ini diambil dengan teknik wawancara dan dokumentasi. Penelitian ini fokus mengkaji dua filantropi Islam terbesar di Indonesia, yaitu Dompet Dhuafa dan Lazis NU. Hasil penelitian ini mengatakan bahwa Dompet Dhuafa dan Lazis NU sebagai filantropi Islam memiliki manajemen pengelolaan yang tidak jauh berbeda dengan konsep manajemen lembaga sosial pada umumnya. Terdapat dua poin penting dalam penelitian ini. Pertama, Dompet Dhuafa maupun Lazis NU dalam proses penyaluran bantuan melibatkan konsep pemberdayaan dan kedua filantropi Islam tersebut juga mengikuti proses penyelenggaraan pemberdayaan dengan baik. Kedua, Dompet Dhuafa dan Lazis NU memiliki manajemen organisasi yang berbasis Community Base Organization. Hal ini ditunjukkan dengan orientasi yang dimiliki oleh kedua filantropi Islam tersebut, yaitu sebagai lembaga non-profit yang berorientasi pada perubahan sosial.Kata Kunci: Filantropi Islam, pemberdayaan, manajemen organisasi.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"73 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127493164","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Analisis Arah Kebijakan Pemenuhan Hak Politik Pemilih Disabilitas Mental pada Pemilu Tahun 2024","authors":"M. Ihsan, Nadya Kharima","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v3i1.26193","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v3i1.26193","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. The issue of fulfilling political rights for voters with mental disabilities in the 2019 general election still left many problems, ranging from the presence of the Constitutional Court's decision to the stigma of society towards voters with mental disabilities. With the decision from the Constitutional Court that allows people with mental disabilities to become voters, it actually causes a lot of disturbance to people with mental disabilities. Therefore, the authors are interested in seeing how the policy direction for fulfilling the political rights of voters with mental disabilities will be in the 2024 election. With a qualitative methodology that aims to reveal facts and provide an overview and phenomena that occur with literature study and interview techniques, it is expected to be able to provide an overview of the policy on fulfillment of the political rights of voters with mental disabilities as expected in the 2024 elections. Based on the findings that existing policies still need to be addressed in order to provide clearer definitions, mechanisms, and requirements for voters with mental disabilities. Access to information on the policy is also felt to be important for both mentally disabled voters and lower-level implementers in order to implement it properly.Keywords: Policy, Voters with Mental Disabilities, 2024 General Election.  Abstrak. Persoalan pemenuhan hak politik bagi pemilih disabilitas mental pada pemilu tahun 2019 yang lalu masih menyisakan banyak persoalan, mulai dari hadirnya keputusan MK hingga stigma masyarakat terhadap pemilih disabilitas mental. Dengan keputusan MK yang memperbolehkan penyandang disabilitas mental menjadi pemilih justru banyak menimbulkan pengusikan terhadap penyandang disabilitas mental. Oleh karena itu, penulis tertarik untuk melihat bagaimana arah kebijakan pemenuhan hak politik pemilih disabilitas mental pada pemilu tahun 2024. Dengan metodologi kualitatif yang memiliki tujuan guna mengungkapkan fakta serta memberikan gambaran dan fenomena yang terjadi dengan teknik studi pustaka dan wawancara diharapkan mampu memberikan gambaran terhadap kebijakan pemenuhan hak politik pemilih disabilitas mental sesuai dengan yang diharapkan di pemilu tahun 2024. Berdasarkan temuan bahwa kebijakan yang sudah ada masih harus dibenahi agar dapat memberikan definisi, mekanisme serta syarat-syarat bagi pemilih disabilitas mental yang lebih jelas. Akses informasi terhadap kebijakan tersebut juga dirasakan penting baik bagi pemilih disabilitas mental maupun pelaksana tingkat bawah agar dapat mengimplementasikan secara baik.Kata Kunci: Kebijakan, Pemilih Disabilitas Mental, Pemilu 2024.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131111946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

{"title":"Comparative Study of Religious Liberty in America and Indonesia","authors":"Muhammad Saleh Mude, Dorothy E. Lovett","doi":"10.15408/jisi.v3i1.26310","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15408/jisi.v3i1.26310","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. This article attempts to briefly look at the similarities and differences in the initial conditions for the formation of the two countries: the United States of America and Indonesia, especially in the dynamics of the relations between statesmen and religious leaders, including political relations with religious issues at the beginning of independence until the present. In fact, since 1776, the United States government has chosen a secular-democratic form of state that guarantees freedom of various kinds, and may not protect a particular religion. On the other hand, in Indonesia, although since 1945, the government of the Republic of Indonesia has guaranteed freedom of religion for everyone, in reality, discrimination and persecution of the majority against minorities still often occurs in the name of defending a particular religion.Keywords: The United States of America, Indonesia, issues of religious liberty.  Abstrak. Artikel ini mencoba menjelaskan secara singkat kondisi awal tentang persamaan dan perbedaan negara Amerika Serikat dengan Indonesia. Persamaan dan perbedaan yang dimaksud relevansinya pembentukan kedua tersebut, khususnya dalam dinamika hubungan antar negarawan dan tokoh agama, termasuk hubungan politik dengan masalah agama pada awal kemerdekaan hingga saat ini. Padahal, sejak 1776, pemerintah Amerika Serikat telah memilih bentuk negara demokrasi sekuler yang menjamin kebebasan dalam berbagai jenis, dan tidak boleh melindungi agama tertentu. Di sisi lain, di Indonesia, meskipun sejak tahun 1945 Pemerintah Republik Indonesia telah menjamin kebebasan beragama bagi setiap orang, pada kenyataannya diskriminasi dan persekusi terhadap kelompok mayoritas terhadap minoritas masih sering terjadi atas nama membela agama tertentu.Kata Kunci: Amerika Serikat, Indonesia, Isu Kebebasan Beragama.","PeriodicalId":170402,"journal":{"name":"Jurnal Ilmu Sosial Indonesia (JISI)","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132719655","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}