Abstract In the years 1947–57, following a turbulent retirement, Ugo Cerletti, the father of electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) (1938), invested his energies in a new audacious project conceived as an extension of his ECT research. Forced to leave the direction of the Sapienza University Clinic, he got funds from the National Research Council of Italy to carry out his experimental activities, and founded a ‘Center for the study of the physiopathology of Electro-shock’ in Rome. The Center was aimed at studying liquid substances extracted from electro-shocked animals’ brains that Cerletti named acroagonine and injected into human patients. Inspired by coeval literature, Cerletti believed that electroshock efficacy was due to stimulating some homeostatic processes in the brain, specifically in the meso-diencephalic area (i.e. involving neuroendocrine response in the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis). Cerletti’s team wished not only to find these effects, but also to reproduce them. With this hypothesis, that proved ineffective, Cerletti anticipated intuitions on the neuroendocrine effects of ECT and the necessity for the development of psychopharmacology. In this article, I cross-combined previously unexplored archival materials stored at Sapienza University of Rome (‘ES Section’) with established bibliographic and archival sources.
{"title":"Acroagonines: Ugo Cerletti’s audacious attempt to place the neurophysiological effects of electroconvulsive therapy in vials","authors":"Elisabetta Sirgiovanni","doi":"10.1017/mdh.2022.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.16","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the years 1947–57, following a turbulent retirement, Ugo Cerletti, the father of electroconvulsive therapy (ECT) (1938), invested his energies in a new audacious project conceived as an extension of his ECT research. Forced to leave the direction of the Sapienza University Clinic, he got funds from the National Research Council of Italy to carry out his experimental activities, and founded a ‘Center for the study of the physiopathology of Electro-shock’ in Rome. The Center was aimed at studying liquid substances extracted from electro-shocked animals’ brains that Cerletti named acroagonine and injected into human patients. Inspired by coeval literature, Cerletti believed that electroshock efficacy was due to stimulating some homeostatic processes in the brain, specifically in the meso-diencephalic area (i.e. involving neuroendocrine response in the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis). Cerletti’s team wished not only to find these effects, but also to reproduce them. With this hypothesis, that proved ineffective, Cerletti anticipated intuitions on the neuroendocrine effects of ECT and the necessity for the development of psychopharmacology. In this article, I cross-combined previously unexplored archival materials stored at Sapienza University of Rome (‘ES Section’) with established bibliographic and archival sources.","PeriodicalId":18275,"journal":{"name":"Medical History","volume":"6 1","pages":"185 - 206"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75219947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The authors wish to correct an error on page 176 in Volume 65, Issue 2 produced due to a misinterpretation of a passage in Ibn Shākir al-Kutubī’s chronicle. The authors missed the fact that, in the translated passage on the plague outbreaks in Samarqand and central Asia cited in footnote 96, Ibn Shākir was not referring to the plague outbreaks of 1349 but rather was quoting from the earlier work of Sib _ t ibn al-Jawzī (d. 1256) regarding the plague outbreak of 1057 CE. The sentence corresponding to footnote 96 and the footnote itself should be amended as follows:
作者希望纠正第65卷第176页上的一个错误，该错误是由于对伊本Shākir库图布编年史中的一段文字的误解而产生的。作者忽略了一个事实，即在脚注96中引用的关于撒马尔罕和中亚瘟疫爆发的翻译段落中，伊本Shākir并不是指1349年的瘟疫爆发，而是引用了Sib - t Ibn al- jawzi (d. 1256)关于公元1057年瘟疫爆发的早期著作。与脚注96相对应的句子和脚注本身应修正如下:
{"title":"Plague and the Fall of Baghdad (1258) – CORRIGENDUM","authors":"Nahyan Fancy, Monica H. Green","doi":"10.1017/mdh.2022.24","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.24","url":null,"abstract":"The authors wish to correct an error on page 176 in Volume 65, Issue 2 produced due to a misinterpretation of a passage in Ibn Shākir al-Kutubī’s chronicle. The authors missed the fact that, in the translated passage on the plague outbreaks in Samarqand and central Asia cited in footnote 96, Ibn Shākir was not referring to the plague outbreaks of 1349 but rather was quoting from the earlier work of Sib _ t ibn al-Jawzī (d. 1256) regarding the plague outbreak of 1057 CE. The sentence corresponding to footnote 96 and the footnote itself should be amended as follows:","PeriodicalId":18275,"journal":{"name":"Medical History","volume":"54 1","pages":"285 - 285"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80860673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract In the late Soviet period, a great deal of research was conducted on older people’s health, with the Institute of Gerontology Academy of Medical Sciences (AMN) USSR in Kyiv spearheading a great deal of this. Of particular interest was older people’s ability to work beyond retirement age, the issue of premature ageing, as well as physical activity, diet and living conditions. Many of these interests came under the concept of ‘gerohygiene’, which also reflected the Soviet Union’s prophylactic approach to eldercare (and healthcare more generally). Discussions about older people and Soviet research on gerohygiene are important for furthering our understanding of ideas around healthy ageing and the Soviet project more generally. The Soviet, and indeed socialist, research on gerohygiene sheds light on ideas around active ageing, premature ageing and work practices for older people. It also shows that the role of old people belonged to the wider Soviet effort of contributing to the communist project and shaping society. In this article, I define and examine the broad concept of ‘gerohygiene’ and then assess how gerohygiene applied to older people’s health in relation to both physical activity and labour.
{"title":"Age matters: health, older people and gerohygiene in the late Soviet Union","authors":"S. Grant","doi":"10.1017/mdh.2022.17","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.17","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In the late Soviet period, a great deal of research was conducted on older people’s health, with the Institute of Gerontology Academy of Medical Sciences (AMN) USSR in Kyiv spearheading a great deal of this. Of particular interest was older people’s ability to work beyond retirement age, the issue of premature ageing, as well as physical activity, diet and living conditions. Many of these interests came under the concept of ‘gerohygiene’, which also reflected the Soviet Union’s prophylactic approach to eldercare (and healthcare more generally). Discussions about older people and Soviet research on gerohygiene are important for furthering our understanding of ideas around healthy ageing and the Soviet project more generally. The Soviet, and indeed socialist, research on gerohygiene sheds light on ideas around active ageing, premature ageing and work practices for older people. It also shows that the role of old people belonged to the wider Soviet effort of contributing to the communist project and shaping society. In this article, I define and examine the broad concept of ‘gerohygiene’ and then assess how gerohygiene applied to older people’s health in relation to both physical activity and labour.","PeriodicalId":18275,"journal":{"name":"Medical History","volume":"82 1","pages":"207 - 224"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83997945","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Miranda de Ebro was created in 1937 to imprison Republicans and foreigners who fought with the International Brigades in Spanish Civil War. From 1940, the camp was used only to concentrate detained foreign refugees with no proper documents. More than 15 000 people, most of them from France and Poland, were kept there until the camp was closed in January 1947. Playing both sides of the international divide, fascist Spain at various points in time allowed passage and was a country of refuge both for those escaping Nazism and for Nazis and collaborators who, at the end of World War II (WWII), sought to escape justice. Treatment of each of these groups passing through Miranda was very different: real repression was meted out to the members of the International Brigades (IB), tolerance shown towards those escaping Nazism, and protection and active cooperation given to former Nazis and their collaborators. For the first time, data about foreign physicians imprisoned in Miranda de Ebro were consulted in the Guadalajara Military Archive (Spain). From 1937 to 1947, 151 doctors were imprisoned, most of them in 1942 and 1943, which represents around 1% of the prisoners. Fifty-two of the doctors were released thanks to diplomatic efforts, thirty-two by the Red Cross, and ten were sent to other prisons, directly released or managed to escape. All of them survived. After consulting private and public archives, it was possible to reconstruct some biographies and fill the previous existing gap in the history of migration and exile of doctors during the Second World War.
米兰达·德·埃布罗监狱成立于1937年，目的是监禁在西班牙内战中与国际旅一起作战的共和派和外国人。从1940年起，该集中营只用于关押没有合法证件的外国难民。超过15000人，其中大部分来自法国和波兰，被关押在那里，直到1947年1月集中营关闭。在国际分歧的两边，法西斯主义的西班牙在不同的时间点允许通过，成为逃离纳粹主义的人的避难所，也成为二战结束时试图逃避正义的纳粹分子及其合作者的避难所。对经过米兰达的每一个群体的待遇都非常不同:对国际旅(IB)成员进行了真正的镇压，对逃离纳粹主义的人表现出宽容，对前纳粹分子及其合作者给予保护和积极合作。瓜达拉哈拉军事档案馆(西班牙)第一次查阅了关押在Miranda de Ebro的外国医生的数据。从1937年到1947年，151名医生被监禁，其中大部分是在1942年和1943年，约占囚犯的1%。52名医生通过外交努力获释，32名通过红十字会获释，10名被送往其他监狱，或直接获释，或设法逃脱。他们都活了下来。在查阅了私人和公共档案后，有可能重建一些传记，并填补了第二次世界大战期间医生移民和流亡史上先前存在的空白。
{"title":"Physicians imprisoned in Franco Spain’s Miranda de Ebro “Campo de Concentración”","authors":"E. Cuerda-Galindo","doi":"10.1017/mdh.2022.20","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.20","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Miranda de Ebro was created in 1937 to imprison Republicans and foreigners who fought with the International Brigades in Spanish Civil War. From 1940, the camp was used only to concentrate detained foreign refugees with no proper documents. More than 15 000 people, most of them from France and Poland, were kept there until the camp was closed in January 1947. Playing both sides of the international divide, fascist Spain at various points in time allowed passage and was a country of refuge both for those escaping Nazism and for Nazis and collaborators who, at the end of World War II (WWII), sought to escape justice. Treatment of each of these groups passing through Miranda was very different: real repression was meted out to the members of the International Brigades (IB), tolerance shown towards those escaping Nazism, and protection and active cooperation given to former Nazis and their collaborators. For the first time, data about foreign physicians imprisoned in Miranda de Ebro were consulted in the Guadalajara Military Archive (Spain). From 1937 to 1947, 151 doctors were imprisoned, most of them in 1942 and 1943, which represents around 1% of the prisoners. Fifty-two of the doctors were released thanks to diplomatic efforts, thirty-two by the Red Cross, and ten were sent to other prisons, directly released or managed to escape. All of them survived. After consulting private and public archives, it was possible to reconstruct some biographies and fill the previous existing gap in the history of migration and exile of doctors during the Second World War.","PeriodicalId":18275,"journal":{"name":"Medical History","volume":"35 1","pages":"264 - 279"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90041165","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Mie Nakachi, Replacing the Dead: The Politics of Reproduction in the Postwar Soviet Union (New York: Oxford University Press, 2021), pp. xi + 328, $39.95, hardback, ISBN: 9780190635138.","authors":"Junjie Yang","doi":"10.1017/mdh.2022.22","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.22","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":18275,"journal":{"name":"Medical History","volume":"33 1","pages":"281 - 282"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87162567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article examines the emergence of modern psychiatric discourse under the culturally Islamic yet radically secular context of the early Turkish republic (1923-1950). To do so, it focuses on the psychiatric publications of Mazhar Osman [Uzman] (1884-1951), the widely acknowledged “father” of modern Turkish psychiatry; and aims to genealogically trace his scientific project of reconceptualizing ruh, an Arabo-Turkish concept that predominantly refers to transcendental soul, rendering it physiologically within the framework of biological-descriptive psychiatry. The article consequently addresses the elusive and multilayered psychiatric language emerged in Turkey as a result of modern psychiatry’s interventions into a field that was previously defined by religion and indigenous traditions. Attempting to contextualize republican psychiatric discourse within the cultural and socio-political circumstances that has produced it, the article sheds light on how the new psychiatric knowledge propagated by Mazhar Osman was formulated in constitutive contradistinction to religious or traditional discourses, explicitly associating them with the Ottoman past and its alleged backwardness, hence reverberating with the Kemalist project of modern Turkish state building. Furthermore, by focusing on the complexities of the Turkish psychiatric language and the contestations it has generated, the article aims to reflect on the ways in which the Turkish psychiatric language was (and presumably still is) haunted by earlier forms of Islamic knowledge and traditions, despite modern psychiatry’s as well as modern secular state’s systematic and authoritative attempts to erase them for good.
本文考察了土耳其共和国早期(1923-1950)在伊斯兰文化背景下，现代精神病学话语的出现。为了做到这一点，它将重点放在Mazhar Osman [Uzman](1884-1951)的精神病学出版物上，他是公认的现代土耳其精神病学之父;并旨在从系谱上追溯他对ruh重新概念化的科学项目，ruh是一个阿拉伯-土耳其概念，主要指的是超验灵魂，在生物学描述精神病学的框架内从生理学上呈现它。因此，这篇文章论述了在土耳其出现的难以捉摸和多层次的精神病学语言，这是现代精神病学介入一个以前由宗教和土著传统定义的领域的结果。试图将共和精神病学话语置于产生它的文化和社会政治环境中，本文阐明了Mazhar Osman传播的新精神病学知识是如何在与宗教或传统话语的构成对比中形成的，明确地将它们与奥斯曼帝国的过去及其所谓的落后联系起来，因此与现代土耳其国家建设的凯末尔主义项目产生了共鸣。此外，通过关注土耳其精神病学语言的复杂性及其引发的争论，本文旨在反思土耳其精神病学语言曾经(大概现在仍然)被早期形式的伊斯兰知识和传统所困扰的方式，尽管现代精神病学以及现代世俗国家系统和权威地试图永远抹去它们。
{"title":"Finding ruh in the forebrain: Mazhar Osman and the emerging Turkish psychiatric discourse","authors":"Kutluğhan Soyubol","doi":"10.1017/mdh.2022.18","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.18","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article examines the emergence of modern psychiatric discourse under the culturally Islamic yet radically secular context of the early Turkish republic (1923-1950). To do so, it focuses on the psychiatric publications of Mazhar Osman [Uzman] (1884-1951), the widely acknowledged “father” of modern Turkish psychiatry; and aims to genealogically trace his scientific project of reconceptualizing ruh, an Arabo-Turkish concept that predominantly refers to transcendental soul, rendering it physiologically within the framework of biological-descriptive psychiatry. The article consequently addresses the elusive and multilayered psychiatric language emerged in Turkey as a result of modern psychiatry’s interventions into a field that was previously defined by religion and indigenous traditions. Attempting to contextualize republican psychiatric discourse within the cultural and socio-political circumstances that has produced it, the article sheds light on how the new psychiatric knowledge propagated by Mazhar Osman was formulated in constitutive contradistinction to religious or traditional discourses, explicitly associating them with the Ottoman past and its alleged backwardness, hence reverberating with the Kemalist project of modern Turkish state building. Furthermore, by focusing on the complexities of the Turkish psychiatric language and the contestations it has generated, the article aims to reflect on the ways in which the Turkish psychiatric language was (and presumably still is) haunted by earlier forms of Islamic knowledge and traditions, despite modern psychiatry’s as well as modern secular state’s systematic and authoritative attempts to erase them for good.","PeriodicalId":18275,"journal":{"name":"Medical History","volume":"2 1","pages":"225 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76213034","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Paul-Louis Simond’s 1898 experiment demonstrating fleas as the vector of plague is today recognised as one of the breakthrough moments in modern epidemiology, as it established the insect-borne transmission of plague. Providing the first exhaustive examination of primary sources from the Institut Pasteur’s 1897–98 ‘India Mission’, including Simond’s notebooks, experiment carnets and correspondence, and cross-examining this material with colonial medical sources from the first years of the third plague pandemic in British India, the article demonstrates that Simond’s engagement with the question of the propagation of plague was much more complex and ambiguous than the teleological story reproduced in established historical works suggests. On the one hand, the article reveals that the famous 1898 experiment was botched, and that Simond’s misreported its ambiguous findings for the Annales de l’Institut Pasteur. On the other hand, the article shows that, in the course of his ‘India Mission’, Simond framed rats as involved in the propagation of plague irreducibly in their relation to other potential sources of infection and not simply in terms of a parasitological mechanism. The article illuminates Simond’s complex epidemiological reasoning about plague transmission, situating it within its proper colonial and epistemological context, and argues for a new historical gaze on the rat as an ‘epidemiological dividual’, which highlights the relational and contingent nature of epidemiological framings of the animal during the third plague pandemic.
保罗·路易斯·西蒙德(Paul-Louis Simond) 1898年的实验证明了跳蚤是鼠疫的媒介，这被认为是现代流行病学的突破性时刻之一，因为它确立了鼠疫的虫媒传播。对巴斯德研究所1897-98年“印度使命”的主要资料进行了第一次详尽的检查，包括西蒙德的笔记本，实验卡片和信件，并将这些资料与英属印度第三次瘟疫大流行的第一年的殖民地医学资料进行了交叉检验，这篇文章表明，西蒙德对瘟疫传播问题的研究比既定历史著作中再现的目的论故事要复杂和模糊得多。一方面，这篇文章揭示了1898年著名的实验是拙劣的，西蒙德在《巴斯德研究所年鉴》(Annales de l’institut Pasteur)上错误地报告了其模棱两可的发现。另一方面，这篇文章表明，在他的“印度使命”过程中，西蒙德认为老鼠与鼠疫传播的关系不可避免地与其他潜在感染源有关，而不仅仅是在寄生虫学机制方面。这篇文章阐明了Simond关于鼠疫传播的复杂流行病学推理，将其置于适当的殖民地和认识论背景中，并主张对老鼠作为“流行病学个体”进行新的历史审视，这突出了第三次鼠疫大流行期间动物流行病学框架的相关性和偶然性。
{"title":"In search of lost fleas: reconsidering Paul-Louis Simond’s contribution to the study of the propagation of plague","authors":"Christos Lynteris","doi":"10.1017/mdh.2022.19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.19","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Paul-Louis Simond’s 1898 experiment demonstrating fleas as the vector of plague is today recognised as one of the breakthrough moments in modern epidemiology, as it established the insect-borne transmission of plague. Providing the first exhaustive examination of primary sources from the Institut Pasteur’s 1897–98 ‘India Mission’, including Simond’s notebooks, experiment carnets and correspondence, and cross-examining this material with colonial medical sources from the first years of the third plague pandemic in British India, the article demonstrates that Simond’s engagement with the question of the propagation of plague was much more complex and ambiguous than the teleological story reproduced in established historical works suggests. On the one hand, the article reveals that the famous 1898 experiment was botched, and that Simond’s misreported its ambiguous findings for the Annales de l’Institut Pasteur. On the other hand, the article shows that, in the course of his ‘India Mission’, Simond framed rats as involved in the propagation of plague irreducibly in their relation to other potential sources of infection and not simply in terms of a parasitological mechanism. The article illuminates Simond’s complex epidemiological reasoning about plague transmission, situating it within its proper colonial and epistemological context, and argues for a new historical gaze on the rat as an ‘epidemiological dividual’, which highlights the relational and contingent nature of epidemiological framings of the animal during the third plague pandemic.","PeriodicalId":18275,"journal":{"name":"Medical History","volume":"32 1","pages":"242 - 263"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84747529","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Shilpi Rajpal, Curing Madness? A Social and Cultural History of Insanity in Colonial North India, 1800–1950s (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2021), pp. xiv + 295, ₹1295, hardback, ISBN: 0-19-012801-1.","authors":"Swapnil Chaudhary","doi":"10.1017/mdh.2022.21","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2022.21","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":18275,"journal":{"name":"Medical History","volume":"9 1","pages":"280 - 281"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2022-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"91036664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"哲学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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