<p>Nachson's commentary (<span>2025</span>) reveals that although Israel has some differences in dealing with recovered memory cases, there are some similar concerns. On the one hand, Israel deals with such cases with professional judges, and not juries as is usually done in the UK. Nachson notes that these professional judges can be affected by the emotional testimony of the accusers, as opposed to the less emotional accused. This may be a similar dynamic in the UK, but just with jurors. Nachson also relays the fascinating example from an Isreali court case in which an expert witness for the prosecution elevated the memory evidence to such a degree that it trumped other considerations. As we reflect on our data in light of Nachson's comments, it occurs to us that we should point out that out of the total 2364 cases shown in our Table 1 (Patihis & Felstead, <span>2025</span>) only 227 were found guilty in a court of law, which is 10% of cases. In other words, the legal system may work well in most cases, though the number found guilty out of those in which police pursue a case was 27%. We appreciate Nachson's (<span>2025</span>) concurrence on objective truth in cases, which clarifies his meaning Nachson (<span>2025-a</span>).</p><p>Krackow et al.'s (<span>2025</span>) commentary mentions that to reduce wrongful convictions as false memory stories go out of fashion in the media, that regular reminders of the problem be communicated to the public. This is a good idea that could be extended to legal professionals as well. Their second suggestion of false memory societies recording eating disorders, self-harm, and therapy use, are excellent and insightful of the qualitative pattern we have seen in the cases in the caseload files. Almost all cases involved therapy, though we did not quantify that in our data. Krackow et al.'s final suggestion is perhaps the unarticulated conclusion of our data: that practitioners should avoid using memory recovery or enhancement techniques.</p><p>To round out our commentaries, we return to a central point we made in the discussion of Patihis and Felstead (<span>2025</span>). The idea of a middle ground can be useful in the sense that a group of well trained scientists might hash out questions of prevalence of a problem in society, size of effects, point out each other's confirmation biases, and so on. Nevertheless, the idea of a middle ground can be a little relativistic about whether there is an objective truth to approximate to.</p><p>In this regards, we think those promoting dissociative amnesia as a mental process are not being scientific, and that is as true as Freud in the 1890s, or an esteemed psychiatrist today at an elite university. A solid approach to science involves great caution in assuming invisible internal mental processes that are a step too far beyond a measurable behavior. The behaviorists were fruitful in scientific discovery, and the cognitive psychologists subsequently were admirably cautio
{"title":"Reflections on British False Memory Society cases, middle ground, and inferring internal mental processes","authors":"Lawrence Patihis, Kevin Felstead","doi":"10.1111/lcrp.3_12274","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lcrp.3_12274","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Nachson's commentary (<span>2025</span>) reveals that although Israel has some differences in dealing with recovered memory cases, there are some similar concerns. On the one hand, Israel deals with such cases with professional judges, and not juries as is usually done in the UK. Nachson notes that these professional judges can be affected by the emotional testimony of the accusers, as opposed to the less emotional accused. This may be a similar dynamic in the UK, but just with jurors. Nachson also relays the fascinating example from an Isreali court case in which an expert witness for the prosecution elevated the memory evidence to such a degree that it trumped other considerations. As we reflect on our data in light of Nachson's comments, it occurs to us that we should point out that out of the total 2364 cases shown in our Table 1 (Patihis & Felstead, <span>2025</span>) only 227 were found guilty in a court of law, which is 10% of cases. In other words, the legal system may work well in most cases, though the number found guilty out of those in which police pursue a case was 27%. We appreciate Nachson's (<span>2025</span>) concurrence on objective truth in cases, which clarifies his meaning Nachson (<span>2025-a</span>).</p><p>Krackow et al.'s (<span>2025</span>) commentary mentions that to reduce wrongful convictions as false memory stories go out of fashion in the media, that regular reminders of the problem be communicated to the public. This is a good idea that could be extended to legal professionals as well. Their second suggestion of false memory societies recording eating disorders, self-harm, and therapy use, are excellent and insightful of the qualitative pattern we have seen in the cases in the caseload files. Almost all cases involved therapy, though we did not quantify that in our data. Krackow et al.'s final suggestion is perhaps the unarticulated conclusion of our data: that practitioners should avoid using memory recovery or enhancement techniques.</p><p>To round out our commentaries, we return to a central point we made in the discussion of Patihis and Felstead (<span>2025</span>). The idea of a middle ground can be useful in the sense that a group of well trained scientists might hash out questions of prevalence of a problem in society, size of effects, point out each other's confirmation biases, and so on. Nevertheless, the idea of a middle ground can be a little relativistic about whether there is an objective truth to approximate to.</p><p>In this regards, we think those promoting dissociative amnesia as a mental process are not being scientific, and that is as true as Freud in the 1890s, or an esteemed psychiatrist today at an elite university. A solid approach to science involves great caution in assuming invisible internal mental processes that are a step too far beyond a measurable behavior. The behaviorists were fruitful in scientific discovery, and the cognitive psychologists subsequently were admirably cautio","PeriodicalId":18022,"journal":{"name":"Legal and Criminological Psychology","volume":"30 S1","pages":"74-75"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lcrp.3_12274","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143836298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Like Markowitsch and Staniloiu (this issue), Otgaar et al. do not directly deal with issues associated with the concept of recovered memories. Their paper consists of a critical review of neuroimaging studies on dissociative amnesia, or memory repression. A finding of positive correlations between symptoms of dissociative amnesia and specific electrophysiological processes in the brain might have suggested a biological substrate for repression, which is a key concept in debate regarding the validity of recovered memories.
However, analysis of the data reviewed by the authors shows that the correlations between the functions of given brain areas and dissociative amnesia are both, weak and inconsistent. Furthermore, they are conceivable in terms of malingering, intentional suppression, metamemory beliefs, organic amnesia, and the like—without invoking the concept of repression. Many studies also suffer from methodological shortcomings, including misdiagnosis of dissociative amnesia. The authors therefore conclude that ‘conceptual and methodological issues strongly limit the interpretation of neuroscientific investigations of dissociative amnesia and repressed memory… [they] tell us little about whether traumatic memories can be unconsciously blocked… [and therefore] none of the proposed biomarkers are sufficiently reliable for diagnosis in clinics or legal arenas’. Consequently, they suggest that the term ‘dissociative amnesia’ be replaced by ‘amnesia of uncertain etiology’.
Since biological correlates of dissociative amnesia are discussed in two papers, the present one and the one written by Markowitsch and Staniloiu, it seems desirable to compare the two. Clearly, they lead to opposite views concerning the validity of the concept of repression. Since the two reviews are based on differential data bases, they do not factually contradict each other. Nonetheless, the implications of their reviews are contradictory in the sense that according to Markowitsch and Staniloiu the psychological concepts of repression and recovery of traumatic memories have a solid biological underpinning, whereas according to Otgaar et al. no biological foundation for these concepts has been found. Thus, Markowitsch and Staniloiu, but not Otgaar et al., consider repression biologically feasible.
Taken together, it is quite possible, of course, that some biological processes (such as those reviewed by the former) are correlated with specific behavioural manifestations, while others (such as those reviewed by the latter) are not. However, this concluding remark sounds more like a mediation between the two groups of reviewers, rather than between those arguing for or against the ‘recovered memory hypothesis’.
{"title":"Comment on Otgaar et al. ‘The neuroscience of dissociative amnesia and repressed memory: Premature conclusions and unanswered questions’","authors":"Israel Nachson","doi":"10.1111/lcrp.3_12272","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lcrp.3_12272","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Like Markowitsch and Staniloiu (this issue), Otgaar et al. do not directly deal with issues associated with the concept of recovered memories. Their paper consists of a critical review of neuroimaging studies on dissociative amnesia, or memory repression. A finding of positive correlations between symptoms of dissociative amnesia and specific electrophysiological processes in the brain might have suggested a biological substrate for repression, which is a key concept in debate regarding the validity of recovered memories.</p><p>However, analysis of the data reviewed by the authors shows that the correlations between the functions of given brain areas and dissociative amnesia are both, weak and inconsistent. Furthermore, they are conceivable in terms of malingering, intentional suppression, metamemory beliefs, organic amnesia, and the like—without invoking the concept of repression. Many studies also suffer from methodological shortcomings, including misdiagnosis of dissociative amnesia. The authors therefore conclude that ‘conceptual and methodological issues strongly limit the interpretation of neuroscientific investigations of dissociative amnesia and repressed memory… [they] tell us little about whether traumatic memories can be unconsciously blocked… [and therefore] none of the proposed biomarkers are sufficiently reliable for diagnosis in clinics or legal arenas’. Consequently, they suggest that the term ‘dissociative amnesia’ be replaced by ‘amnesia of uncertain etiology’.</p><p>Since biological correlates of dissociative amnesia are discussed in two papers, the present one and the one written by Markowitsch and Staniloiu, it seems desirable to compare the two. Clearly, they lead to opposite views concerning the validity of the concept of repression. Since the two reviews are based on differential data bases, they do not factually contradict each other. Nonetheless, the implications of their reviews are contradictory in the sense that according to Markowitsch and Staniloiu the psychological concepts of repression and recovery of traumatic memories have a solid biological underpinning, whereas according to Otgaar et al. no biological foundation for these concepts has been found. Thus, Markowitsch and Staniloiu, but not Otgaar et al., consider repression biologically feasible.</p><p>Taken together, it is quite possible, of course, that some biological processes (such as those reviewed by the former) are correlated with specific behavioural manifestations, while others (such as those reviewed by the latter) are not. However, this concluding remark sounds more like a mediation between the two groups of reviewers, rather than between those arguing for or against the ‘recovered memory hypothesis’.</p>","PeriodicalId":18022,"journal":{"name":"Legal and Criminological Psychology","volume":"30 S1","pages":"51-52"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lcrp.3_12272","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143836421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Comment on G. Mazzoni et al. ‘Taking the middle stance in the debate on the nature of traumatic memories’","authors":"Hans J. Markowitsch, Angelica Staniloiu","doi":"10.1111/lcrp.2_12273","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lcrp.2_12273","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":18022,"journal":{"name":"Legal and Criminological Psychology","volume":"30 S1","pages":"105-107"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143836396","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ivan Mangiulli, Marko Jelicic, Mark L. Howe, Lawrence Patihis, Olivier Dodier, Rafaële Huntjens, Elisa Krackow, Steven Jay Lynn, Henry Otgaar
<p>The ongoing debate about the nature of traumatic memories has engaged numerous scholars, each providing evidence either for or against special properties that distinguish such memories from other emotional memories. Mazzoni et al. (<span>2025</span>) offered a balanced and comprehensive perspective concerning the topic of traumatic memories. On the one hand, they pointed out that numerous clinical observations, and supposedly the results of some neurobiological studies, have shown that traumatic memories often lack verbal content and are accompanied by intense bodily sensations, making them special in this regard (Brewin, <span>2016</span>; Solms, <span>2018</span>; Van der Kolk, <span>1998</span>). These observations have led to interpretations of these findings as representing dissociative amnesia or repressed memories. On the other hand, researchers (McNally, <span>2007</span>; Merckelbach & Patihis, <span>2018</span>) have contended that scientific data do not consistently support the special nature of traumatic memories or the frequent occurrence of amnesia for a given event (Mangiulli et al., <span>2022</span>; McNally, <span>2003</span>; Otgaar et al., <span>2019</span>). Instead, the lack of clear evidence supporting dissociation from (or repression of) traumatic memories contrasts with substantial data suggesting that negative and stressful experiences enhance, rather than impair, memory (Shields et al., <span>2017</span>). Even if differences in characteristics exist between traumatic and non-traumatic memories, it does not necessarily implicate dissociation or repression as a cause or consequence.</p><p>Overall, there is much to appreciate in Mazzoni et al. (<span>2025</span>). Their paper took a middle ground in the debate, considering evidence from opposing perspectives, and assessing merits and flaws in relation to both sides. Yet even with this open-minded approach, it is crucial to stress that not all evidence carries equal weight. For instance, a primary source of evidence for which traumatic memories are deemed so special is derived from neuro-related data. This body of research substantiates that traumatic memories may possess specific neurobiological and neuropsychological underpinnings, suggesting qualitative distinctions in the encoding, consolidation and retrieval processes compared with other memories (e.g. ordinary experiences), thereby entailing special mechanisms distinct from general memory function (but see Rubin et al., <span>2008</span>). As Mazzoni et al. (<span>2025</span>) rightly observed—which we expand here—a common mistake in this context involves inferring the involvement of a specific cognitive process, such as memory loss for traumatic events, from the activation of a particular area in the brain. This form of reverse inference, however, lacks deductive validity, embodying the logical fallacy of affirming the consequent. In cognitive neuroscience, it is well established that the presence of specific
关于创伤性记忆的本质的持续争论吸引了许多学者,每个人都提供证据,支持或反对将这种记忆与其他情感记忆区分开来的特殊属性。Mazzoni等人(2025)提供了一个关于创伤记忆主题的平衡和全面的视角。一方面,他们指出,大量的临床观察以及一些神经生物学研究的结果表明,创伤性记忆往往缺乏语言内容,并伴随着强烈的身体感觉,因此在这方面很特别(Brewin, 2016;索姆斯,2018;范德科尔克,1998)。这些观察结果导致了对这些发现的解释,即代表分离性健忘症或压抑的记忆。另一方面,研究人员(McNally, 2007;Merckelbach,Patihis, 2018)认为,科学数据并不一致地支持创伤记忆的特殊性或对特定事件经常发生的健忘症(Mangiulli et al., 2022;麦克纳利,2003;Otgaar et al., 2019)。相反,缺乏明确的证据支持创伤记忆的分离(或压抑),而大量数据表明,消极和紧张的经历会增强而不是损害记忆(Shields et al., 2017)。即使创伤性记忆和非创伤性记忆在特征上存在差异,也不一定意味着分离或压抑是原因或结果。总的来说,Mazzoni等人(2025)有很多值得欣赏的地方。他们的论文在辩论中采取了中间立场,从对立的角度考虑证据,并评估双方的优缺点。然而,即使采用这种开明的方法,也必须强调并非所有证据都具有同等的重要性。例如,创伤记忆被认为是如此特殊的主要证据来源来自神经相关数据。这一研究证实,创伤性记忆可能具有特定的神经生物学和神经心理学基础,表明与其他记忆(如普通经历)相比,创伤性记忆的编码、巩固和检索过程存在定性差异,因此需要与一般记忆功能不同的特殊机制(但参见Rubin等人,2008)。正如Mazzoni等人(2025)正确地观察到的——我们在这里进行扩展——在这种情况下,一个常见的错误是通过大脑中特定区域的激活来推断特定认知过程的参与,比如创伤事件的记忆丧失。然而,这种形式的反向推理缺乏演绎的有效性,体现了肯定结果的逻辑谬误。在认知神经科学中,特定认知过程的存在不能从观察到的脑血流模式中可靠地推断出来(Poldrack, 2006)。同样,仅从大脑区域的改变或激素(功能失调)来推断精神疾病(如解离性健忘症)的存在,在方法上是不合理的。相比之下,那些对创伤性事件的损害效应持怀疑态度的人认识到,有必要提出强有力的、方法学上合理的替代假设,特别是在缺乏解离性遗忘症的特定生物标志物的情况下(Huntjens et al., 2022)。这些替代假设(如有机记忆丧失、装病和普通遗忘)都是基于证据的(Jelicic, 2023;Zago et al., 2023),表明创伤记忆占据了一个独特的领域,导致严重的无意识遗忘是值得怀疑的。当然,作为科学家,保持思想开放是至关重要的。有时,尽管排除了许多可能性,但解释创伤后的记忆丧失仍然具有挑战性。然而,这种复杂性不应导致我们求助于证据基础薄弱的现象或解释。考虑到目前的知识水平,反对创伤性记忆确实具有特殊性的证据可能比支持创伤性记忆“特殊性”的证据更有分量。
{"title":"The weight of evidence regarding the nature of traumatic memories: A comment on Mazzoni et al.","authors":"Ivan Mangiulli, Marko Jelicic, Mark L. Howe, Lawrence Patihis, Olivier Dodier, Rafaële Huntjens, Elisa Krackow, Steven Jay Lynn, Henry Otgaar","doi":"10.1111/lcrp.1_12273","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lcrp.1_12273","url":null,"abstract":"<p>The ongoing debate about the nature of traumatic memories has engaged numerous scholars, each providing evidence either for or against special properties that distinguish such memories from other emotional memories. Mazzoni et al. (<span>2025</span>) offered a balanced and comprehensive perspective concerning the topic of traumatic memories. On the one hand, they pointed out that numerous clinical observations, and supposedly the results of some neurobiological studies, have shown that traumatic memories often lack verbal content and are accompanied by intense bodily sensations, making them special in this regard (Brewin, <span>2016</span>; Solms, <span>2018</span>; Van der Kolk, <span>1998</span>). These observations have led to interpretations of these findings as representing dissociative amnesia or repressed memories. On the other hand, researchers (McNally, <span>2007</span>; Merckelbach & Patihis, <span>2018</span>) have contended that scientific data do not consistently support the special nature of traumatic memories or the frequent occurrence of amnesia for a given event (Mangiulli et al., <span>2022</span>; McNally, <span>2003</span>; Otgaar et al., <span>2019</span>). Instead, the lack of clear evidence supporting dissociation from (or repression of) traumatic memories contrasts with substantial data suggesting that negative and stressful experiences enhance, rather than impair, memory (Shields et al., <span>2017</span>). Even if differences in characteristics exist between traumatic and non-traumatic memories, it does not necessarily implicate dissociation or repression as a cause or consequence.</p><p>Overall, there is much to appreciate in Mazzoni et al. (<span>2025</span>). Their paper took a middle ground in the debate, considering evidence from opposing perspectives, and assessing merits and flaws in relation to both sides. Yet even with this open-minded approach, it is crucial to stress that not all evidence carries equal weight. For instance, a primary source of evidence for which traumatic memories are deemed so special is derived from neuro-related data. This body of research substantiates that traumatic memories may possess specific neurobiological and neuropsychological underpinnings, suggesting qualitative distinctions in the encoding, consolidation and retrieval processes compared with other memories (e.g. ordinary experiences), thereby entailing special mechanisms distinct from general memory function (but see Rubin et al., <span>2008</span>). As Mazzoni et al. (<span>2025</span>) rightly observed—which we expand here—a common mistake in this context involves inferring the involvement of a specific cognitive process, such as memory loss for traumatic events, from the activation of a particular area in the brain. This form of reverse inference, however, lacks deductive validity, embodying the logical fallacy of affirming the consequent. In cognitive neuroscience, it is well established that the presence of specific","PeriodicalId":18022,"journal":{"name":"Legal and Criminological Psychology","volume":"30 S1","pages":"103-105"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lcrp.1_12273","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143836395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Comments","authors":"Hans J. Markowitsch, Angelica Staniloiu","doi":"10.1111/lcrp.1_12272","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lcrp.1_12272","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":18022,"journal":{"name":"Legal and Criminological Psychology","volume":"30 S1","pages":"46-48"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143836419","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
<p>Reading Mazzoni et al.'s paper, I was glad to find out that their and my own paper (Nachson, <span>2025</span>) are in agreement with each other in terms of both, the issues involved in the concepts of repression and of recovered memory, and their solutions. Although our conceptual perspectives differ from each other—as evident by the differential bibliography lists—the similarity between our analyses is indeed striking, so as to render them complementary.</p><p>We similarly delineate the difficulties involved in the very definition of the concept of repression which is not operationally defined, and hence cannot be scientifically validated. Thus, while ‘soft-minded’ clinicians find the concept useful for treating clients who have allegedly recovered memories of childhood sexual abuses, ‘hard-minded’ researchers find it misleading.</p><p>The latter also shy away from the notion that a given behaviour may be considered an exception to a rule. Therefore, the special properties assigned to memories of traumatic events (such as resistance to distortion over time) cannot be entertained without solid evidence, and indeed, cognitive scientists tend to reject the notion of a special nature of traumatic memories.</p><p>The insistence on a special nature reminds one of other failing attempts to postulate an explanation of a given behaviour in terms of exceptional processes; for example, the original, ‘frustration-aggression hypothesis’ (Dollard et al., <span>1939</span>), which was based on the notion that, unlike other behavioural responses which are learned, aggression is exceptionally caused by a single factor, namely frustration.</p><p>Mazzoni et al. make it clear that evidence showing that memory of traumatic experiences is less accessible and less retrievable than that of non-traumatic experiences does not prove that it is repressed, and in-fact, it might even be enhanced rather than impaired. The studies showing detrimental effects of trauma on memory in animals, and those performed on intentional suppression, do not constitute, according to the authors, evidence for repression in humans.</p><p>The authors' conclusion that each of the two opposing opinions regarding recovered memories entails a partial truth reminds one of the American Psychological Association's decision to accept both of them as valid (Howard & Tuffin, <span>2002</span>), and of my discussion on multiple truths (Nachson, <span>2025</span>).</p><p>As a solution of the on-going debate regarding recovered memories, the authors suggest a ‘middle ground hypothesis’, according to which only traumatic memories of highly arousing, negative experiences might be repressed. However, this suggestion begs the question, since the debate focuses on memories of sexual abuses which are clearly ‘highly arousing, negative experiences’; so we are back on square one.</p><p>Finally, I wholeheartedly agree with the authors that further research on recovery of memory is called for, and that the cl
在阅读Mazzoni等人的论文时,我很高兴地发现,他们和我自己的论文(Nachson, 2025)在压抑和恢复记忆概念所涉及的问题以及它们的解决方案方面都是一致的。虽然我们的概念观点彼此不同——正如不同的参考书目列表所表明的那样——但我们的分析之间的相似性确实是惊人的,从而使它们互补。我们同样描述了在镇压概念的定义中所涉及的困难,因为镇压概念在操作上没有定义,因此无法科学地验证。因此,虽然“软心肠”的临床医生发现这个概念对治疗那些据称恢复了童年性虐待记忆的客户很有用,但“硬心肠”的研究人员发现它具有误导性。后者也回避将特定行为视为规则例外的概念。因此,没有确凿的证据,创伤性事件记忆的特殊属性(比如随着时间的推移对扭曲的抵抗力)是不能被接受的,事实上,认知科学家倾向于拒绝创伤性事件记忆具有特殊性质的概念。对特殊性质的坚持让人想起了另一种失败的尝试,即用特殊过程来假设对特定行为的解释;例如,最初的“挫折-攻击假说”(Dollard et al., 1939),它基于这样一种观念:与其他习得的行为反应不同,攻击通常是由单一因素引起的,即挫折。Mazzoni等人明确指出,有证据表明创伤性经历的记忆比非创伤性经历的记忆更难以获得和检索,但这并不能证明创伤性经历的记忆被压抑了,事实上,创伤性经历的记忆甚至可能被增强而不是受损。这些研究表明,创伤对动物记忆的有害影响,以及那些故意压抑的研究,并不构成人类压抑的证据。作者的结论是,关于恢复记忆的两种对立观点中的每一种都包含部分事实,这让人想起了美国心理协会决定接受这两种观点都是有效的(Howard &;Tuffin, 2002),以及我对多重真理的讨论(Nachson, 2025)。为了解决关于恢复记忆的持续争论,作者提出了一个“中间假设”,根据该假设,只有高度唤起的负面经历的创伤性记忆可能会被抑制。然而,这个建议回避了一个问题,因为辩论的重点是性虐待的记忆,这显然是“高度唤起的负面经历”;所以我们又回到了起点。最后,我完全同意作者的观点,即需要对记忆恢复进行进一步的研究,临床和法律界应该充分了解与恢复记忆概念的理论和应用有关的问题,以避免他们不加批判地接受。
{"title":"Can highly arousing traumatic Experiences be repressed?","authors":"Israel Nachson","doi":"10.1111/lcrp.3_12273","DOIUrl":"10.1111/lcrp.3_12273","url":null,"abstract":"<p>Reading Mazzoni et al.'s paper, I was glad to find out that their and my own paper (Nachson, <span>2025</span>) are in agreement with each other in terms of both, the issues involved in the concepts of repression and of recovered memory, and their solutions. Although our conceptual perspectives differ from each other—as evident by the differential bibliography lists—the similarity between our analyses is indeed striking, so as to render them complementary.</p><p>We similarly delineate the difficulties involved in the very definition of the concept of repression which is not operationally defined, and hence cannot be scientifically validated. Thus, while ‘soft-minded’ clinicians find the concept useful for treating clients who have allegedly recovered memories of childhood sexual abuses, ‘hard-minded’ researchers find it misleading.</p><p>The latter also shy away from the notion that a given behaviour may be considered an exception to a rule. Therefore, the special properties assigned to memories of traumatic events (such as resistance to distortion over time) cannot be entertained without solid evidence, and indeed, cognitive scientists tend to reject the notion of a special nature of traumatic memories.</p><p>The insistence on a special nature reminds one of other failing attempts to postulate an explanation of a given behaviour in terms of exceptional processes; for example, the original, ‘frustration-aggression hypothesis’ (Dollard et al., <span>1939</span>), which was based on the notion that, unlike other behavioural responses which are learned, aggression is exceptionally caused by a single factor, namely frustration.</p><p>Mazzoni et al. make it clear that evidence showing that memory of traumatic experiences is less accessible and less retrievable than that of non-traumatic experiences does not prove that it is repressed, and in-fact, it might even be enhanced rather than impaired. The studies showing detrimental effects of trauma on memory in animals, and those performed on intentional suppression, do not constitute, according to the authors, evidence for repression in humans.</p><p>The authors' conclusion that each of the two opposing opinions regarding recovered memories entails a partial truth reminds one of the American Psychological Association's decision to accept both of them as valid (Howard & Tuffin, <span>2002</span>), and of my discussion on multiple truths (Nachson, <span>2025</span>).</p><p>As a solution of the on-going debate regarding recovered memories, the authors suggest a ‘middle ground hypothesis’, according to which only traumatic memories of highly arousing, negative experiences might be repressed. However, this suggestion begs the question, since the debate focuses on memories of sexual abuses which are clearly ‘highly arousing, negative experiences’; so we are back on square one.</p><p>Finally, I wholeheartedly agree with the authors that further research on recovery of memory is called for, and that the cl","PeriodicalId":18022,"journal":{"name":"Legal and Criminological Psychology","volume":"30 S1","pages":"107-108"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2025-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/epdf/10.1111/lcrp.3_12273","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143836416","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}