Pub Date : 2021-03-03DOI: 10.26721/SPAFAJOURNAL.2021.V5.636
Guntur
The creative process in Malang mask making has a strong tradition of creation which has produced a unique form. The Malang mask art has been popularized based on the Panji story. Despite being properties of an art performance, the masks are works of art. The visual characteristics of the faces and their carved ornaments are the main elements that determine the typology of the mask’s facial appearance. The characteristics of form, color, expression, and function create a unique style or identity of the group of traditional mask artists in Malang. Masks can be classified according to four general types of character: the figure of Panji, antagonistic characters, servants, and animals. In terms of the traditionality of creation, including aspects of material, technique, and function in the community of craftsmen, the style of the masks refers to previously existing forms. This essay is a qualitative description of the artistry of Malang masks, through the formation of the Panji story – based on kidung as indigenous stories in the practice of adaptive Hinduism – and leaning on a dichotomy with the Kakawin form. Malang masks are used by the wayang topeng community in art performances to present the narration of the Panji story – against the spiritual cultural background of the common people. Process kreatif dalam pembuatan topeng Malang memiliki tradisi penciptaan yang kuat, dan telah menghasilkan bentuk yang khas. Topeng Malang dipopulerkan berdasarkan kisah Panji. Meskipun menjadi properti seni pertunjukan, topeng adalah karya seni. Karakteristik visual wajah dan ornamen ukir merupakan elemen utama yang membentuk tipologi perwajahan topeng. Karakteristik pada bentuk, warna, ekspresi, serta fungsi, menghasilkan gaya atau identitas unik dari kelompok seniman topeng tradisional di Malang. Klasifikasi topeng ada pada empat tipologi umum karakter tokoh: sosok Panji, tokoh antagonis, tokoh abdi, dan tokoh binatang. Dari sisi tradisionalitas penciptaan, yaitu aspek materialitas, teknik, dan fungsinya di komunitas perajin, gaya topeng mengacu kepada bentuk topeng yang ada sebelumnya. Esai ini mendeskripsikan secara kualitatif perwujudan artistik topeng Malang, melalui formasi kisah Panji - berdasarkan kidung sebagai cerita asli dalam praktek Hinduisme adaptif - dan bersandar pada dikotomi dengan bentuk Kakawin. Topeng Malang digunakan oleh masyarakat topeng wayang dalam pertunjukan seni untuk menampilkan narasi kisah Panji - dengan latar belakang kultural spiritual orang biasa.
玛琅面具制作的创作过程具有浓厚的创作传统，形成了独特的形式。玛琅的面具艺术是基于盘吉的故事而流行起来的。尽管面具是艺术表演的属性，但它也是艺术作品。面部的视觉特征及其雕刻饰品是决定面具面部外观类型的主要因素。形式、色彩、表现和功能的特点造就了玛琅传统面具艺术家群体的独特风格或身份。面具可以根据四种一般的人物类型进行分类:Panji的形象，敌对人物，仆人和动物。就创作的传统性而言，包括在工匠群体中的材料、技术和功能方面，面具的风格是指以前存在的形式。这篇文章是对玛琅面具艺术的定性描述，通过Panji故事的形成——基于在适应性印度教实践中作为土著故事的kidung——并依靠与Kakawin形式的二分法。麻郎面具是大阳托鹏社区在艺术表演中使用的一种面具，它以平民的精神文化背景来呈现盘吉故事的叙述。过程kreatif dalam pembuatan topeng Malang memiliki tradisi penciptaan yang kuat, dan telah menghasilkan bentuk yang khas。toppeng Malang dipopulerkan berdasarkan kisah Panji。Meskipun menjadi properti seni pertunjukan, topeng adalah karya seni。Karakteristik visual wajah dan装饰ukir merupakan element utama yang membentuk tipologi perwajahan topeng。Karakteristik pada bentuk, warna, ekspresi, serta funsi, menghasilkan gaya atau identitas unik dari kelompok seniman topeng traditional di Malang。本研究的主要研究对象为:龙胆，龙胆，龙胆，龙胆，龙胆。达里西西传统主义，雅图说物质主义，技术主义，丹丰辛雅迪komunitas perajin，伽亚托彭mengacu kepada bentuk托彭扬ada sebelumnya。Esai ini mendeskripsikan secara kualitatif perwujudan艺术家topeng Malang, melalui formaskisah Panji - berdasarkan kidung sebagai cerita asli dalam praktek印度教适应性- danbersandar pada dikotomi dengan bentuk Kakawin。托彭，玛兰，迪古纳坎，奥莱，玛西拉卡，托彭，瓦扬，达兰，pertunjukan, seni untuk, menampilkan, narasi, kisah, Panji - dengan, latar belakang，文化精神，橙色，biasa。
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Pub Date : 2021-01-19DOI: 10.26721/SPAFAJOURNAL.2021.5.659
Saw Tun Lin
Mrauk U is situated in the western part of modern Myanmar and was the capital of Arakan (Rakhine) from 1430 CE until the Burmese conquest in 1784 CE. Its unique position in the Bay of Bengal via the Kaladan river and its tributaries resulted in the development of a commercial and cultural center in its heyday. European travel accounts and chronicles describe Mrauk U as a prosperous cosmopolitan city with a polyglot court, not only using native Arakanese language but also Persian and Bengali. Consequently, the remnants of art and archaeology reveal that the artisans drew much of their inspiration from Indian, European and Burmese traditions (Gutman 2001; 2002; Leider 2002:83). This paper contextualizes decorative glazed tiles of Arakanese Buddhist monuments in relation to the historical, political and cultural situation of Mrauk U. Regional interaction will be taken into account to identify the origins and development of Arakanese glazing technology. Previous research has mainly focused on the art and architecture of the Mrauk U period and the origin of the glazing technique remains vague. The comparative analysis reveals that significant elements in Arakanese glazing art, such as the use of stylized, geometric, floral or vegetal designs and animal poses seem to be borrowed from Islamic art. This article argues that Islamic tile tradition exerted considerable influence on the Arakanese glazing technique, probably via Bengal. မြနမာနငင အနောကဖကပငးတငတညရသော မြောကဦးမြသည 1430 AD မစ၍ 1784 AD ဗမာမငးများ သမးပကခသညအချနတငအောင ရခငလမျးတ၏ မြတောဖြစခပါသည။ ဥရောပ ခရးသားမတတမးများနင ရာဇဝငများတင ဖောပြချကများအရ မြောကဦးသည လမျးပေါငးစ အခြေချနေထငပး မခင ရခငဘာသာစကား သာမက ပါရနးနင ငဘဂါလဘာသာစကားများပါ အသးပြသော နနးတောတညရရာမြလညး ဖြစသည။ ၎ငး၏ အကျးဆက အနေဖြင မြောကဦးမြရ ကျငးကျနရစသော ရေးဟောငသတေသနနင အနပညာလကရာများသည အနဒယ၊ ဥရောပ နင မြနမာယဉကျေးမဟနများ ရောယကလျကရပါသည။ ယခစာတမးသည မြောကဦးမြရ ဗဒဓသာသနက အဆောကအဦးများတင အလဆငထားသော စဉချပများအကြောငးက မြောကဦးခေတ သမငး၊ နငငရေးနင ယဉကျေးမ အခြေအနေများနင ချနထး၍ လေလာသားမညဖြစသည။ စဉပြလပသည အတတပညာက မညသ မညပ ကျမးကျငတတမြောကခကြောငးက ဒေသတငးအခြား ခေတပြင စဉလပငနးများနင ချငချန လေလာသားပါမည။ ယခငလေလာခသော သတေသနများသည မြောကဦးခေတ ဗသကာနင အနပညာရပများအပေါ အဓကဇောငးပေးခပး စဉအတတပညာမညသ ရရတတမြောကခကြောငး လေလာရနလအပလျကရပါသည။ နငးယဉလေလာ ချကများအရ ရခင စဉချပများပေါရ ပနးခကပနးနယ၊ ဂျဩမေထြ ဟနပန ဒဇငးများနင တရစဆာန ကယနေဟနထား ပစများသည အစစလမမစ အနပညာ လကရာများနင တညသော အငဂါရပများစာတေရပါသည။ အစစလမဘာသာရေး အဆောကအဦးများတင စဉချပ အလဆငသောဓလေသည မြောကဦးစဉချပ အလဆငမ ဓလေအပေါတင လမးမးမရခပြး ၎ငးနညးပညာမာ အနဒယနငင ငဘဂလားဒေသမ ဆငးသက လာသညဟ ယဆရ နငကြောငးက ယခစာတမးတင ဆေးနေးတငပြသားပါမည။
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Pub Date : 2020-12-04DOI: 10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.623
Podjanok Kanjanajuntorn
This article explores the concept of the “Three-Age System” that has to some extent stymied the conceptualization of Southeast Asian prehistory. The direct transfer of this system from its European application to Southeast Asia has substantially influenced the analysis and characterization of Southeast Asian data. In particular, the chronological division of ‘Bronze Age’ and ‘Iron Age’ has overemphasized the linkage between the development of metal technology in relation to socio-economic development. It is agreed that absolute chronology needs to be established, however the terminology of ‘Bronze Age’ and ‘Iron Age’ should be used specifically for the classification of artefact chronology, separately from the explanation of stages of social organisation. Archaeological data from west-central Thailand will be discussed to demonstrate the issue of the incompatible framework of the Three-Age System (Figures 1-2). The apparent absence of clear age subdivisions and the lack of a “real” Bronze Age has made the chronology of this region seem incomplete. Stone tools had been abundantly used throughout the prehistoric period, and bronze and iron materials were often found at the same sites. However, little scientific data prior to 500 BCE has been obtained from any site in the region. This may or may not be the reason for west-central Thailand being considered peripheral in the discussion of the socio-economic development of mainland Southeast Asia. In consideration of these issues, archaeological methodology and the formation of knowledge from Southeast Asia prehistory will be discussed, including the necessity to move from the imported “Three Age System” to concepts that better fit the local data in west-central Thailand. The distorted prehistoric analysis needs to be adjusted so that our understanding of prehistory in Thailand does not become a scientific illusion. บทความนเปนการสำรวจและสะทอนใหเหนวา “ระบบสามยค” ทใชในการกำหนดอายแหลงโบราณคดดวยวธเทยบเคยงน แทบจะกลายเปนกรอบคดในการศกษาโบราณคดสมยกอนประวตศาสตรเอเชยตะวนออกเฉยงใต ระบบการกำหนดอายแบบโบราณคดยโรปทถกนำมาใชไดสงอทธพลตอแนวทางการศกษาโบราณคดภมภาคนอยางสำคญ โดยเฉพาะอยางยงการกำหนดอาย ‘ยคสำรด’ และ ‘ยคเหลก’ ทมงเนนการศกษาพฒนาการดานเทคโนโลยโลหกรรมแลวนำไปใชอธบายเชอมโยงกบพฒนาการทางสงคม การลำดบอายสมยมความสำคญสำหรบโบราณคดกอนประวตศาสตรกจรง แตการใช 'ยคสำรด’ และ ‘ยคเหลก’ ควรใชในลกษณะทเปนการจดจำแนกประเภทโบราณวตถ แตไมควรนำไปผกตดกบการอธบายพฒนาการทางสงคม ตวอยางทจะนำมาอภปรายในบทความนกคอ ขอมลโบราณคดสมยกอนประวตศาสตรจากภาคตะวนตกของประเทศไทย โดยจะสะทอนใหเหนวาการกำหนดอายแหลงดวยระบบสามยคทำใหเกดความลกลนอยางไร จากการเปนภมภาคทไมพบยคสำรด ‘แท’ ทำใหกลายเปนวาลำดบทางวฒนธรรมของภมภาคไมมความตอเนอง หลกฐานประเภทเครองมอหนพบมากมายในภาคตะวนตก ในขณะทวตถประเภทสำรดและเหลกพบเพยงบางแหลงเทานน แหลงโบราณคดในภมภาคนทกำหนดอายทางวทยาศาสตรเกาแกกวา 500 ปกอนครสตกาลมจำนวนนอยมาก ซงอาจจะเปนเหตผลหรอไมกตามททำใหภาคตะวนตกของไทยไมคอยถกกลาวถงในการศกษาพฒนาการเศรษฐกจ-สงคมภาคพนทวปเอเชยตะวนออกเฉยงใต ในการอภปรายประเดนดงกลาวน ผเขยนไดหยบยกขอมลวาดวยพฒนาการของวธวทยาทางโบราณคดแล
{"title":"The Three-Age System: A Struggle for Southeast Asian Prehistoric Periodisation","authors":"Podjanok Kanjanajuntorn","doi":"10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.623","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.623","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores the concept of the “Three-Age System” that has to some extent stymied the conceptualization of Southeast Asian prehistory. The direct transfer of this system from its European application to Southeast Asia has substantially influenced the analysis and characterization of Southeast Asian data. In particular, the chronological division of ‘Bronze Age’ and ‘Iron Age’ has overemphasized the linkage between the development of metal technology in relation to socio-economic development. It is agreed that absolute chronology needs to be established, however the terminology of ‘Bronze Age’ and ‘Iron Age’ should be used specifically for the classification of artefact chronology, separately from the explanation of stages of social organisation. Archaeological data from west-central Thailand will be discussed to demonstrate the issue of the incompatible framework of the Three-Age System (Figures 1-2). The apparent absence of clear age subdivisions and the lack of a “real” Bronze Age has made the chronology of this region seem incomplete. Stone tools had been abundantly used throughout the prehistoric period, and bronze and iron materials were often found at the same sites. However, little scientific data prior to 500 BCE has been obtained from any site in the region. This may or may not be the reason for west-central Thailand being considered peripheral in the discussion of the socio-economic development of mainland Southeast Asia. In consideration of these issues, archaeological methodology and the formation of knowledge from Southeast Asia prehistory will be discussed, including the necessity to move from the imported “Three Age System” to concepts that better fit the local data in west-central Thailand. The distorted prehistoric analysis needs to be adjusted so that our understanding of prehistory in Thailand does not become a scientific illusion. บทความนเปนการสำรวจและสะทอนใหเหนวา “ระบบสามยค” ทใชในการกำหนดอายแหลงโบราณคดดวยวธเทยบเคยงน แทบจะกลายเปนกรอบคดในการศกษาโบราณคดสมยกอนประวตศาสตรเอเชยตะวนออกเฉยงใต ระบบการกำหนดอายแบบโบราณคดยโรปทถกนำมาใชไดสงอทธพลตอแนวทางการศกษาโบราณคดภมภาคนอยางสำคญ โดยเฉพาะอยางยงการกำหนดอาย ‘ยคสำรด’ และ ‘ยคเหลก’ ทมงเนนการศกษาพฒนาการดานเทคโนโลยโลหกรรมแลวนำไปใชอธบายเชอมโยงกบพฒนาการทางสงคม การลำดบอายสมยมความสำคญสำหรบโบราณคดกอนประวตศาสตรกจรง แตการใช 'ยคสำรด’ และ ‘ยคเหลก’ ควรใชในลกษณะทเปนการจดจำแนกประเภทโบราณวตถ แตไมควรนำไปผกตดกบการอธบายพฒนาการทางสงคม ตวอยางทจะนำมาอภปรายในบทความนกคอ ขอมลโบราณคดสมยกอนประวตศาสตรจากภาคตะวนตกของประเทศไทย โดยจะสะทอนใหเหนวาการกำหนดอายแหลงดวยระบบสามยคทำใหเกดความลกลนอยางไร จากการเปนภมภาคทไมพบยคสำรด ‘แท’ ทำใหกลายเปนวาลำดบทางวฒนธรรมของภมภาคไมมความตอเนอง หลกฐานประเภทเครองมอหนพบมากมายในภาคตะวนตก ในขณะทวตถประเภทสำรดและเหลกพบเพยงบางแหลงเทานน แหลงโบราณคดในภมภาคนทกำหนดอายทางวทยาศาสตรเกาแกกวา 500 ปกอนครสตกาลมจำนวนนอยมาก ซงอาจจะเปนเหตผลหรอไมกตามททำใหภาคตะวนตกของไทยไมคอยถกกลาวถงในการศกษาพฒนาการเศรษฐกจ-สงคมภาคพนทวปเอเชยตะวนออกเฉยงใต ในการอภปรายประเดนดงกลาวน ผเขยนไดหยบยกขอมลวาดวยพฒนาการของวธวทยาทางโบราณคดแล","PeriodicalId":17409,"journal":{"name":"Journal of The Saudi Pharmaceutical Society","volume":"96 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76097926","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-11-05DOI: 10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.637
J. Peterson, Archie Tiauzon, M. Horrocks, M. Kottermair
The Jesuit House was built in 1730 on land reclaimed from the Tinago Marsh at the edge of the early Spanish settlement of Cebu City, Philippines, two centuries after it was first encountered by the Spanish explorer Magellan. As the city expanded from its core areas ca. 1565 around Fort San Pedro, Plaza Independencia, and the sites of Santo Nino Church and the Cebu Cathedral, waterways were drained and filled, and canals were dredged to extend the urban Spanish grid. Archaeological excavations at the Jesuit House and in the nearby Casa Gorordo Annex project document these changes in the urban landscape. Soil profiles throughout the downtown coastal plain in conjunction with chronostratigraphic data from the excavations demonstrate its submergence during the late Holocene high sea still-stand, followed by dissection by local drainages and the Guadalupe River. Relict channels and distinct interfluvial terraces are observed showing a migrating series of channels along the shoreline as well as a distinct escarpment at the back of the plain that marked the limits of marine intrusion during the high still-stand. Visayans and Spanish settlers selected higher ground for settlement in the interfluves and modified lowland areas such as the marshlands one of which became the Parian District of urban Cebu. Archaeological investigations at the Jesuit House and the Casa Gorordo Annex document the environmental history as well as the transition from native to colonial lifeways at the edge of Empire. Ang Balay Hesuita natukod niadtong tuig 1730 pinaagi sa pagtambak og yuta sa Katunggan sa Tinago diha sa ngilit sa nag-unang nahimutangan sa mga Katsila sa Sugbu, Pilipinas, mga duha ka gatusan ka tuig human kini nakaplagan sa Katsilang manunuhid nga si Magallanes. Sa dihang nilapad ang lungsod, gibana-bana 1565, nga naglangkob sa Kotang San Pedro, Hawan Independencia, ug mga luna sa Simbahang Santo Nino ug Katedral sa Sugbu, ang mga katunggan gipahubas ug gitambaka’g yuta, ug ang mga kanal gihawas-asan aron sa pagpalugway sa gilapdon sa lungsuranong Katsila. Makita kining mga kausaban sa lungsod pinaagi sa mga nakubkuban sa mga arkeyologo sa Balay Hesuita ug sa Sumpay sa Balay Gorordo nga duol niini. Ang mga takilirang hulagway’ng yuta sa tibuok kabaybayunang patag sa maong lungsod, tali sa datos nga kronostratigrapiko nga nakuha pinaagi sa mga arkeyolohikong pangubkob nagapakita sa pagkalubog niini kaniadto sa kinatas-ang naabtan sa dagat sa panahon sa Holosino, gisundan kini sa pagtabas-tabas pinaagi sa mga gagmay’ng sapa ug sa Subang Guadalupe. Makita sa mga karaang giagian sa katubigan ug tataw’ng mga hinagdanan ang nagsunod-sunod nga mga agianan sa tubig subay sa baybayon ug ang mga tataw nga tagaytay sa likod sa patag nga maoy nagpaila kung asa taman niabot ang kadagatan sa panahon sa kintas-ang gihunungan niini kaniadto. Gipili sa mga lumolupyo nga Bisaya ug Katsila ang hataas nga mga lugar para ila kining puy-an taliwala sa mga dagayday ug ilang giusab ang m
耶稣会住宅建于1730年，位于菲律宾宿务市早期西班牙定居点边缘的蒂纳戈沼泽(Tinago Marsh)上，距离西班牙探险家麦哲伦(Magellan)首次发现这里已有两个世纪。大约在1565年，随着城市从其核心地区向圣佩德罗堡、独立广场、圣尼诺教堂和宿务大教堂附近扩张，水道被排干并填满，运河被疏浚，以扩大西班牙城市网格。在耶稣会会所和附近的Casa Gorordo Annex项目的考古发掘记录了城市景观的这些变化。整个市中心沿海平原的土壤剖面与发掘的年代地层数据相结合，表明它在全新世晚期的高海静止站被淹没，随后被当地排水和瓜达卢佩河解剖。残存的河道和独特的河间阶地显示了沿着海岸线的一系列迁移的河道，以及平原背面明显的悬崖，标志着在高静止站期间海洋入侵的界限。维萨扬人和西班牙定居者在交汇处选择地势较高的地方定居，并改造了低地地区，如沼泽地，其中一个成为宿雾市区的帕里安区。在耶稣会会所和Casa Gorordo Annex的考古调查记录了环境历史，以及帝国边缘从本土到殖民生活方式的转变。Ang Balay Hesuita natukod niadtong tuig 1730 pinaagi sa pagtambak yuta sa Katunggan sa Tinago diha sa ngilit sa nagang -unang nahimutangan sa mga Katsila sa Sugbu，菲律宾，mga duha ka gatusan ka tuig人类kini nakapplagan sa Katsilang manunuhid nga si Magallanes。Sa dihang nilapad ang lungsod, gibana-bana 1565, ngga naglangkob Sa Kotang San Pedro, Hawan Independencia, ngga luna Sa Simbahang Santo Nino, Katedral Sa Sugbu, ngga katunggan gipahubas, gitambaka 'g yuta, ngga kanal gihawas-asan aron Sa pagpalugway, gilapdon Sa lungsuranong Katsila。Makita kining mga kausaban sa lungsod pinaagi sa mga nakubkuban sa mga arkeyologo sa Balay suita ug sa Sumpay sa Balay Gorordo nga duol niini。Ang mga takilirang hulagway ' sa yuta a tibuk kabaybayunang pataga maong lungsod, tali ' s datos nga krono stratigrapgrapiga nakuha pinaagagi naguakita sa pagkalubog niini kaniadto sa kinatas-ang naabtan naguajita sa panahon sa Holosino, gisundan kini sa pagabas -tabas pinaagi sa mga gagmay 'ng sapa ug sa Subang Guadalupe。Makita sa mga karaang giagagan sa katubigan an tagagagan an nagsuno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -suno -sunoGipili sa mga lumolupyo nga Bisaya, Katsila和Katsila都有，nga mga luga, para ila kining puy- and taliwala sa mga dagday, ilang giusab和mga basa nga luga sa ubos niini, sama sa mga katunggan diin usa niini和Ditritong Parian sa Sugbu。angmga pagtulun- angarkeyologo sa Balay Hesuita ug sa Sumpay sa Balay Gorordo nagapakita sa kaagi sa kalikupan lakip na angapakita sa kaagi sa kalikupan lakip na angapagusab gikan sa lumadnon ngadto sa kolonial ngga pamaagi sa kinabuhi diha sa ngilit sa Imperyo。
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Pub Date : 2020-07-22DOI: 10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.626
Aye Aye Oo
From the beginning of the Bagan period (11th century CE), Buddha’s Parinirvāṇa Scene has been depicted on wall paintings in religious buildings and hollow vaulted temples at various places of middle Myanmar. It is found that wall paintings based on the Maha Parinirvāṇa Sutta vary in layout and size from period to period with Buddhist literature: just as single-scenes and small or large wall paintings were depicted during the Bagan period so also were depictions of multiple scenes made in the late Konbaung Period. Further additions were introduced in depictions of Buddha’s Parinirvāṇa in the late Bagan Period. When studying the Buddha’s Parinirvāṇa scene on wall paintings, the depicting styles and colour changed from period to period. Depending on the colour, the periods can be interpreted definitely. Wall paintings depicting the Parinirvāṇa Sutta at temples located in Bagan and middle Myanmar regions are compared among themselves to show differences and similarities. Accounts of the purported events surrounding the Buddha's own Parinirvāṇa are found in a wide range of Buddhist countries of South East Asia. This paper concludes that the hypothesis is viable, with comparisons with the wall paintings depicting Buddha’s Parinirvāṇa Scene in Myanmar and how the style changed and transformed. မြနြာနငငအလယပငေးဆနရာအနအမပာေးတင ပဂဆခတအဆစာပငေးကာလ(၁၁ရာစ)ြစ၍ ဗဒဓ၏ပရနဗဗာနစခနေးက ဘာသာ ဆရေး ငရာ အဆ ာကအဦေးအြ ြေးြ ြေးနင ဂဘရာေးဝတမပြဆက ာငေးြ ာေး၏နရြ ာေးတင သရပဆ ာဆရေး ခကကသည။ ြဟာပရ နဗဗာနသတတက အဆမခခဆသာ နရဆ ေးဆရေးပနေးခ ျြ ာေး၏ အခငေးအက ငေး၊ အရယအစာေးြ ာေးသည ဆခတကာလအလက ကမပာေး မခာေးန ေးြရပပျေး ပဂဆခတကာလက ဇာတကကတစကကကသာ အရယအစာေးအာေးမ င ကကျေးသညမ စဆစ၊ ငယသညမ စဆစ နရဆ ေးဆရေးပနေးခ ျတင သရပဆ ာဆရေး ဆလရပပျေး ကနေးဆဘာငဆခတဆန ငေးပငေးကာလတင ဇာတကကတစကကထက ပြ ဆရေး လာသညက ဆတေရရပါသည။ ဗဒဓ၏ပရနဗဗာနမပြပဇာတကကအာေး သရပဆ ာဆရေး ရာတင ပဂဆခတဆန ငေးပငေးကာ လ၌ ထပြထညသငေးြြ ာေးက မပြလပလာကကသည။ နရဆ ေးဆရေးပနေးခ ျြ ဗဒဓ၏ပရနဗဗာနဇာတကကအာေးဆလလာသညအခါ သရပဆ ာဆရေး ြပစြ ာေးနင ဆ ေးဆရာငမခယသြြ ာေးြာ ဆခတကာလအလက ဆမပာငေးလလာကကသည။ ဆ ေးဆရာငမခယသ ြအဆပေါြတည၍ ဆခတကာလက အတအက ဆ ာမပနငသည။ ပဂနငမြနြာနငငအလယပငေးြ ဘာသာဆရေးအဆ ာကအဦေး ြ ာေးနင ဂဘရာေးဝတမပြဆက ာငေးြ ာေးတငရဆသာ နရဆ ေးဆရေးပနေးခ ျြ ာေး၌ ပရနဗဗာနသတတအာေး သရပဆ ာဆရေး ပြ ာေးအကကာေး ကမပာေးမခာေးန ေးြ၊ တညျြတအာေး မပသနငရနနငေးယဉဆလလာထာေးပါသည။ အဆရေဆတာငအာရြ ဗဒဓဘာသာဝငနငငြ ာေးအ ကကာေး ဗဒဓ၏ပရနဗဗာနစခနေးနငစပလ ဉေးသညဆ ာမပခ ကြ ာေးက က ယမပနစာဆတေရရဆပသည။ ယခစာတြေးသည အဆရေ ဆတာငအာရနငငြ ာေးြ နရဆ ေးဆရေးပနေးခ ျြ ာေးတင သရပဆ ာဆရေး ထာေးဆသာ ပရနဗဗာနစခနေးနငထငေးနငငတြသရပဆ ာ ပြ ာေးက နငေးယဉဆလလာြြ ာေး မပြလပနငသညဟဆသာ အယအ က ဆကာကခ ကခ ထာေးပါသည။
{"title":"Comparing the Parinirvāṇa Scene in Buddhist Murals of Myanmar | မြန်ြာနှိိုင်ငံရှှိ ဗိုဒ္ဓဝင်နံရံဆ ေးဆရေးပန်ေးခ ျီြ ာေးြှ ပရှိနှိဗဗာန်စံခန်ေးကှိို နှိှိုင်ေးယှဉ်မခင်ေး","authors":"Aye Aye Oo","doi":"10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.626","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.626","url":null,"abstract":"From the beginning of the Bagan period (11th century CE), Buddha’s Parinirvāṇa Scene has been depicted on wall paintings in religious buildings and hollow vaulted temples at various places of middle Myanmar. It is found that wall paintings based on the Maha Parinirvāṇa Sutta vary in layout and size from period to period with Buddhist literature: just as single-scenes and small or large wall paintings were depicted during the Bagan period so also were depictions of multiple scenes made in the late Konbaung Period. Further additions were introduced in depictions of Buddha’s Parinirvāṇa in the late Bagan Period. When studying the Buddha’s Parinirvāṇa scene on wall paintings, the depicting styles and colour changed from period to period. Depending on the colour, the periods can be interpreted definitely. Wall paintings depicting the Parinirvāṇa Sutta at temples located in Bagan and middle Myanmar regions are compared among themselves to show differences and similarities. Accounts of the purported events surrounding the Buddha's own Parinirvāṇa are found in a wide range of Buddhist countries of South East Asia. This paper concludes that the hypothesis is viable, with comparisons with the wall paintings depicting Buddha’s Parinirvāṇa Scene in Myanmar and how the style changed and transformed. မြနြာနငငအလယပငေးဆနရာအနအမပာေးတင ပဂဆခတအဆစာပငေးကာလ(၁၁ရာစ)ြစ၍ ဗဒဓ၏ပရနဗဗာနစခနေးက ဘာသာ ဆရေး ငရာ အဆ ာကအဦေးအြ ြေးြ ြေးနင ဂဘရာေးဝတမပြဆက ာငေးြ ာေး၏နရြ ာေးတင သရပဆ ာဆရေး ခကကသည။ ြဟာပရ နဗဗာနသတတက အဆမခခဆသာ နရဆ ေးဆရေးပနေးခ ျြ ာေး၏ အခငေးအက ငေး၊ အရယအစာေးြ ာေးသည ဆခတကာလအလက ကမပာေး မခာေးန ေးြရပပျေး ပဂဆခတကာလက ဇာတကကတစကကကသာ အရယအစာေးအာေးမ င ကကျေးသညမ စဆစ၊ ငယသညမ စဆစ နရဆ ေးဆရေးပနေးခ ျတင သရပဆ ာဆရေး ဆလရပပျေး ကနေးဆဘာငဆခတဆန ငေးပငေးကာလတင ဇာတကကတစကကထက ပြ ဆရေး လာသညက ဆတေရရပါသည။ ဗဒဓ၏ပရနဗဗာနမပြပဇာတကကအာေး သရပဆ ာဆရေး ရာတင ပဂဆခတဆန ငေးပငေးကာ လ၌ ထပြထညသငေးြြ ာေးက မပြလပလာကကသည။ နရဆ ေးဆရေးပနေးခ ျြ ဗဒဓ၏ပရနဗဗာနဇာတကကအာေးဆလလာသညအခါ သရပဆ ာဆရေး ြပစြ ာေးနင ဆ ေးဆရာငမခယသြြ ာေးြာ ဆခတကာလအလက ဆမပာငေးလလာကကသည။ ဆ ေးဆရာငမခယသ ြအဆပေါြတည၍ ဆခတကာလက အတအက ဆ ာမပနငသည။ ပဂနငမြနြာနငငအလယပငေးြ ဘာသာဆရေးအဆ ာကအဦေး ြ ာေးနင ဂဘရာေးဝတမပြဆက ာငေးြ ာေးတငရဆသာ နရဆ ေးဆရေးပနေးခ ျြ ာေး၌ ပရနဗဗာနသတတအာေး သရပဆ ာဆရေး ပြ ာေးအကကာေး ကမပာေးမခာေးန ေးြ၊ တညျြတအာေး မပသနငရနနငေးယဉဆလလာထာေးပါသည။ အဆရေဆတာငအာရြ ဗဒဓဘာသာဝငနငငြ ာေးအ ကကာေး ဗဒဓ၏ပရနဗဗာနစခနေးနငစပလ ဉေးသညဆ ာမပခ ကြ ာေးက က ယမပနစာဆတေရရဆပသည။ ယခစာတြေးသည အဆရေ ဆတာငအာရနငငြ ာေးြ နရဆ ေးဆရေးပနေးခ ျြ ာေးတင သရပဆ ာဆရေး ထာေးဆသာ ပရနဗဗာနစခနေးနငထငေးနငငတြသရပဆ ာ ပြ ာေးက နငေးယဉဆလလာြြ ာေး မပြလပနငသညဟဆသာ အယအ က ဆကာကခ ကခ ထာေးပါသည။","PeriodicalId":17409,"journal":{"name":"Journal of The Saudi Pharmaceutical Society","volume":"138 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"78515796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-03-03DOI: 10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.613
Jennifer Humiwat Dulnuan, Charmaine P. Ledesma
How can archaeology enhance public knowledge of local history in a community? This paper explored this question in an elementary-level social studies class in the town of Kiangan, Ifugao, Philippines, where archaeological excavations took place between 2012 and 2017. The authors present an example of the process of integrating archaeology in the classroom. As a form of public archaeology, “archaeology education” in this project utilized archaeological and Place-Based Learning concepts to develop archaeology modules that complemented classroom learning. This paper recounts the pilot project by providing details of the process of designing and developing the modules, the assessment, and the final product. Paano mapapahusay ng arkiyoloji ang pangkalahatang kaalaman ng lokal na kasaysayan sa isang pamayanan? Sinayasat ang tanong na ito sa isang pang-elementaryang antas ng Araling Panlipunan sa bayan ng Kiangan, Ifugao, kung saan naganap ang isang arkeolojikal na paghuhukay (taon 2012-2017). Ipapakita ng mga may-akda ang isang halimbawa ng proseso sa paglakip ng arkiyoloji sa pagtuturo ng Araling Panlipunan. Bilang isang uri ng “public archaeology” o pangkalahatang arkiyoloji, ang “archaeology education” na proyektong ito ay gumamit ng mga konseptong arkeolojikal at “Place-based Learning” para mabuo ang mga arkeolojikal na modyul na makakatulong sa pagturo ng Araling Panlipunan. Isasalaysay din ng papel ang proyekto sa pamamagitan ng pagbibigay ng detalyeng proseso ng pagdidisenyo at pagkakabuo ng mga arkiyolojikal na modyul, ang mga obserbasyon, at ang pangwakas na resulta ng proyekto.
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Pub Date : 2020-03-03DOI: 10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.612
Andrea Natasha Kintanar, Grace Barretto-Tesoro
Tuklas Pilipinas is a non-profit group whose mission is to promote heritage literacy in the Philippines. Tuklas developed a module for the general public to increase heritage consciousness about archaeological excavations in Philippine municipalities. The module incorporates concepts from Personal Interpretation (a method used for Heritage Interpretation) as well as activity-based lessons and lectures. Workshop participants: 1) gain additional knowledge about their local history; 2) connect the archaeology of their town to the archaeology of the region and nation; and 3) connect this with heritage protection. The purpose is to encourage locals to create their own programs for site tourism and protection. This module was first created and presented in 2018 in San Juan, Batangas, where Barretto-Tesoro spearheaded excavations of two stone-based houses and the old church complex in the old centre of San Juan from 2009 to 2012. By merging ideas from other disciplines such as Heritage Interpretation and Education, Tuklas produced an effective module that they hope to appropriately modify and use in other Philippine municipalities. The following discussion considers how the module was developed, its implementation, preliminary results and impacts, and challenges encountered in archaeological heritage advocacy. Ang Tuklas Pilipinas ay isang non-government organisation o NGO na ang misyon ay ipalaganap ang pamanang lahi ng Pilipinas. Sa pamamagitan ng pagbuo ng modyul na maaaring gamitin ng karamihan sa isang workshop, lalo na ng mga tao na hindi archaeologists o akademiko, sinisikap ng Tuklas na maiangat ang kaalaman sa pamanang lahi ng isang lugar o bayan na may kaugnayan sa mga sistematikong paghuhukay o ‘archaeological excavations’. Ang modyul ay nakatuon sa paggamit ng konsepto ng ‘personal na interpretasyon’. Ito ay isang paraan para magbigay ng liwanag sa pag-unawa ng pamanang lahi. Kasama din sa modyul ang mga lektyur at mga leksyon na tinatawag na ‘activity-based’. Ang uri ng leksyon na ito ay tinatampok ang pagkilos at paggalaw ng mga kalahok at hindi nakatuon sa pagsulat at pagsasalita lamang. Ang mga kasali sa workshop ay magkakaroon ng kaalaman tungkol sa kasaysayan sa bayan nila, pag-aralan ang arkiyolohiya ng bayan kung saan sila nakatira at ang kaugnayan nito sa arkiyolohiya ng rehiyon at bansa; at ang pinakamahalaga ay ang maiugnay ang arkiyolohiya sa pangangalaga ng pamanang lahi. Ang layunin ng workshop ay hikayatin ang mga mamamayan na magbuo ng sarili nilang mga programa para sa pangangalaga ng archaeological site at upang payabungin ang turismo sa kanilang lugar. Ang modyul ay unang nilikha at ginamit noong 2018 sa San Juan, Batangas, kung saan si Barretto-Tesoro ay pinangunahan ang paghukay ng dalawang bahay na bato at ang lumang simbahan sa Pinagbayanan mula 2009 hanggang 2012. Sa pamamagitan ng pagsasama ng mga ideya mula sa iba pang disiplina tulad ng ‘Heritage Interpretation’ at Edukasyon, binuo ng Tuklas ang isang modyul na ina
Tuklas Pilipinas是一个非营利组织，其使命是促进菲律宾的文化遗产扫盲。图克拉斯为公众开发了一个模块，以提高菲律宾各城市考古发掘的遗产意识。该模块结合了个人解释(一种用于遗产解释的方法)以及基于活动的课程和讲座的概念。工作坊参加者:1)增加对本地历史的认识;2)将他们城镇的考古与地区和民族的考古联系起来;3)将此与遗产保护联系起来。目的是鼓励当地人创建自己的遗址旅游和保护计划。该模块于2018年在巴丹加斯的圣胡安首次创建和展示，Barretto-Tesoro于2009年至2012年在圣胡安的旧中心率先挖掘了两座石砌房屋和旧教堂。通过融合其他学科的想法，如遗产解释和教育，Tuklas制作了一个有效的模块，他们希望适当修改并在菲律宾其他城市使用。以下讨论将考虑该模块是如何开发的，它的实施，初步结果和影响，以及在考古遗产宣传中遇到的挑战。Ang Tuklas菲律宾人说，这是一个非政府组织，非政府组织说，这是菲律宾人的使命。Sa pamamagitan ng pagbuo modyul na maing gamiting karamihan Sa isang workshop, lalo na mga tao是印度考古学家的akademiko, sinisikap ng Tuklas na maiangat ang kaalaman Sa pamanang lahi ng isang lugar是bayan na may kaugnayan Sa mga sistematikong paghuhukay '考古发掘'。他说:“我认为，这是一种‘个人的诠释’。”我说我是isang paraan para magbigay ng liwanang。Kasama认为，在“以活动为基础”的模式下，模块化和模块化是一种模式。在pagsasalita lamang，我想说的是，在paggalaw，我想说的是，在paggalaw，我想说的是，在pagsasalita lamang，我想说的是，在paggalaw，我想说的是，在paggalaw，我想说的是，在pagsasalita lamang。Ang mga kasali sa workshop ay magkakaroon ong kaalaman tungkol sa kasaysayan sa bayan nila, pag-aralan Ang arkiyolohiya ng bayan kung saan sila nakatira at Ang kakagnayan nito sa arkiyolohiya ng rehiyon at bansa;在ang pinakamahalaga, ang maiugnay, ang arkiyolohiya, ang pangangalaga, ang pamanang lahi。anglayunin工作坊ay hikayatin Ang mga mamamayan na magbuo ng sarili nilang mga项目para sa pangangalaga考古遗址在upang payabungin Ang turismo sa kanilang lugar。Ang modyul ay unang nilikha在ginamit noong 2018，圣胡安，巴丹加斯，kung saan si Barretto-Tesoro, pinangunahan Ang paghukay ng dalawang bahay na bato, Ang lumang simbahan sa Pinagbayanan mula 2009 hanggang 2012。在Edukasyon举行的“遗产解释”(Heritage Interpretation)活动上，在菲律宾举行的“遗产解释”(Heritage Interpretation)活动上，在菲律宾举行的“遗产解释”(Heritage Interpretation)活动上取得了良好的成绩。Tinatalakay sa paper na to kung paano nabuo ang modul, ang pagpapatupad nito sa workshop sa San Juan, ang results workshop，在ang mga suliranin na kinakaharap sa pagpapalaganap ng pamanang lahi na nakatuon sa arkiyolohiya。
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Pub Date : 2020-03-03DOI: 10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.629
K. Tantuico, Kate Lim
This publication is a compilation of papers presented at the panel discussion of the same title at the 21st Congress of the Indo-Pacific Prehistoric Association at the Huong Giang Hotel in Hue, Vietnam on September 24, 2018. It is inspired by the Editors’ advocacy of instilling archaeological awareness and heritage literacy to communities in which archaeological sites are situated.
{"title":"Foreword: Issues and Creative Strategies in Archaeological Heritage Conservation, Education, and Management","authors":"K. Tantuico, Kate Lim","doi":"10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.629","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26721/spafajournal.v4i0.629","url":null,"abstract":"This publication is a compilation of papers presented at the panel discussion of the same title at the 21st Congress of the Indo-Pacific Prehistoric Association at the Huong Giang Hotel in Hue, Vietnam on September 24, 2018. It is inspired by the Editors’ advocacy of instilling archaeological awareness and heritage literacy to communities in which archaeological sites are situated.","PeriodicalId":17409,"journal":{"name":"Journal of The Saudi Pharmaceutical Society","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79131131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-05-01DOI: 10.26721/SPAFAJOURNAL.V2I0.586
Brian Auersbach
This short article reviews the comprehensive field of study about vernacular architecture in Southeast Asia and the meaning behind these buildings. Cosmological perceptions and animistic beliefs are widespread in Southeast Asia, especially among the numerous tribes in its maritime region of Austronesia. This paper focuses on the connection between indigenous architecture and the cosmological relevance for the inhabitants. Therefore, similar architectural features in Southeast Asia will be elaborated and associated with these consistent cosmological perceptions. Finally, the example of the Toraja people and their story of creation shall illustrate this complex topic.
{"title":"The House, The Rice and The Buffalo: Cosmological Perceptions in the indigenous Architecture of Southeast Asia","authors":"Brian Auersbach","doi":"10.26721/SPAFAJOURNAL.V2I0.586","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.26721/SPAFAJOURNAL.V2I0.586","url":null,"abstract":"This short article reviews the comprehensive field of study about vernacular architecture in Southeast Asia and the meaning behind these buildings. Cosmological perceptions and animistic beliefs are widespread in Southeast Asia, especially among the numerous tribes in its maritime region of Austronesia. This paper focuses on the connection between indigenous architecture and the cosmological relevance for the inhabitants. Therefore, similar architectural features in Southeast Asia will be elaborated and associated with these consistent cosmological perceptions. Finally, the example of the Toraja people and their story of creation shall illustrate this complex topic.","PeriodicalId":17409,"journal":{"name":"Journal of The Saudi Pharmaceutical Society","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90786095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2018-04-19DOI: 10.26721/SPAFAJOURNAL.V2I0.581
C. Ruengruglikit
This paper studies King Rama V’s The Dialogues in Inao and its form of rhyming prose dialogues. It is the first written dialogue for performing the story of Inao as a Thai court drama and the first humorous script of dialogues in Thai court drama. The study focuses on revealing the new details added to The Dialogues in Inao by King Rama V in order to attract audiences in his reign and exploring the new presentation of King Rama V’s Inao as a Thai court drama in 1882 as well. The Dialogues in Inao is composed to be used together with King Rama II’s Inao for the story’s performance as a court drama, to entertain the audiences with humour. The Dialogues in Inao includes only one-third of the Inao story in its entirety. The content is similar to that of Inao by King Rama II except for some details added by King Rama V to provide more entertainment. The Dialogues in Inao have two major characteristics: following the content of Inao by King Rama II, and adding new details to the story of Inao. Three roles of The Dialogues in Inao are found: first, to rephrase the content in Inao by King Rama II into prose dialogues for easy comprehension; second, to add humorous content; and third, to add modern aspects to the story of Inao. This article is the revised version of the article entitled “The Dialogues in Inao by King Rama V: A New Presentation of Thai Court Performance of Inao in 1882” presented during the Seminar and Performances of a Shared Heritage: The Panji/Inao Traditions in Southeast Asia organised by the SEAMEO Regional Centre for Archaeology and Fine Arts on 2-3 March 2013 at Bangkok Chada Hotel, Thailand. This paper was presented for the panel “The Panji/Inao Traditions in Thailand”.
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