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The Redefinition of Clandestine Marriage by Sixteenth-Century Lutheran Theologians and Jurists 十六世纪路德神学家和法学家对秘密婚姻的重新定义
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S073824802300010X
P. Astorri
Abstract Within the medieval Catholic Church, the term ‘clandestine betrothal’ was associated with the absence of witnesses, solemnities, and other formalities. Parental consent was not a legal requirement for betrothal or marriage, which was based on the free decision of the spouses. However, Martin Luther held that the will of the parties was not sufficient, because the couple was joined by God, and God’s will was reflected in parental consent. Luther intended the parents to be a public authority, and he therefore proposed a different definition of clandestine marriage that combined the absence of witnesses with the lack of parental approval. Medieval canonists had enumerated numerous types of clandestine betrothal. However, in their treatises, the jurists Johannes Schneidewin, Conrad Mauser, and Joachim von Beust translated Luther’s definition into legal terms, reducing the types of clandestine betrothal to only two. The first type, absence of witnesses, continued to be regulated by canon law, with some exceptions. The second, lack of parental approval, was governed by Roman law reinterpreted according to Scripture. Cardinal Bellarmine criticized this definition as confused, prompting the Lutheran theologians Paul Tarnov and Johann Gerhard to reply that ‘clandestine’ had acquired a new meaning: violation of the law imposing parental approval.
摘要在中世纪的天主教会中,“秘密订婚”一词与没有证人、庄严和其他仪式有关。父母同意不是订婚或结婚的法律要求,而订婚或结婚是基于配偶的自由决定。然而,马丁·路德认为,双方的意愿是不够的,因为这对夫妇是由上帝加入的,上帝的意愿反映在父母的同意中。路德希望父母成为公共权威,因此他提出了一个不同的秘密婚姻定义,将没有证人和没有父母批准结合起来。中世纪的牧师列举了许多类型的秘密订婚。然而,在他们的论文中,法学家约翰内斯·施奈德文、康拉德·毛瑟和约阿希姆·冯·贝斯特将路德的定义翻译成了法律术语,将秘密订婚的类型减少到只有两种。第一种类型,证人缺席,除了一些例外,继续受到教会法的规范。第二个问题是缺乏父母的认可,由根据《圣经》重新解释的罗马法律管辖。Bellarmine枢机主教批评这一定义令人困惑,促使路德神学家Paul Tarnov和Johann Gerhard回答说,“秘密”获得了一个新的含义:违反了强制父母批准的法律。
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引用次数: 0
Wolfgang P. Müller, Marriage Litigation in the Western Church, 1215–1517 Cambridge, UK; New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Pp. viii, 270. $99.99 hardcover (ISBN-13: 978-1108845427). doi:10.1017/9781108955812 Wolfgang P.Müller,《西教堂婚姻仪式》,1215-1517年,英国剑桥纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2021年。Pp.viii,270.$99.99 Hardcover(ISBN-13:978-1108845427)电话:(028)028
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0738248023000238
C. Donahue
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引用次数: 0
How Hermann Kantorowicz Changed His Mind About America and Its Law, 1927–34 – CORRIGENDUM 赫尔曼·坎特罗维奇如何改变了他对美国及其法律的看法,1927-34——勘误
3区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0738248023000202
Katharina Isabel Schmidt
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引用次数: 0
The Making of Modern US Citizenship and Alienage: The History of Asian Immigration, Racial Capital, and US Law 现代美国公民身份和异化的形成:亚洲移民、种族资本和美国法律的历史
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0738248023000019
H. Dhillon
Abstract This article unravels an important historical conjuncture in the making of modern US citizenship and alienage by drawing on the state's regulation of naturalization as it relates to Asian immigration in the early twentieth century. My primary concern is to examine the socio-legal formations that constructed the thick distinctions between the modern US citizen and alien along the lines of racial difference and racial capital. Specifically, this article argues that Asian immigration to the United States remade the modern US citizen and alien in two significant and interconnected ways. First, it underscores how the adjudication of race in US courts and connected political campaigns re-mapped race in the United States and sharpened the racialization of Asia and Europe in profound ways that ultimately produced immigrants from southern, central, and eastern parts of Asia as the modern US alien. Second, the debate over Asian immigrants’ eligibility to naturalize refashioned legal status as a normative avenue to sustain a regime of racial capital. It cast citizenship as a legal avenue for White men and families to acquire and protect a proprietary interest in citizenship and recast some Asian immigrants as permanent aliens in a period when alienage came to signify disposable immigrant labor. The article concludes by distinguishing how the struggle for US citizenship by Asian immigrants frames the epistemological parameters and political vocabulary of immigration and naturalization reform.
摘要本文通过借鉴20世纪初美国对亚裔移民的入籍规定,揭示了现代美国公民身份和移民身份形成的一个重要历史转折点。我主要关心的是,根据种族差异和种族资本的不同,审视现代美国公民和外国人之间的社会法律结构。具体而言,本文认为,亚裔移民美国以两种重要且相互关联的方式重塑了现代美国公民和外国人。首先,它强调了美国法院对种族的裁决和相关的政治运动如何重新映射了美国的种族,并以深刻的方式加剧了亚洲和欧洲的种族化,最终使来自亚洲南部、中部和东部的移民成为现代美国移民。其次,关于亚洲移民入籍资格的辩论将法律地位重塑为维持种族资本制度的规范途径。它将公民身份视为白人男性和家庭获得和保护公民所有权的合法途径,并将一些亚洲移民重塑为永久外国人,因为在这个时期,移民身份意味着可支配的移民劳动力。文章最后区分了亚洲移民争取美国公民身份的斗争如何构成移民和归化改革的认识论参数和政治词汇。
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引用次数: 0
LHR volume 41 issue 1 Cover and Front matter LHR第41卷第1期封面和封面问题
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0738248023000287
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引用次数: 0
Creating Law through Regulating Intimacy: The Case of Slave Marriage in Nineteenth-Century New York and the United States 通过规范亲密关系创造法律——以19世纪纽约和美国的奴隶婚姻为例
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0738248023000032
L. Feldman
Abstract This article argues that American jurists fashioned new understandings about the capacity of states to legislate about marriage through regulating the intimate lives of enslaved and newly freed individuals. This article does so through analyzing the creation and impact of a little-studied 1809 law in New York that legalized the marriages of enslaved people—while individuals were still enslaved—as part of the state's process of gradual emancipation, which occurred from 1799 to 1827. In New York, by legalizing enslaved people's marriages, jurists privatized financial liabilities within soon-to-be freed families. The law stood at odds with national juridical understanding about marital regulation. Jurists in the early republic were uncertain about whether states could legislate about matrimony. Southern states after the Civil War then cited and replicated New York's logic in legislating to legalize the marriages of freedpeople, similarly privatizing financial claims within families. In the cases of both New York and national emancipation, jurists, in choosing privatization, foreclosed possibilities for a different or broader vision of state support for freedpeople, such as reparations. After making marital laws about slavery, both New York and Southern states created and/or tightened their marriage laws, further inscribing understandings of the marital family into American governance. This piece contributes to historiographies of slavery, the American state, and intimacy.
摘要本文认为,美国法学家通过规范被奴役者和刚获得自由的个人的亲密生活,对各州立法婚姻的能力形成了新的理解。本文通过分析纽约州1809年一项很少被研究的法律的产生和影响来实现这一点,该法律使被奴役的人的婚姻合法化,而个人仍然被奴役,这是该州从1799年到1827年逐渐解放的过程的一部分。在纽约,通过使被奴役者的婚姻合法化,法学家将即将获得自由的家庭的财务负债私有化。这项法律与国家对婚姻管理的司法理解不一致。共和国早期的法学家们不确定各州是否可以就婚姻立法。南北战争结束后,南方各州在立法中引用并复制了纽约的逻辑,使自由人的婚姻合法化,类似地将家庭内部的财务主张私有化。在纽约和全国解放的案例中,法学家们在选择私有化的过程中,排除了国家对自由人的支持的一种不同的或更广泛的可能性,比如赔偿。在制定了关于奴隶制的婚姻法之后,纽约和南方各州都制定和/或加强了他们的婚姻法,进一步将对婚姻家庭的理解铭刻到美国的治理中。这篇文章为奴隶制、美国国家和亲密关系的历史编纂做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Legal Limbo and Caste Consternation: Determining Kayasthas' Varna Rank in Indian Law Courts, 1860–1930 – CORRIGENDUM 法律的不确定性和种姓的惊愕:决定印度法院的kayasas的瓦尔纳等级,1860-1930 -勘误
3区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0738248023000329
Hayden J. Bellenoit
An abstract is not available for this content. As you have access to this content, full HTML content is provided on this page. A PDF of this content is also available in through the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
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Re-Reading Morant Bay: Protest, Inquiry, and Colonial Rule 重读莫兰特湾:抗议、调查和殖民统治
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0738248022000578
J. Connolly
Abstract The 1865 Morant Bay Rebellion figures prominently in scholarship on modern Britain, colonial Jamaica, and the British Empire, as a milestone of post-emancipation protest, a turning point in British race-thinking, and a focal point for debates on martial law and British justice. This article presents a new interpretation of the rebellion’s legal and political significance. Focused on processes of formal inquiry, I argue that legal analysis reshaped the political “moral” of the event. For the rebellion’s participants and some British observers, Morant Bay challenged the practice of colonial rule. But beginning with the royal commission of inquiry called to investigate the suppression, formal inquiry displaced the systemic critique that had largely motivated the uprising. Focused increasingly on the nature of martial law and culminating in the criminal prosecution of Jamaica’s colonial governor, legal debate and analysis transformed the scandal’s moral center and turned Morant Bay into a new justification for further and more centralized imperial control. In developing these arguments, the article examines law’s capacity to read, write, and exclude competing narratives of empire. In so doing, it contributes to scholarship on scandal and legitimation, and offers a new interpretation of a seminal nineteenth-century debate on the use of martial law.
1865年的莫兰特湾叛乱在研究现代英国、殖民地牙买加和大英帝国的学术研究中占有重要地位,是解放后抗议活动的里程碑,是英国种族思想的转折点,也是戒严法和英国司法辩论的焦点。本文对这次叛乱的法律和政治意义提出了新的解释。我把重点放在正式调查的过程上,认为法律分析重塑了事件的政治“道德”。对于叛乱的参与者和一些英国观察家来说,莫兰特湾挑战了殖民统治的做法。但从皇家调查委员会被召集调查镇压开始,正式的调查取代了在很大程度上推动起义的系统性批评。法律辩论和分析越来越关注戒严法的本质,并最终以对牙买加殖民总督的刑事起诉而达到高潮。这些辩论和分析改变了丑闻的道德中心,并将莫兰特湾变成了进一步和更集中的帝国控制的新理由。在发展这些论点的过程中,本文考察了法律阅读、写作和排除帝国竞争叙事的能力。在这样做的过程中,它为丑闻和合法性的学术研究做出了贡献,并为19世纪关于使用戒严法的开创性辩论提供了新的解释。
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引用次数: 0
“No Quixotry in Redress of Grievances”: How Community Abatement of Public Nuisances Disappeared from American Law “没有冤屈的唐吉诃德式的纠正”:美国法律中对公害的社区减刑是如何消失的
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0738248022000566
W. Meyer
Abstract Before 1859, the right of any member of the public to abate a public nuisance existed unchallenged in American law as a judicially recognized form of popular justice. In that year, the decision in Brown v. Perkins, authored by Massachusetts Chief Justice Lemuel Shaw, restricted the right to those who had suffered particular injury. The decision grew out of a suit for damages by the owner of an illegal saloon, which had been sacked by a local mob. Reversing what Shaw himself had said in his charge to the jury in the same suit in the preceding year, it had little grounding in earlier American case law. Shaw's prestige and the apparent demands of public policy, however, helped win courts over to the new doctrine in relatively short order. The change was most enthusiastically promoted by judges and scholars of conservative leanings disturbed by the threat of popular excess and most resisted by those of more radical inclinations. It paralleled American law's broader shift in the same period toward centralized regulation and the constitutionalization of rights and powers.
摘要在1859年之前,任何公众减少公害的权利在美国法律中都是不受质疑的,这是一种司法认可的大众司法形式。那一年,马萨诸塞州首席大法官Lemuel Shaw撰写的Brown诉Perkins案的裁决将权利限制在那些遭受特殊伤害的人身上。这一决定源于一家非法沙龙的老板要求赔偿损失的诉讼,该沙龙已被当地暴徒解雇。推翻了肖本人在前一年同一诉讼中对陪审团的指控,这在早期的美国判例法中几乎没有依据。然而,肖的声望和对公共政策的明显要求,帮助法庭在相对较短的时间内接受了新学说。保守倾向的法官和学者最积极地推动了这一变化,他们对民众过度的威胁感到不安,而那些更激进倾向的人则最抵制这一变化。它与美国法律在同一时期向集中监管和权利和权力宪法化的更广泛转变相平行。
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引用次数: 0
How Hermann Kantorowicz Changed His Mind About America and Its Law, 1927–34 – CORRIGENDUM Hermann Kantorowicz如何改变他对美国及其法律的看法,1927–34–CORRIGENDUM
IF 0.8 3区 社会学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0738248023000020
K. Schmidt
Hermann Kantorowicz crossed the Atlantic twice: to take up a visiting professorship at Columbia Law School in the summer of 1927, and to find refuge at New York's University in Exile in 1933/1934. Between his first and second stay, the German-Jewish émigré changed his mind about America and its law fundamentally. While he had—patronizingly—praised his US colleagues for “catch[ing] up… intellectually” in 1927, he accused them of “destroy[ing] the Law itself” in 1934. Reconstructing Kantorowicz's change of heart, my article uncovers just how open the transatlantic 1930s still were in jurisprudential matters. As leader of the so-called “free law” movement, Kantorowicz had sparked a turn to “life” in German legal science in the years before World War I. Throughout the 1920s, he had then watched contentedly, as American “realist” scholars drew on free law ideas for their own critical projects. By 1934, however, Kantorowicz could not help but notice parallels between New Deal and Nazi law. To his mind, both Roosevelt's and Hitler's jurists had started turning his moderate free law ideas into a radical—and dangerous—legal nihilism: in designating law as life's only source, they shunned scientific legal methods. In light of these concerns, my article excavates life-law's delicate suspension between peril and potential. My sources reveal a striking, triangular relationship between German free law, American legal realism, and Nazi life-jurisprudence.
Hermann Kantorowicz两次穿越大西洋:1927年夏天在哥伦比亚大学法学院担任客座教授,1933年至1934年在纽约流亡大学寻求庇护。在他第一次和第二次逗留期间,这位德国犹太人的移民从根本上改变了他对美国及其法律的看法。1927年,他高高在上地称赞他的美国同事“在智力上迎头赶上”,而1934年,他又指责他们“破坏了法律本身”。我的文章重现了坎特罗维茨的转变,揭示了跨大西洋的20世纪30年代在法理学问题上仍然是多么开放。作为所谓的“自由法”运动的领袖,坎托罗维茨在第一次世界大战前的几年里引发了德国法学向“生活”的转变。在整个20世纪20年代,他心满意足地看着美国“现实主义”学者在他们自己的批判项目中借鉴自由法的思想。然而,到了1934年,坎特罗维茨不禁注意到新政与纳粹法律之间的相似之处。在他看来,罗斯福和希特勒的法学家们已经开始把他温和的自由法律思想变成一种激进而危险的法律虚无主义:他们把法律指定为生活的唯一源泉,回避科学的法律方法。鉴于这些担忧,我的文章挖掘了生命法则在危险和潜力之间微妙的悬浮。我的资料来源揭示了德国自由法、美国法律现实主义和纳粹生命法学之间惊人的三角关系。
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Law and History Review
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