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Editor's Introduction 编辑器的介绍
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.23993/store.112421
Gina Konstantopoulos
Introduction to the special issue of Studia Orientalia Electronica, collecting papers from the international conference “The Strange and the Familiar: Identity and Empire in the Ancient Near East,” held at the University of Helsinki on August 23 and 24, 2019. 
《东方电子学》特刊简介,收录了2019年8月23日至24日在赫尔辛基大学举行的“陌生与熟悉:古代近东的身份与帝国”国际会议的论文。
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引用次数: 0
The Roving Other: Shepherds, Ungovernable Spaces, and Imperial Authority in First-Millennium Mesopotamia 流浪的他者:第一千年美索不达米亚的牧羊人、不可治理的空间和帝国权威
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.23993/store.89492
Michael Kozuh
Much of the literature on pastoralists and empire concerns mobile tribes and often focuses on imperial schemes of resettlement, or tribal thwarting of state initiatives.  This submission argues that in mid-first-millennium BCE Babylonia, large bureaucratic temples stood between the imperial state and Babylonia’s mobile class of shepherds. This article then explores this dynamic further, focusing on the use of administrative information as a point of imperial contestation, examining issues of local control and clashing hierarchies as the shepherds served an imperial obligation in the Mesopotamian hinterland, and finally argues that the pastoral dynamic presented here is of a piece with the larger political role of the temple in Babylonian life—both urban, familiar, and central and at the same time distant, other-like, and enigmatic.
许多关于牧民和帝国的文献都关注流动的部落,经常关注帝国的重新安置计划,或者部落对国家倡议的阻挠。该意见书认为,在公元前一千年中期的巴比伦,大型官僚寺庙矗立在帝国和巴比伦流动的牧羊人之间。这篇文章进一步探讨了这一动态,将重点放在行政信息的使用上,作为帝国争论的一个点,研究了地方控制和冲突等级的问题,因为牧羊人在美索不达米亚腹地履行了帝国的义务,最后认为,这里呈现的牧区动态与神庙在巴比伦生活中更大的政治作用是一体的——无论是城市的,熟悉的,中心的,同时也是遥远的,其他的。和神秘。
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引用次数: 0
Ways of Being: Hittite Empire and Its Borderlands in Late Bronze Age Anatolia and Northern Syria 存在的方式:赫梯帝国及其在青铜时代晚期安纳托利亚和叙利亚北部的边疆
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.23993/store.90663
Müge Durusu-Tanrıöver
In this paper, I take identity as a characteristic of empire in its periphery, denoting the totality of: 1) the imperial strategies an empire pursues in different regions, 2) the index of empire in each region, and 3) local responses to imperialism. My case study is the Hittite Empire, which dominated parts of what is now modern Turkey and northern Syria between the seventeenth and twelfth centuries BCE, and its borderlands.To investigate the identities of the Hittite imperial system, I explore the totality of the second millennium BCE in two regions. First, I explore imperial dynamics and responses in the Ilgın Plain in inner southwestern Turkey through a study of the material collected by the Yalburt Yaylası Archaeological Landscape Research Project since 2010. Second, I explore the identity of the Hittite Empire in the city of Emar in northern Syria by a thorough study of the textual and archaeological material unearthed by the Emar Expedition. In both cases, I argue that the manifestations of the Hittite Empire were mainly conditioned by the pre-Hittite trajectories of these regions. The strategies that the administration chose to use in different borderlands sought to identify what was important locally, with the Hittite Empire integrating itself into networks that were already established as manifestations of power, instead of replacing them with new ones.
在本文中,我认为认同是帝国在其外围的一个特征,它指的是:1)帝国在不同地区奉行的帝国战略,2)每个地区的帝国指数,以及3)当地对帝国主义的反应。我的案例研究是赫梯帝国,它在公元前17世纪到12世纪之间统治了今天的土耳其和叙利亚北部的部分地区及其边境地区。为了研究赫梯帝国制度的身份,我在两个地区探索了公元前第二个千年的总体。首先,我通过研究2010年以来Yalburt yaylasye考古景观研究项目收集的材料,探索土耳其西南部内陆Ilgın平原的帝国动态和响应。其次,我通过对埃玛尔探险队出土的文本和考古材料的深入研究,探索了叙利亚北部埃玛尔市赫梯帝国的身份。在这两种情况下,我认为赫梯帝国的表现主要是由这些地区的前赫梯轨迹所决定的。在不同的边境地区,赫梯政府选择使用的策略是找出当地的重要因素,赫梯帝国将自己融入已经建立起来的网络中,作为权力的表现,而不是用新的网络取代它们。
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引用次数: 0
The Burning of Captives in the Assyrian Royal Inscriptions, and Early Neo-Assyrian Conceptions of the Other 亚述王室铭文中焚烧俘虏,以及早期新亚述人的他者观念
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.23993/store.88852
B. Dewar
This paper is a study of the topos of the king burning captives in the Assyrian royal inscriptions. This punishment is notable for both its rarity and its cruelty, being the only time that the royal inscriptions describe violence towards children. I approach this topic in terms of Donald Black’s model of social control, in which the form and severity of social control, including violence, varies in relation to the “social geometry” that separates the parties involved in a dispute or conflict. I argue that in the royal inscriptions burning is inflicted on those that the Assyrians saw as “uncivilized”: peoples inhabiting poorer cities in mountain regions who lacked the infrastructure necessary to stockpile prestige goods, such as precious metals, and were separated at a greater distance from Assyria by “social geometry” than other foreigners. These findings provide a useful insight into Assyrian conceptions of the other and give a better understanding of the variations in the severity of punishments inflicted by the Assyrians on their enemies.
本文对亚述王室铭文中有关国王焚烧俘虏的主题进行了研究。这种惩罚因其罕见和残酷而闻名,这是皇室碑文中唯一一次描述对儿童的暴力行为。我根据唐纳德·布莱克的社会控制模型来探讨这个话题,在这个模型中,社会控制的形式和严重程度,包括暴力,随着“社会几何”的不同而变化,“社会几何”将参与争议或冲突的各方分开。我认为,在王室铭文中,焚烧的对象是那些被亚述人视为“不文明”的人:居住在山区较贫穷城市的人,他们缺乏储存贵重物品(如贵金属)所需的基础设施,而且与其他外国人相比,他们与亚述的“社会几何”距离更远。这些发现对亚述人的他者概念提供了有用的见解,并更好地理解亚述人对敌人施加的惩罚的严重性的变化。
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引用次数: 1
Imperial and Local: Audience and Identity in the Idrimi Inscription 帝国与地方:伊德里米铭文中的受众与身份
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.23993/store.88220
J. Lauinger
This article studies the Idrimi inscription from ancient Alalah, modern Tell Atchana, in order to explore how and to what effect manifestations of empire may have been socially consequential to local populations ruled by Mittani. Specifically, the article argues that Idrimi is presented as a Mittani hero, but the story of his life is told in a Northwest Semitic-Akkadian code; an imperial vision receives a local expression. From this conclusion, the article ends by trying to infer something about the inscription’s intended audience.
本文研究了来自古代阿拉拉和现代泰尔阿查纳的伊德里米铭文,以探索帝国的表现形式如何以及对米塔尼统治下的当地人口产生了社会影响。具体来说,这篇文章认为,伊德里米被描绘成一个米塔尼英雄,但他的生活故事是用西北闪米特-阿卡德语的密码讲述的;帝国的愿景得到了地方的表达。从这个结论出发,文章最后试图推断出碑文的目标受众。
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引用次数: 1
Yau̯nā and Sakā: Identity Constructions at the Margins of the Achaemenid Empire 丘尼语和萨克语:阿契美尼德帝国边缘的身份建构
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.23993/store.89975
Silvia Balatti
The Achaemenid Empire can be reasonably considered an “empire of peoples” from both an ideological and structural perspective. It included all the lands of the peoples of the world and all people helped to maintain imperial order and prosperity. In reality, the empire had boundaries and there were peoples who lived near and beyond them. Under King Darius I, groups of people were annexed at the northeastern and northwestern margins of the imperial territory, thus entering the imperial space and consequently also the Achaemenid documents. The border peoples of the Yau̯nā and Sakā were the only peoples of the empire to be differentiated through epithets, which were added to their collective names in the texts. This shows a unique process of group identity constructions by the authorities on the edges of the imperial space. The analysis of the system of epithets used to indicate the Yau̯nā and Sakā conducted in this paper allows us to draw some conclusions on the mechanisms and reasons behind these specific forms of identity constructions at the margins. Moreover, it shows how this process reflected the main directions of imperial expansion under the first Achaemenids.
从意识形态和结构的角度来看,阿契美尼德帝国可以被合理地认为是一个“民族帝国”。它包括世界各国人民的所有土地,所有人都帮助维持帝国的秩序和繁荣。实际上,帝国是有边界的,边界附近和边界之外都有民族居住。在大流士一世的统治下,帝国领土的东北部和西北部边缘被吞并,因此进入了帝国的空间,因此也进入了阿契美尼德文件。丘尼纳和萨迦的边境民族是帝国中唯一通过绰号来区分的民族,这些绰号被添加到文本中的集体名称中。这显示了在帝国空间边缘,当局建构群体身份的独特过程。本文通过对“丘尼纳”和“萨克”所使用的称谓系统的分析,可以对这些特定形式的边缘身份建构背后的机制和原因得出一些结论。此外,它还显示了这一过程如何反映了阿契美尼德一世统治下帝国扩张的主要方向。
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引用次数: 1
Drawing Distinctions: Assyrians and Others in the Art of the Neo-Assyrian Empire 绘制的区别:亚述人和其他人在新亚述帝国的艺术
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.23993/store.87846
Eva Miller
Between the ninth and seventh centuries BCE, the Neo-Assyrian Empire became the largest the world had yet seen. In the process of imperial conquest, the Assyrian state incorporated previously foreign territories and people into their world. Landscapes, materials, and the labor of conquered bodies became a part of the Assyrian royal palaces of northern Iraq, both as elements of their construction and as themes emphasized within the extensive visual programs of the palace reliefs. Within and through visual depiction of enemy bodies and foreign landscapes, in the process of being (often violently) reshaped by Assyrian hands, Neo-Assyrian kings brought the farthest reaches of their world into the center of imperial power. This article considers how specific strategies of representation in palace art allowed the Assyrian palace to serve as a microcosm of the empire and a map of its borders. Palace art emphasized the remade, reworked, or recreated, defining “Assyrianness” as that which remakes and has been remade. As a central act of remaking, I examine representations of captive or submissive foreigners, whose presence in the reliefs commemorates their humiliation while compounding and enhancing it in the very ways that these figures are depicted: cringing, deficient, and physiologically incorrect. I pay particular attention to examples from the late King Ashurbanipal’s reign, in which foreign leaders are singled out through representation with distinctive facial features. I argue that this act of (literally) drawing distinctions was an inherently imperial process, one that both expressed and enabled an ideology of expansion and control.
公元前9至7世纪,新亚述帝国成为当时世界上最大的帝国。在帝国征服的过程中,亚述国家将以前外国的领土和人民纳入了他们的世界。风景、材料和被征服的人的劳动成为伊拉克北部亚述皇家宫殿的一部分,既是建筑的元素,也是宫殿浮雕中广泛的视觉项目所强调的主题。在亚述人的手(通常是暴力地)重塑的过程中,新亚述国王通过对敌人身体和外国景观的视觉描绘,将他们世界最遥远的地方带入了帝国权力的中心。本文考虑了宫殿艺术的具体表现策略如何使亚述宫殿成为帝国的缩影和边界地图。宫殿艺术强调重造、再加工或再创造,将“亚述性”定义为重造和已被重造的东西。作为重制的核心行为,我审视了被俘或顺从的外国人的形象,他们在浮雕中的出现是为了纪念他们的屈辱,同时又以这些人物所描绘的方式混合和增强了这种屈辱:畏缩、缺陷和生理上的不正确。我特别注意已故国王亚述巴尼拔统治时期的例子,在这些例子中,外国领导人通过具有鲜明面部特征的代表被挑选出来。我认为,这种(字面上)区分的行为本质上是一个帝国的过程,它既表达了扩张和控制的意识形态,也使之成为可能。
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引用次数: 0
Foreigners and Religion at Ugarit 乌加里特的外国人和宗教
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.23993/store.88230
František Válek
During the Late Bronze Age, Syria was mostly dominated by the larger powers of the ancient Near East—Mitanni (the Hurrians), the Hittite Empire, and Egypt. The ancient city of Ugarit yielded numerous texts and artifacts that attest to the presence of foreigners and their influences on local religious traditions. Textually, the best-preserved influences are those of Hurrian origin, although these were probably promoted thanks to the Hittites, who incorporated many Hurrian deities and cults. Hurrian traditions thus influenced both Ugaritic cults and divine pantheons. Egyptian influences, in contrast, are observable mostly in art and material evidence. Art of Egyptian origin was considered prestigious and because of that was prominently seen in trade and international exchange gifts, but it also entered the religious sphere in the form of cultic statues and ex-voto gifts for deities. Egyptian art was also often imitated by local artists. The same can be said of art from the Mediterranean area. Some evidence suggests that foreigners actively related to local traditions as well. Ritual tablets from Ugarit (namely KTU3 1.40 and its variants) illustrate that there were always frictions in a multicultural/national society. These tablets also indicate that such frictions could have been dealt with through ritual action, and thus emphasize the role religion played. The city of Ugarit is used in this paper to illuminate some processes that can be observed in the whole of ancient Syria. Nevertheless, every site has its own outcome of interactions with other cultures.
在青铜器时代晚期,叙利亚主要由古代近东的强大势力——米坦尼(Hurrians)、赫梯帝国和埃及统治。乌加里特古城出土了大量的文献和文物,证明了外国人的存在以及他们对当地宗教传统的影响。从文字上看,保存最完好的是胡里安人的影响,尽管这些影响可能是由于赫梯人的促进,赫梯人吸收了许多胡里安人的神和崇拜。因此,胡里亚人的传统影响了乌加里特人的崇拜和神的万神殿。相比之下,埃及的影响主要体现在艺术和物质证据上。埃及起源的艺术被认为是有声望的,因为它在贸易和国际交换礼物中占有突出地位,但它也以崇拜雕像和向神灵赠送礼物的形式进入宗教领域。埃及艺术也经常被当地艺术家模仿。地中海地区的艺术也是如此。一些证据表明,外国人也积极地与当地的传统联系在一起。来自乌加里特的仪式碑(即KTU3 1.40及其变体)表明,在多元文化/国家社会中总是存在摩擦。这些石碑还表明,这种摩擦可以通过仪式来处理,从而强调了宗教所起的作用。本文用乌加里特城来说明在整个古叙利亚可以观察到的一些过程。然而,每个网站都有自己与其他文化互动的结果。
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引用次数: 0
The Development of Labial Clusters in the Aśokan Rock Edicts Aśokan岩石圣歌中唇群的发展
Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.23993/store.91999
Yasuko Suzuki
The original range of consonant clusters in Indo-Aryan reduced significantly over time, developing into geminates, homorganic nasal-stop clusters, and sonorant-h clusters in Middle Indo-Aryan. Early Middle Indo-Aryan, as represented in the Aśokan inscriptions, however, still maintained the original clusters, or what appear to be transitional stages of the extensive changes. Salient among those cluster changes that are observed in the Aśokan inscriptions are the changes tm, tv> tp and dv > db in Girnār in the west; sm, sv > sp in Shāhbāzgaṛhī and Mānsehrā in the north-west; and mh > mbh in Kālsī in the north and in Dhaulī and Jaugaḍa in the east. The idiosyncratic nature of these changes lies in the development of a stop from m or v, where the more usual changes would be loss or assimilation of m after a stop and of v after a stop or a sibilant, while sm and hm would normally change to mh. This paper examines the manner assimilation of the “labial” clusters (that is, the clusters with m or v that normally do not incur assimilation of the adjacent consonant) in the Aśokan Rock Edicts. It discusses the conditions, the motivation, the course of the change of m/v to a labial stop, and the dialectal differences associated with this change.
随着时间的推移,印度-雅利安人最初的辅音集群的范围显著减少,发展成双音集群、同质鼻塞集群和中印度-雅利安人的辅音集群。然而,在Aśokan铭文中所代表的早期中期印度雅利安人,仍然保持着原始的集群,或者似乎是广泛变化的过渡阶段。在Aśokan铭文中观察到的集群变化中,最显著的是西部Girnār的tm、tv> tp和dv > db的变化;西北地区Shāhbāzgaṛhī和Mānsehrā的sm、sv > sp;北部的Kālsī、东部的道拉和Jaugaḍa的mh > mbh。这些变化的特殊本质在于阻止米或v的发展,在更一般的变化将损失或同化m v的停下来后停止或发出咝咝声响后,sm和hm mh通常会改变。本文探讨了方式同化的“唇”集群(即m或v的集群通常不会导致相邻的辅音同化)ś奥坎摇滚的法令。讨论了m/v变为唇顿音的条件、动机、过程以及与此变化相关的方言差异。
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引用次数: 0
The Only Known Text from Bala, an Extinct Tungusic Language 一种已灭绝的通古斯语言巴拉语的唯一已知文本
Pub Date : 2021-12-19 DOI: 10.23993/store.101600
Andreas Hölzl
Bala (bala1242) is an extinct Tungusic language formerly spoken in and around the Zhangguangcai mountain range in Northeast China. The language is only fragmentarily recorded. This study analyzes a song that is the only known text of this language and was written with the help of Chinese characters. The language of the song is close to Manchu dialects but exhibits clear signs of a mixture with a more archaic variety. The underlying language is probably from a higher register of Bala that is strongly influenced by Manchu but at the same time preserves several unique characteristics, such as an intervocalic -g- in dege(ng) 德更 ‘high’ (Manchu den).
巴拉语(bala1242)是一种已经灭绝的通古斯语,以前在中国东北张广才山脉及其周围地区使用。这种语言只被零碎地记录下来。本研究分析了一首歌曲,这首歌是唯一已知的汉语文本,是用汉字写的。这首歌的语言接近满族方言,但表现出明显的混合迹象,与更古老的品种。其基础语言可能来自巴拉语的高级语域,受满语的强烈影响,但同时保留了一些独特的特征,例如中间的“g- in度”(ng)(满语的“高”)。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
Studia Orientalia Electronica
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