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Electoral Persuasion in the New Democracies Challenges and Opportunities 新民主国家的选举说服挑战与机遇
Pub Date : 2020-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190860806.013.46
Rosario Aguilar, Jeffrey Conroy-Krutz
How do political aspirants seek to persuade voters to their side in new democracies? In general, populations in such countries are poorer, less politically experienced, and less able to access information than their counterparts in older democracies; these differences shape the types of persuasive strategies that parties and candidates employ. This article examines four general persuasive strategies in newer democracies, including those involving distributional appeals, ascriptive identities, program-related promises, and messaging using mass media.
在新兴民主国家,政治抱负者如何设法说服选民站在自己一边?总的来说,这些国家的人口比老牌民主国家的人口更贫穷,政治经验更少,获取信息的能力也更差;这些差异决定了政党和候选人所采用的说服策略的类型。本文考察了新兴民主国家的四种一般说服策略,包括涉及分配诉求、归属认同、与项目相关的承诺和利用大众媒体传递信息的策略。
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引用次数: 0
Party Nominations and Electoral Persuasion 政党提名和选举说服
Pub Date : 2020-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190860806.013.48
J. Sinclair
US nominating institutions do not always seem to work as the conventional wisdom suggests they should. This chapter explores the intellectual puzzles of the US primary election literature, connects them to a broader comparative literature on nominations, and examines recent differences between the United States and United Kingdom. The expected relationship between institutional design and political outcomes is complicated by the environments for electoral persuasion. The chapter proposes that some recent innovations, such as California’s “top-two” procedure, provide a potentially fruitful area of research for scholars to investigate the interaction between party nominations and electoral persuasion.
美国的提名机构似乎并不总是像传统智慧所暗示的那样运作。本章探讨了美国初选文献中的智力难题,将它们与更广泛的提名比较文献联系起来,并考察了美国和英国之间最近的差异。制度设计与政治结果之间的预期关系因选举说服的环境而变得复杂。本章提出,最近的一些创新,如加州的“前两名”程序,为学者们研究政党提名和选举说服之间的相互作用提供了一个潜在的富有成果的研究领域。
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引用次数: 0
Gendered Aspects of Political Persuasion in Campaigns 竞选中政治说服的性别方面
Pub Date : 2020-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/OXFORDHB/9780190860806.013.37
Kelly Dittmar
Political science research on gender, candidacy, and campaigning provides multiple points of access and insights into three axes of persuasion: persuading voters that candidates meet prevailing expectations of candidacy; persuading voters to rethink expectations of candidacy; and persuading political practitioners to consider their roles in re-gendering political campaigns. This chapter reviews existing scholarship as it relates to these types of persuasion within the gendered institutions of political campaigns, revealing both valuable and complementary insights as well as variation and gaps in existing literature. Among these gaps is the dearth of intersectional research that adequately addresses the interplay of race and gender in both voter evaluation and electoral strategy. Here, efforts to better address the simultaneous function of gender and party are instructive, both cautioning against monolithic claims about women or men and addressing gender as one among many influential dynamics in political campaigns and campaigning.
关于性别、候选人资格和竞选活动的政治学研究提供了多个切入点,并深入了解了说服的三个轴线:说服选民候选人符合普遍的候选人期望;说服选民重新考虑对候选人的期望;并说服政治从业者考虑他们在重新性别化的政治运动中的角色。本章回顾了现有的学术研究,因为它与政治运动的性别机构中的这些类型的说服有关,揭示了有价值的和互补的见解,以及现有文献中的变化和差距。这些差距之一是缺乏充分解决种族和性别在选民评价和选举策略中的相互作用的交叉研究。在这里,更好地解决性别和政党同时发挥作用的努力具有指导意义,既提醒人们不要对女性或男性进行单一的主张,又将性别视为政治竞选和竞选活动中众多有影响力的动态之一。
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引用次数: 2
Studying Electoral Persuasion Using Online Experiments 使用在线实验研究选举说服
Pub Date : 2020-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/OXFORDHB/9780190860806.013.25
Thomas J. Leeper
Online experimental methods have become a major part of contemporary social science research. Yet the method is also controversial and experiments are frequently misunderstood. This chapter introduces online experimentation as a method, by explaining the logic of experimental design for causal inference. While experiments can be deployed in almost any setting, online experiments tend to take two forms: online survey experiments and experiments in naturalistic online environments. Discussing the advantages and disadvantages of these types relative to each other and relative to their offline analogues, the chapter demonstrates ways that experimentation has been used to learn about political behavior, media and campaign dynamics, and public opinion. Emphasizing trade-offs between internal validity, experimental realism, and external validity, the chapter demonstrates how researchers have used online platforms in tandem with randomization to gain insights into both online and offline phenomena. Though experiments are sometimes seen as trading off external for internal validity, this is not an accurate depiction of all experimental work. Rather, online experiments exist on spectrums that trade-off these features to varying degrees. And with those trade-offs come key challenges related to experimental control, the generalizability of experimental results across settings, units, treatments, and outcomes, and the ethics of online experimentation. The chapter concludes by suggesting how future research might innovatively push beyond existing work.
在线实验方法已成为当代社会科学研究的重要组成部分。然而,这种方法也存在争议,实验也经常被误解。本章通过解释因果推理的实验设计逻辑,介绍了在线实验作为一种方法。虽然实验几乎可以在任何环境中进行,但在线实验倾向于采取两种形式:在线调查实验和自然在线环境中的实验。本章讨论了这些类型相对于彼此以及相对于其线下类似物的优缺点,并展示了实验用于了解政治行为、媒体和竞选动态以及公众舆论的方法。本章强调内部效度、实验现实主义和外部效度之间的权衡,展示了研究人员如何将在线平台与随机化结合起来,以深入了解在线和离线现象。虽然实验有时被看作是为了内部有效性而权衡外部有效性,但这并不是对所有实验工作的准确描述。相反,在线实验存在于不同程度上权衡这些特征的频谱上。这些权衡带来了与实验控制、实验结果跨环境、单位、治疗和结果的普遍性以及在线实验的伦理相关的关键挑战。本章最后提出了未来的研究如何创新地超越现有的工作。
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引用次数: 0
Citizens, Elites, and Social Media Methodological Challenges and Opportunities in the Study of Persuasion and Mobilization 说服与动员研究中的公民、精英和社会媒体方法论挑战与机遇
Pub Date : 2020-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/OXFORDHB/9780190860806.013.27
P. Habel, Yannis Theocharis
In the last decade, big data, and social media in particular, have seen increased popularity among citizens, organizations, politicians, and other elites—which in turn has created new and promising avenues for scholars studying long-standing questions of communication flows and influence. Studies of social media play a prominent role in our evolving understanding of the supply and demand sides of the political process, including the novel strategies adopted by elites to persuade and mobilize publics, as well as the ways in which citizens react, interact with elites and others, and utilize platforms to persuade audiences. While recognizing some challenges, this chapter speaks to the myriad of opportunities that social media data afford for evaluating questions of mobilization and persuasion, ultimately bringing us closer to a more complete understanding Lasswell’s (1948) famous maxim: “who, says what, in which channel, to whom, [and] with what effect.”
在过去的十年里,大数据,尤其是社交媒体,在公民、组织、政治家和其他精英中越来越受欢迎,这反过来又为学者们研究长期存在的传播流和影响问题创造了新的和有前途的途径。对社交媒体的研究在我们对政治过程的供给和需求方面的不断发展的理解中发挥了重要作用,包括精英们采用的说服和动员公众的新策略,以及公民的反应方式,与精英和其他人的互动方式,以及利用平台说服受众的方式。在认识到一些挑战的同时,本章谈到了社交媒体数据为评估动员和说服问题提供的无数机会,最终使我们更接近于更全面地理解拉斯韦尔(1948)的著名格言:“谁,说什么,在哪个渠道,对谁说,[和]有什么效果。”
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引用次数: 3
How and Why the Populist Radical Right Persuades Citizens 民粹主义激进右翼如何以及为何说服公民
Pub Date : 2020-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/OXFORDHB/9780190860806.013.50
Elisabeth Ivarsflaten, Scott Blinder, Lise Bjånesøy
The “populist radical right” is a contested concept in scholarly work for good reason. This chapter begins by explaining that the political parties usually grouped together under this label are not a party family in a conventional sense and do not self-identify with this category. It goes on to show how political science scholarship has established that in Europe during the past thirty or so years we have seen the rise of a set of parties that share a common ideological feature—nativism. The nativist political parties experiencing most electoral support have combined their nativist agenda with some other legitimate ideological companion, which provides deniability—a shield against charges that the nativist agenda makes the parties and their supporters right-wing extremist and undemocratic. The chapter goes on to explain that in order to make progress on our understanding of how and why the populist radical right persuades citizens, we need to recognize: first, that nativism is the only necessary ingredient without which the populist radical right loses its force; and second, that nativism in contemporary established democracies has tended not to persuade a large share of voters without an ideological companion.
“民粹主义激进右翼”在学术工作中是一个有争议的概念,这是有充分理由的。本章首先解释,通常在这一标签下组合在一起的政党不是传统意义上的政党家族,也不自我认同于这一类别。它继续展示了政治科学学术是如何确立的,在过去30年左右的时间里,在欧洲,我们看到了一系列政党的兴起,这些政党有一个共同的意识形态特征——本土主义。获得多数选举支持的本土主义政党将其本土主义议程与其他一些合法的意识形态伴侣结合在一起,这提供了一种推诿——一种盾牌,可以抵御本土主义议程使政党及其支持者成为右翼极端分子和不民主的指责。本章继续解释,为了在理解民粹主义激进右翼如何以及为何说服公民方面取得进展,我们需要认识到:首先,本土主义是民粹主义激进右翼失去力量的唯一必要因素;其次,当代成熟民主国家的本土主义往往无法在没有意识形态陪伴的情况下说服大部分选民。
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引用次数: 11
National and Cross-National Perspectives on Political Media Bias 政治媒体偏见的国家和跨国视角
Pub Date : 2020-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/OXFORDHB/9780190860806.013.23
Yphtach Lelkes
In the past fifty years or so, research in two traditions has emerged that studies media bias, broadly defined. The first, which is generally quantitative, examines media bias at the outlet-level. The second, which is generally qualitative, examines media bias at the country-level. This article begins by discussing the various definitions and operationalizations of media bias at both levels of analysis. It then reviews the relevant literature on the effects of media bias from a variety of fields, including communication, economics, and political science. Third, it provides an overview of the various methods scholars have used to measure media bias at the outlet- and country-level. Fourth, it describes why some outlets and countries are more likely to have biased media than other countries. In particular, it discusses economic, cultural, and structural explanations for media bias. Finally, the article offers up potential avenues for future research.
在过去50年左右的时间里,出现了两种传统的研究,研究广义上的媒体偏见。第一种通常是定量的,在出口层面检查媒体偏见。第二份报告通常是定性的,在国家一级审查媒体的偏见。本文首先在两个分析层次上讨论媒体偏见的各种定义和操作。然后,它回顾了来自各个领域的有关媒体偏见影响的相关文献,包括传播学、经济学和政治学。第三,它概述了学者们用来衡量媒体在出口和国家层面上的偏见的各种方法。第四,它描述了为什么一些媒体和国家比其他国家更有可能有偏见的媒体。特别地,它讨论了媒体偏见的经济、文化和结构解释。最后,对未来的研究方向进行了展望。
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引用次数: 2
Do Election Campaigns Matter? 竞选活动重要吗?
Pub Date : 2020-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/OXFORDHB/9780190860806.013.5
J. Branham, Christopher Wlezien
Do election campaigns matter? This chapter examines whether and how they do. It considers when they occur, what they do, and what effects they can have. Although candidates and parties would like to directly persuade individuals, it is difficult to detect those kinds of effects at the aggregate level since the effects are small and polling is imprecise. The chapter then introduces the “timeline” of elections and how we can observe preferences change and harden as the election approaches. This method allows us to test various hypotheses, such as whether political institutions matter for the evolution of electoral preferences over the timeline. The chapter concludes with a discussion of mobilization, which is a cost-effective way that campaigns can persuade people to vote who would not have otherwise.
竞选活动重要吗?本章将探讨它们是否这样做以及如何这样做。它考虑它们何时发生,它们做了什么,以及它们可能产生的影响。虽然候选人和政党希望直接说服个人,但由于影响很小,民意调查也不精确,因此很难在总体上发现这种影响。然后,本章介绍了选举的“时间线”,以及我们如何观察随着选举的临近,偏好的变化和强化。这种方法允许我们测试各种假设,例如政治制度是否对选举偏好在时间轴上的演变有影响。本章最后讨论了动员,动员是一种具有成本效益的方式,运动可以说服那些本来不会投票的人去投票。
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引用次数: 2
Mobilization Strategies and Get Out the Vote 动员策略和动员投票
Pub Date : 2020-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190860806.013.35
Melissa R. Michelson
Persuading individuals to vote using instrumental arguments about affecting the outcome are generally ineffective, reflecting the irrationality of the likelihood that a single vote will do so. A review of existing randomized experiments suggests the much stronger strategy is to rely instead on messages that encourage individuals to vote as an expression of their identity in a particular group, such as their racial identity or partisan identity, harnessing the power of in-group identity and individual needs for self-esteem. This perspective helps resolve inconsistencies in the outcomes of existing experiments and remaining puzzles about how best to mobilize different subsets of the public. It also unearths an unplumbed well of potential future mobilization experiments.
用影响结果的工具性论点来说服个人投票通常是无效的,这反映了单次投票就能做到这一点的可能性的不合理性。对现有随机实验的回顾表明,更有效的策略是依靠鼓励个人投票的信息来表达他们在特定群体中的身份,比如他们的种族身份或党派身份,利用群体内身份的力量和个人自尊的需要。这种观点有助于解决现有实验结果的不一致,以及如何最好地动员不同群体的困惑。它还为未来潜在的动员实验开辟了一条尚未探明的道路。
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引用次数: 0
Campaigns and Elections in a Changing Media Landscape 不断变化的媒体环境中的竞选和选举
Pub Date : 2020-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190860806.013.16
Michael X. Delli Carpini, B. A. Williams
The media landscape of countries across the globe is changing in profound ways that are of relevance to the study and practice of political campaigns and elections. This chapter uses the concept of media regimes to put these changes in historical context and describe the major drivers that lead to a regime’s formation, institutionalization, and dissolution. It then turns to a more detailed examination of the causes and qualities of what is arguably a new media regime that has formed in the United States; the extent to which this phenomenon has or is occurring (albeit in different ways) elsewhere; and how the conduct of campaigns and elections are changing as a result. The chapter concludes with thoughts on the implications of the changing media landscape for the study and practice of campaigns and elections specifically, and democratic politics more generally.
全球各国的媒体格局正在发生深刻的变化,这与政治竞选和选举的研究和实践有关。本章使用媒体制度的概念将这些变化置于历史背景中,并描述导致一个制度形成、制度化和解体的主要驱动因素。然后,它转向更详细地考察了在美国形成的一种可以说是新的媒体制度的原因和性质;这种现象在其他地方已经或正在发生的程度(尽管以不同的方式);以及竞选和选举的行为如何因此发生变化。这一章的结尾思考了不断变化的媒体景观对竞选和选举的研究和实践的影响,以及更普遍的民主政治。
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引用次数: 1
期刊
The Oxford Handbook of Electoral Persuasion
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