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Iravatham Mahadevan’s Reading of Indus Script: A Critical Review 伊拉瓦瑟姆·马哈德万对印度河文字的解读:一个批判性的评论
Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.23993/store.85246
C Jyothibabu
This paper comprehensively summarizes, analyses, and reviews Iravatham Mahadevan’s attempts to decipher the Indus script. Spanning a period of over thirty five years, Iravatham Mahadevan made continuous attempts to interpret and decipher the Indus script. Mahadevan claimed to have adapted the method of parallels between the symbolic representation and the text, between the written object and its designation, between the written symbol itself and its meaning, and the similarity throughout the ancient East of certain portions of the inscriptions, with the assumption that the underlying language of the script is Dravidian. Mahadevan was very flexible in changing his views and finding new interpretations, and gradually he shifted his interpretation of Indus signs from being phonetic/logographic/word to ideographic, leaving unshaken his core personal hypothesis and belief in the Veḷier clan and Tamil cultural settings. While Mahadevan did not succeed in making a self-consistent system of readings applicable to a large number of discovered pieces of writings, he did make a determined, persistent effort to develop a Dravidian framework for deciphering of the Indus script. This study seeks to find weaknesses in the methodology and assumptions of Mahadevan and searches for possible alternatives within that framework.
本文全面总结、分析和回顾了伊拉瓦瑟姆·马哈德万破译印度河文字的尝试。伊拉瓦瑟姆·马哈德万(Iravatham Mahadevan)在超过35年的时间里,不断尝试解释和破译印度河文字。Mahadevan声称已经适应了符号表示和文本之间的平行方法,在书面对象和它的名称之间,在书面符号本身和它的意义之间,以及整个古代东方铭文的某些部分的相似性,假设脚本的潜在语言是德拉威语。Mahadevan在改变他的观点和寻找新的解释方面非常灵活,逐渐地,他将他对印度河符号的解释从语音/符号/文字转向表意文字,没有动摇他对Veḷier氏族和泰米尔文化背景的核心个人假设和信仰。虽然Mahadevan没有成功地建立一个自一致的阅读系统,适用于大量已发现的作品,但他确实做出了坚定的、坚持不懈的努力,开发了一个德拉威语的框架,用于破译印度河文字。本研究试图找出Mahadevan的方法论和假设的弱点,并在该框架内寻找可能的替代方案。
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引用次数: 0
Female Characters in Phaswane Mpe's Welcome to Our Hillbrow and Niq Mhlongo's Dog Eat Dog Phaswane Mpe的《Welcome to Our Hillbrow》和Niq Mhlongo的《Dog eating Dog》中的女性角色
Pub Date : 2023-05-02 DOI: 10.23993/store.127000
Aklilu Dessalegn Zewdu, A. Daniel
This article examines two novels by Phaswane Mpe and Niq Mhlongo, Welcome to Our Hillbrow and Dog Eat Dog, by focusing on how they portray post-apartheid South African women and their experiences during and after the fall of apartheid. Set in the early years of South Africa’s democracy, these novels can be read from a feminist perspective, which offers an opportunity to investigate the condition of black South African women and their struggle in the context of the legacies of apartheid and the persisting male domination. The article employs postcolonial feminism as an approach and studies the two novels comparatively to see how the authors depict South African women in the face of double colonization and how they stand up to it. As the analysis indicates, Mpe and Mhlongo have voiced the plight of South African women through female characters that have continued to carry the burden of the legacy of apartheid and the persistence of patriarchy in the post-apartheid era. They have also demonstrated the resilience of women by featuring characters that reject exploitation and seize the opportunities offered by the newly-democratized nation.
本文考察了Phaswane Mpe和Niq Mhlongo的两部小说《欢迎来到我们的Hillbrow》和《狗咬狗》,重点关注它们如何描绘后种族隔离时期的南非妇女以及她们在种族隔离制度崩溃期间和之后的经历。这些小说以南非民主的早期为背景,可以从女权主义的角度来阅读,这为研究南非黑人妇女的状况以及她们在种族隔离遗留和持续的男性统治背景下的斗争提供了一个机会。本文以后殖民女性主义为研究视角,对两部小说进行比较研究,观察两位作者对双重殖民背景下南非女性的描写以及她们的反抗。正如分析所表明的那样,Mpe和mlongo通过女性角色表达了南非妇女的困境,这些女性角色继续承担着种族隔离遗留的负担,以及后种族隔离时代父权制的持续存在。他们还通过塑造拒绝剥削和抓住新民主化国家提供的机会的角色,展示了妇女的韧性。
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引用次数: 0
Establishing Gender Categories and Hierarchies: The Evolution of Rabbinic Discourse on the Creation of Woman 建立性别范畴与等级:拉比关于创造女性的话语的演变
Pub Date : 2022-12-21 DOI: 10.23993/store.109392
Katja von Schöneman
This article examines the evolution of rabbinic interpretative discourse on the creation of woman, as depicted in the Hebrew Bible, addressing well-known rabbinic writings from the fifth to the tenth centuries. My feminist and genealogical discourse-analytic exploration illustrates the accumulation of gender-biased elements and the concomitant strengthening of an obvious, all-encompassing patriarchal ethos along this hermeneutical trajectory. I argue that the diachronic development of the rabbinic discourse on the creation of woman took place in three consecutive discursive stages representing self-dependent characteristics. The tradition corpus was first established in Genesis Rabbah and Leviticus Rabbah, then reinforced in the Babylonian Talmud, and finally it became embroidered with versatile elaborations, as demonstrated in passages from Targum Pseudo-Jonathan, Avot de-Rabbi Nathan, Pirqe de-Rabbi Eliezer, and Alphabet of Ben Sira.
本文考察了希伯来圣经中描绘的拉比对女性创造的解释话语的演变,解决了五世纪到十世纪著名的拉比著作。我的女权主义和系谱话语分析探索说明了性别偏见因素的积累,以及伴随这种解释学轨迹而来的明显的、无所不包的父权精神的强化。我认为拉比关于女性创造的话语的历时性发展发生在三个连续的话语阶段,代表着自我依赖的特征。传统语料库首先在《创世纪》拉巴和《利未记》拉巴中确立,然后在巴比伦的《塔木德》中得到加强,最后它被绣上了各种各样的阐述,正如《塔木》中的段落所展示的那样:伪乔纳森、阿维特·德·拉比·内森、Pirqe·德·拉比·以利以谢和本·西拉的字母表。
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引用次数: 0
Mesopotamian and Indian Bird Omens 美索不达米亚和印度的鸟类预兆
Pub Date : 2022-12-04 DOI: 10.23993/store.113417
K. Zysk
This paper explores the relationship between bird omens that occur in both the Sanskrit Gārgīyajyotiṣa Aṅga 42 and the Akkadian Šumma Ālu and related Cuneiform tablets. After an overview of the Sanskrit omens and their source, the study proceeds to compare the Indian and Mesopotamian bird omens with special reference to the omens of the crow in order to show that the series of Akkadian omens and Sanskrit omen verses share a common conceptual paradigm. A list of the different omen birds and animals mentioned in the Gārgīyajyotiṣa occurs in an appendix.
本文探讨了出现在梵文Gārgīyajyotiṣa Aṅga 42和阿卡德语Šumma Ālu以及相关楔形文字碑上的鸟类预兆之间的关系。在对梵语预兆及其来源进行概述之后,研究继续比较印度和美索不达米亚的鸟类预兆,特别参考乌鸦的预兆,以表明阿卡德语预兆和梵语预兆诗句具有共同的概念范式。在Gārgīyajyotiṣa中提到的不同预兆鸟和动物的列表出现在附录中。
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引用次数: 1
The Grammar of Ornamentation: An Egyptian Predynastic Decorative Continuum 装饰的语法:埃及前王朝时期的装饰统一体
Pub Date : 2022-12-04 DOI: 10.23993/store.97009
Tatjana P. Beuthe
Tags made of mudstone are predominantly found in ancient Egyptian Predynastic cemetery contexts. This study examines the symbolism and significance of mudstone tags with the recurved horns of hartebeests and crescent-shaped mudstone tags. The use of syncretic imagery on these tags provides evidence for the fluidity of artistic perceptions in Predynastic Egypt. Available data suggests that individuals buried with mudstone hartebeest and crescent tags were almost exclusively female. Evidence for use wear and the find locations of the tags in burials indicates these artefacts were likely associated with rituals performed by female individuals.
泥岩制成的标签主要在古埃及前王朝墓地中发现。本文用弯角泥岩标记和新月形泥岩标记考察泥岩标记的象征意义和意义。在这些标签上使用综合图像为前王朝埃及艺术观念的流动性提供了证据。现有数据表明,与泥岩哈特贝斯和新月标签一起埋葬的个体几乎完全是女性。使用磨损的证据和在埋葬中发现的标签位置表明,这些人工制品可能与女性举行的仪式有关。
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引用次数: 0
Which Arabic Dialect Are Swahili Words From? 斯瓦希里语词汇来自哪一种阿拉伯方言?
Pub Date : 2022-12-04 DOI: 10.23993/store.101917
Zev Brook
This article investigates the Arabic component of the Standard Swahili lexicon, aiming to identify the Omani Arabic dialect which comprises the dominant donor of loanwords to Swahili. I isolate words from this “donor dialect” from other Arabic dialects that have influenced Swahili, and compare this lexical archive with data on the dialectology of Omani Arabic phonology and verbal morphology. I find that, contrary to widespread assumptions, documented Arabic from Oman’s mountainous interior, the source region of Omani settlers, has significant differences from the donor dialect. This holds true for fieldwork done in the nineteenth century and in the twenty-first. I characterize the donor dialect to the fullest extent possible, given the Swahili data, and find that it is closest to modern Zanzibari Arabic, which may be its descendant. I proceed to review how a better understanding of the donor dialect can clear up errors made in the literature of Swahili history and historical linguistics, and finally provide etymologies for twenty-two Swahili words that are likely borrowings from Omani Arabic but frequently attributed to other sources, due to being borrowings within Omani Arabic itself.
本文研究了标准斯瓦希里语词汇中的阿拉伯语成分,旨在确定阿曼阿拉伯语方言,其中包括斯瓦希里语外来词的主要捐助者。我从影响斯瓦希里语的其他阿拉伯方言中分离出这种“供体方言”中的单词,并将这些词汇档案与阿曼阿拉伯语语音和言语形态学的方言数据进行比较。我发现,与普遍的假设相反,来自阿曼内陆山区(阿曼定居者的来源地区)的有文献记载的阿拉伯语与捐助国方言有显著差异。这对19世纪和21世纪的田野调查都适用。考虑到斯瓦希里语的数据,我尽可能充分地描述了捐助者的方言,并发现它最接近现代桑给巴尔阿拉伯语,这可能是它的后代。我继续回顾如何更好地理解施主方言可以澄清斯瓦希里语历史和历史语言学文献中的错误,并最终提供22个斯瓦希里语单词的词源,这些单词可能是从阿曼阿拉伯语借用而来,但由于是阿曼阿拉伯语本身的借用而经常归因于其他来源。
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引用次数: 0
Christian Mauder: In the Sultan’s Salon. Learning, Religion, and Rulership at the Mamluk Court of Qāniṣawh al-Ghawrī (r. 1501–1516). 克里斯蒂安·莫德:在苏丹的沙龙。马穆鲁克宫廷Qāniṣawh al- ghawri的学识、宗教和统治(1501-1516年)。
Pub Date : 2022-12-04 DOI: 10.23993/store.119780
S. Ståhlberg
Review of Christian Mauder: In the Sultan’s Salon. Learning, Religion, and Rulership at the Mamluk Court of Qāniṣawh al-Ghawrī (r. 1501–1516). (Islamic History and Civilization. Studies and texts volume 169/1). Leiden: Brill 2021. 2 volumes. ISSN 0929-2403; ISBN 978-90-04-43576-6 (hardback, set); ISBN 978-90-04-47100-9 (hardback, vol. 1); ISBN 978-90-04-47101-6 (hardback, vol. 2); ISBN 978-90-04-44421-8 (e-book).
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引用次数: 0
Kings of Chaldea and Sons of Nobodies: Assyrian Engagement with Chaldea and the Emergence of Chaldean Power in Babylonia 迦勒底的国王和无名之子:亚述与迦勒底的交战和迦勒底权力在巴比伦的出现
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.23993/store.89456
J. Nielsen
From the ninth century until the last quarter of the seventh century BCE, the Assyrian Empire first extended its power over Babylonia and then engaged in a prolonged effort to retain control. The patchwork nature of Babylonian society—divided as it was between the traditional urban centers, territories controlled by five distinct Chaldean tribes, and regions inhabited by Aramaean tribes—presented opportunities and challenges for Assyria as it sought to assert its dominance. Assyrian interactions with the Chaldean tribes of Babylonia redefined the Chaldeans’ place within power relationships in southern Mesopotamia. Starting in 878, Assyria first perceived Chaldean territory as distinct from what they defined as Karduniaš, the land ruled by the king of Babylon. Shalmaneser III exploited and accentuated this division by recognizing the Chaldean leaders as kings and accepting their tribute even as he concluded a treaty with the Babylonian king, Marduk-zakir-shumi I. By decentralizing power in Babylonia, Assyria was able to assert indirect control over Babylonia. However, periods of Assyrian weakness created opportunities for several Chaldeans—drawing upon the economic and military power they could muster—to claim the title of king of Babylon with all the accompanying ideological power. These new developments prompted Assyria under the Sargonids to create counter-narratives that questioned the legitimacy of Chaldeans as kings of Babylon by presenting them as strange and inimical to the Assyrian order even as Assyrian interactions with the Chaldeans improved Assyrian familiarity with them. 
从公元前9世纪到公元前7世纪的最后25年,亚述帝国首先将其权力扩展到巴比伦,然后进行了长期的努力来保持对巴比伦的控制。巴比伦社会错综复杂的本质——划分为传统的城市中心,五个不同的迦勒底部落控制的领土,以及阿拉姆部落居住的地区——为亚述寻求维护其统治地位提供了机遇和挑战。亚述人与巴比伦迦勒底人部落的互动重新定义了迦勒底人在美索不达米亚南部权力关系中的地位。从878年开始,亚述第一次将迦勒底的领土与他们所定义的巴比伦王统治的土地karduniasi区分开来。撒缦以色三世利用并强化了这种分裂,他承认迦勒底领导人为国王,并接受他们的贡品,甚至在他与巴比伦国王马尔杜克-扎基尔-舒米一世签订条约的时候,亚述也能通过分散巴比伦的权力,间接控制巴比伦。然而,亚述软弱的时期为一些迦勒底人创造了机会——利用他们所能聚集的经济和军事力量——以所有伴随的意识形态力量来宣称巴比伦之王的头衔。这些新的发展促使撒贡人统治下的亚述创造了反叙事,质疑迦勒底人作为巴比伦国王的合法性,将他们描述为对亚述秩序的陌生和敌意,即使亚述与迦勒底人的互动提高了亚述人对他们的熟悉程度。
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引用次数: 0
The Art of Bracketing Empire Out and Creating Parallel Worlds: The Case of Late Persian Yehud 包围圈帝国和创造平行世界的艺术:晚期波斯耶胡德的案例
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.23993/store.89226
Ehud Ben Zvi
The goal of this article is to draw attention to a seemingly strange, generative pattern that, at times and under certain conditions, has shaped socially shared worlds of imagination among subordinate groups within imperial or hierarchically asymmetric structures of power, especially among “retainer” groups who saw themselves as a “cultural elite” of the subordinate group. I am referring to a generative pattern that in a significant number of such groups, across time and space, has led to constructions of worlds of imagination, and vicarious participation in them through readings or other social acts of imagination that involved “bracketing the empire out.” The article focuses on the world of the literati of late Persian Yehud/Judah, and especially the bracketing out of Ramat Rahel, the most obvious and monumental, explicit, imperial site in the province, but a number of various examples from diverse historical and geographical contexts are also brought to bear to make a point that this is a well-instantiated pattern. The article then concludes with a discussion of what was often gained by acts of imagination and memory involved in bracketing out “empire” and under which circumstances such acts tended to be historically likely.
本文的目的是引起人们对一种看似奇怪的生成模式的关注,在某些情况下,这种模式在帝国或等级不对称的权力结构中,尤其是在那些将自己视为下属群体的“文化精英”的“保留”群体中,塑造了社会共享的想象世界。我指的是一种生成模式,在大量这样的群体中,跨越时间和空间,导致了想象世界的构建,并通过阅读或其他社会想象行为间接参与其中,包括“将帝国包起来”。这篇文章关注的是后期波斯耶胡德/犹大的文人世界,尤其是拉马特拉赫尔(Ramat Rahel)的包围,这是该省最明显、最具纪念意义、最明确的帝国遗址,但也有许多来自不同历史和地理背景的不同例子,来证明这是一个很好的例证模式。文章最后讨论了“帝国”的想象和记忆行为通常会带来什么,以及在什么情况下这种行为在历史上是可能发生的。
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引用次数: 0
Persian Collections: Center and Periphery at Achaemenid Imperial Capitals 波斯收藏品:阿契美尼德帝国首都的中心和外围
Pub Date : 2021-12-30 DOI: 10.23993/store.89186
J. Finn
The absence of a true Achaemenid Persian “historiography” necessitates that we look elsewhere to construct Persian ideological interactions with the periphery. Like many Mesopotamian kings before them, the Achaemenids became famous for their collecting practices, and sources often depict them looting and stealing artifacts—many of an antiquarian nature—from conquered peoples. Recently, scholars have argued that we should read this picture as a later Greco-Roman historiographical construct, meant to retroactively vilify the Persian kings for their involvement in Hellenic affairs. However, the archaeological record, read together with cuneiform sources, appears to corroborate these statements. The careful recontextualization in Persian capitals of important cultural heritage items, looted mainly from religious environments in rebellious areas, served not only to demonstrate the superiority and dominance of the Persian center over the periphery but also to situate the Persian kings in an historical continuum of Mesopotamian kingship. A reevaluation of Achaemenid collecting practices from the sixth to the fourth centuries BCE may allow for a more complete understanding of the discursive nature of Persian imperial display.
真正的阿契美尼德波斯“史学”的缺失,迫使我们在其他地方构建波斯与周边的意识形态互动。就像他们之前的许多美索不达米亚国王一样,阿契美尼德人以他们的收藏行为而闻名,资料中经常描述他们从被征服的民族那里抢劫和偷窃文物——其中许多是古董性质的。最近,学者们认为,我们应该把这幅画解读为后来的希腊罗马史学结构,意在追溯波斯国王对希腊事务的参与。然而,考古记录,连同楔形文字来源,似乎证实了这些说法。在波斯首都,对主要从反叛地区的宗教环境中掠夺来的重要文化遗产进行了精心的重新背景化,这不仅证明了波斯中心地区对周边地区的优越性和统治地位,而且还将波斯国王置于美索不达米亚王权的历史连续体中。重新评估阿契美尼德从公元前6世纪到公元前4世纪的收藏实践,可能会让我们更全面地理解波斯帝国展示的话语本质。
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引用次数: 0
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Studia Orientalia Electronica
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