Memory最新文献

Westerners tend to relate items in a categorical manner, whereas Easterners focus more on functional relationships. The present study extended research on semantic organization in long-term memory to working memory. First, Americans' and Turks' preferences for categorical versus functional relationships were tested. Second, working memory interference was assessed using a 2-back working memory paradigm in which lure items were categorically and functionally related to targets. Next, a mediation model tested direct effects of culture and semantic organization on working memory task behaviour, and the indirect effect, whether semantic organization mediated the relationship between culture and working memory interference. Whereas Americans had slower response times to correctly rejecting functional lures compared to categorical lures, conditions did not differ for Turks. However, semantic organization did not mediate cultural difference in working memory interference. Across cultures, there was evidence that semantic organization affected working memory errors, with individuals who endorsed categorical more than functional pairings committing more categorical than functional errors on the 2-back task. Results align with prior research suggesting individual differences in use of different types of semantic relationships, and further that literature by indicating effects on interference in working memory. However, these individual differences may not be culture-dependent.

The retrieval mechanisms associated with the recall of autobiographical memories (AMs) may differ according to the cueing method used to elicit AMs. In the present study, we provide a systematic comparison between word-cued and important AMs in terms of two recall order effects, namely a temporal and an emotional order effect. The sample comprised 104 adults aged between 59 and 90 years. On two measurement occasions, participants recalled up to 20 word-cued and 15 important AMs. For each memory, participants provided their age at the time when the event occurred (age-at-event) and rated its emotionality. Order effects were analysed based on multivariate multilevel model with autoregressive effects for emotionality and age-at-event, respectively. Whereas word-cued AMs showed a stronger emotional order effect, important AMs were recalled temporarily ordered. Individuals differed in the extent to which they ordered AMs along a temporal or emotional dimension. These differences could partly be explained by personality traits. For instance, higher scores on neuroticism were associated with a stronger emotional order effect in both memory types. Findings are discussed in terms of the retrieval mechanisms that are involved in the recall of word-cued and important memory recall and how they may be affected by personality.

Mounting evidence supports the efficacy of mental imagery for verbal information retention. Motor imagery, imagining oneself interacting physically with the object to be learned, emerges as an optimal form compared to less physically engaging imagery. Yet, when engaging in mental imagery, it occurs within a specific context that may affect imagined actions and consequently impact the mnemonic benefits of mental imagery. In a first study, participants were given instructions for incidental learning: mental rehearsal, visual imagery, motor imagery or situated motor imagery. The latter, which involved imagining physical interaction with an item within a coherent situation, produced the highest proportion of correct recalls. This highlights memory's role in supporting situated actions and offers the possibility for further developing the mnemonic potential of embodied mental imagery. Furthermore, item-level analysis showed that individuals who engaged in situated motor imagery remembered words primarily due to the sensorimotor characteristics of the words' referent. A second study investigating the role of inter-item distinctiveness in this effect failed to determine the extent to which the situational and motor elements need to be distinctive in order to be considered useful retrieval cues and produce an optimal memory performance.

Remembering life experiences involves recalling not only what occurred (episodic details), but also where an event took place (spatial context), both of which decline with age. Although spatial context can cue episodic detail recollection, it is unknown whether initially recalling an event alongside greater reinstatement of spatial context protects memory for episodic details in the long term, and whether this is affected by age. Here, we analysed 1079 personally-experienced, real-world events from 29 older adults and 12 younger adults. Events were recalled first on average 6 weeks after they occurred and then again on average 24 weeks after they occurred. We developed a novel scoring protocol to quantify spatial contextual details and used the established Autobiographical Interview to quantify episodic details. We found improved recall of episodic details after a delay if those details had initially been recalled situated in greater spatial context. Notably, for both older and younger adults, this preservation was observed for memories initially recalled with low, but not high, numbers of episodic details, suggesting that spatial context aided episodic retrieval for memories that required more support. This work supports the notion that spatial context scaffolds detail-rich event recollection and inspires memory interventions that leverage this spatial scaffold.

Two experiments investigated the role of visual imagery in prospective memory (PM). In experiment 1, 140 participants completed a general knowledge quiz which included a PM task of writing a letter "X" next to any questions that referred to space. Participants either visualised themselves performing this task, verbalised an implementation intention about the task, did both, or did neither. Performance on the PM task was enhanced in both conditions involving visual imagery but not by implementation intentions alone. In experiment 2, 120 participants imagined themselves writing a letter "X" next to questions about space, or in a bizarre imagery condition imagined themselves drawing an alien next to those questions. Relative to the control condition, PM was significantly enhanced when participants imagined writing a letter "X" next to the target questions, but not by the bizarre imagery task. The findings indicate that the robust effects of imagery observed in retrospective memory also extend to PM.

In a large-scale study, we asked people for their memories of The Beatles. Over four thousand respondents completed an online questionnaire. The memory could be related to a song, album, event, TV, film, or even a personal encounter. Respondents judged the age at which the event remembered had occurred and rated the memory for vividness, emotional intensity, valence and rehearsal. We found 38% of the memories were classified as "seeing The Beatles live", 25% "buying Beatles music", 20% "love of The Beatles" and 17% of the memories were "listening to Beatles songs with other people" - what we refer to as cascading memories. Among the younger respondents (aged 26 and under), 84% of the memories were cascading in nature. The memories dated to what we term the "self-defining period" in autobiographical memory (previously termed "the reminiscence bump"), with a mean age-at-encoding of 13.6 years, which is consistent with other studies of memories associated with music. We propose that these memories reflect the formation of generational identity [Mannheim, K. (1952). The problem of generations. In K. Mannheim (Ed.), Essays on the sociology knowledge (pp. 276-321). Routledge & Keegan Paul].

In our lived environments, objects are often semantically organised (e.g., cookware and cutlery are placed close together in the kitchen). Across four experiments, we examined how semantic partitions (that group same-category objects in space) influenced memory for object locations. Participants learned the locations of items in a semantically partitioned display (where each partition contained objects from a single category) as well as a purely visually partitioned display (where each partition contained a scrambled assortment of objects from different categories). Semantic partitions significantly improved location memory accuracy compared to the scrambled display. However, when the correct partition was cued (highlighted) to participants during recall, performance on the semantically partitioned display was similar to the scrambled display. These results suggest that semantic partitions largely benefit memory for location by enhancing the ability to use the given category as a cue for a visually partitioned area (e.g., toys - top left). Our results demonstrate that semantically structured spaces help location memory across partitions, but not items within a partition, providing new insights into the interaction between meaning and memory.

The main purpose of the current studies was to examine retracted experiences in the general population from various cultural backgrounds. More specifically, in two studies, we examined the details of memory retraction experiences, the reasons for retraction, and the outcomes of retraction in participants from China and other countries, mainly the United States of America. It was found that memory retraction experiences appeared to be quite common. In the sample of Chinese participants (Study 1: N = 1380), 50.58% reported at least one such an experience, whereas in respondents from other countries (Study 2; N = 425), a significantly lower but still substantial prevalence rate of 35% was found. In general, the retracted memories predominantly involved positive events and some respondents experienced pressure during the withdrawal. Social feedback and event plausibility were the two main reasons for the withdrawal. Compared to recollection scores, belief scores decreased significantly after withdrawal, and some respondents even formed nonbelieved memories. After retracting the memories, most respondents felt they gained benefits (e.g., they had resolved a psychological problem that had bothered them for years). These studies give us a more general understanding of retracted memory experiences in the general population.

ABSTRACTThe ability to remember our past and to imagine the future are critical to our sense of self. Previous research has indicated that they are disrupted in schizophrenia. However, it is unclear (i) whether this is found when examining experimenter-scored indices of content and/or participants' self-report of phenomenological characteristics, and (ii) how these abilities might be related to symptoms. This study sought to address these questions by taking a dimensional approach and measuring positive and negative schizotypal experiences in healthy people (n = 90). Participants were given cue words. For some, they remembered an event from the past and for others they generated an event in the future. No significant relationships were found with any aspect of schizotypy when participants' descriptions were scored by the experimenter according to a standardised episodic content measure. In contrast, several significant positive correlations were observed for past memory and future thinking when examining the positive dimension of schizotypy and participants' ratings, particularly to sensory characteristics of the experience and mental pre- or reliving. These results indicate enhanced subjective experiences of autobiographical memory and future thinking in those who report delusional and hallucinatory-like occurrences, which might be linked to mental imagery or metacognitive alterations.