Memory最新文献

The present research examined the mnemonic consequences of social endorsement in the form of followers and likes. In four studies, participants were presented with simulated social media posts associated with high and low levels of social endorsement. In Studies 1 and 2, participants read tweets about COVID-19 (Study 1; N = 199) and Facebook status updates about positive and negative personal events (Study 2, N = 159) posted by users with large or small numbers of followers. In Studies 3 and 4, participants read the posts (tweets in Study 3, N = 158; Facebook status updates in Study 4, N = 177) that received large or small numbers of likes. Across all studies, regardless of cultural background and social conformity tendency, social endorsement did not affect memory performance for posted information: Although participants rated profiles with greater social endorsement as more popular, trustworthy, likable, and attractive, they remembered the posted information associated with high and low levels of social endorsement similarly. Participants better remembered negative information (Studies 2 and 4) and information posted by more likable users (Studies 1 and 3). The findings suggest that social endorsement alone, while influencing the perception of profile owners, does not enhance the memorability of the associated information.

Evidence indicates that perceived event plausibility influences the likelihood of false memory implantation. Accordingly, it is central to map out the beliefs that people hold regarding the plausibility of different events. In three studies, we examined beliefs concerning the plausibility of being unable to remember childhood sexual abuse by use of two vignettes. This was investigated in Danish (Study 1; N = 94) and American laypeople (Study 2; N = 303) and Danish professionals across six different groups of potential relevance to the legal system (Study 3; N = 335). Most participants in Studies 1 and 2 answered either "Plausible" or "Very plausible" to both vignettes, replicating previous findings. In Study 3, the majority of professionals endorsed the belief that it is plausible to have inaccessible memories of childhood sexual abuse, but it varied across professional groups how strong the belief was, with highest scores among police and social workers. Our findings suggest that both laypeople and professionals typically hold the belief that an inability to remember the traumatic event is a likely and common reaction to childhood sexual abuse. The findings are important for informing the recurrent debate concerning repressed memories of childhood sexual abuse.

Several list-method directed forgetting studies found that people can forget the most recent of two lists when instructed to, a phenomenon termed recent directed forgetting. The present paper tested predictions from [Gilbert, L. T., Delaney, P. F., & Racsmány, M. (2023). People sometimes remember to forget: Strategic retrieval from the list before last enables directed forgetting of the most recent information. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory, & Cognition, 49(6), 900-925. https://doi.org/10.1037/xlm0001178] strategic retrieval account of recent directed forgetting, which proposes that people try to forget the most recent list by retrieving earlier-studied items, creating interference and new learning necessary to forget. Experiments 1 and 2 confirmed the prediction that without intentions to forget, instructions to retrieve List 1 promote forgetting of List 2. Experiments 3 and 4 tested anticipated boundary conditions of strategic retrieval. First, recognition testing eliminated the forgetting effect (Experiment 3). Second, categorised lists were expected to allow forgetting only when both lists were drawn from the same semantic category, as opposed to unrelated categories (Experiment 4). Contrary to our prediction, categorised lists showed significant forgetting under both conditions, despite reducing interference. The results suggest a dissociation between changing context via retrieval of earlier context and the process of "setting" context by studying new items after a context change.

Social media has transformed memory sharing into a virtual and public interaction, yet little is known about why individuals share memories online and how this relates to the features of their shared memories or their well-being. We examined these questions in a student sample (study 1, N = 120, M_age = 22.47, 85.83% female) and a community sample (study 2, N = 102, M_age = 28.24, 60.78% female) in the United Arab Emirates, where social media usage is widespread. Results showed that, consistent with findings from other non-Western cultures, Arab youth share memories on social media more for directive than other purposes, whereas Arab adults share memories equally for all purposes. Furthermore, purposes for sharing personal experiences on social media were related to actual social media use and, when aligned with cultural orientation, contributed to well-being. Overall, these findings provide novel insights into the purposes of online memory sharing in an understudied cultural context and support the person-culture-fit framework positing that culture-congruent remembering promotes well-being.

Family serves as a crucial context for intergenerational memory transmission. From an early age, younger generations hear stories from older family members, fostering a sense of belonging, identity, and a deeper understanding of the world. However, the frequency of this intergenerational exchange in daily life remains underexplored. In an exploratory online study, we asked parents and grandparents how often they perceive sharing memories with younger generations (top-down) and how often children and grandchildren perceive receiving these memories (bottom-up). We assessed the perception of the transmission frequency for public and personal events across various timeframes. Our findings indicate that intergenerational memory transmission is perceived as relatively frequent. Notably, grandparents perceived sharing more memories with their children than the children perceived receiving from them. Transmission was also more common between parents and children than between grandparents and grandchildren. Additionally, personal memories were shared more frequently than public events, particularly when both transmitter and receiver had lived through the events. Correlations between perceived transmission frequency and the feeling of closeness suggested that grandparent-grandchild relationships benefit more from memory transmission than other pairs. These results highlight the varied ways in which individuals within families perceive memory transmission, emphasising the complex nature of intergenerational communication.

We tend to prioritise more valuable information at the expense of less valuable information to optimise the use of our limited memory capacity. Participants better remember information that they judge to be valuable and that they are told is valuable. Using a recognition paradigm, we sought to examine whether predicting the value of art pieces before learning the experimenter assigned value would influence memory and the quality of retrieval. In two experiments, participants made value predictions about various art pieces and then learned the assigned value. At test, participants provided old/new and remember/know judgments and were tested on the exact value. Results revealed that participants' value predictions influenced memory to a greater degree than assigned value, despite assigned value indicating the amount of reward participants would receive. We discuss these findings with regard to strategic and automatic influences of value on memory, as well as in the context of reward prediction errors (a difference in expected and actual reward).

This study explored UK mental health professionals' beliefs (N = 178) for autobiographical memory function for trauma in the context of adverse therapeutic outcomes, e.g., false memories. It captures novel data on controversial memory beliefs for unconscious repression, dissociative amnesia and dissociative identity disorder (DID). Study participants were mental health professionals and included non-trauma-focused, (n = 92), trauma-focused EMDR practitioners (n = 62) and (non-EMDR) trauma-focused practitioners (n = 24). Most study participants indicated some degree of belief in repression (>78%) and dissociative amnesia (>84%). EMDR and other trauma-focused practitioners showed elevated agreement for controversial memory notions. The EMDR practitioner group also showed more belief in the diagnostic validity of DID. New data on mental health professionals' beliefs about the aetiology of psychogenic non-epileptic seizures (PNES) was also captured. Most study participants "Somewhat agreed" or "Agreed" that "blocked out" trauma memories are causally related to dissociation and physical symptoms, e.g., PNES (>78%); EMDR practitioners showed the highest degree of agreement (91%). The impact of memory beliefs alongside EMDR theory and practice is considered in the context of adverse therapeutic outcomes, e.g., false or non-experienced memories. Recommendations are made for future research to mitigate against adverse health outcomes.

Associative memory improves during childhood, suggesting an age-related improvement in the binding mechanism responsible for linking information together. However, tasks designed to measure associative memory not only measure binding, but also place demands on attention. This makes it difficult to dissociate age-related improvements in memory from the development of attention. One way to reduce attentional demands is to test memory implicitly versus explicitly. In this study, children (8-, 10-, and 12-years-old) completed separate implicit and explicit associative memory tests. For the implicit task, children incidentally encoded pairs of objects by making an object categorization decision. At test, they completed the same task, but unbeknownst to the participants, the pairs were either intact, rearranged, or new. Next, children completed another incidental encoding phase, then an explicit test in which they indicated whether the pairs were intact, rearranged, or new. For the implicit test, all age groups had faster reaction times for intact than rearranged pairs (indicative of implicit associative memory). In the explicit test, memory performance (d') improved with age. A separate measure of attention related to performance in both the explicit and implicit tasks. Together, these results support that attentional mechanisms contribute to age-related improvements in associative memory.

Why does repeatedly checking one's actions, a common behaviour of those with obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), undermine memory confidence? The most accepted explanation is that repetitive checking decreases confidence by increasing familiarity with the task, leading to the encoding of fewer perceptual details. We argue that checking, per se, does not decrease memory confidence. Rather, the experimental procedure that has been used to assess checking across repeated trials induces proactive interference (PI), causing the drop in confidence. We conducted three experiments in which participants repeatedly checked three different food items in a virtual refrigerator, with memory accuracy and confidence tested after the first and last trials. All three experiments showed that recall of the items presented on each trial, and confidence in the accuracy of the recalled items, decreased across trials, implying a build-up of PI. Experiments 2 and 3 also demonstrated that providing a category cue on the last trial eliminated the decline, suggesting a release from PI. Moreover, Experiment 3 showed that checking within a specific trial increased accuracy and confidence. This result suggests that the decline across trials is due to PI and that checking, per se, improves accuracy and confidence. Implications for individuals with OCD are discussed.

The "memory wars" resurgence has renewed debates over the validity of repressed memories. This revival appears linked to factors such as changing statutes of limitations, confusion about repression, and unchallenged social media content. In a nationally representative online survey of American adults (N = 1581), we examined (a) beliefs in repression and the body keeps the score, (b) the prevalence of recovered memory claims, and (c) the impact of question phrasing on recovered memory reporting. An overwhelming 94% of respondents expressed belief in repressed memory, and 77% endorsed the idea that the body keeps the score. Additionally, 3.6% (n = 57) of participants self-reported claims of recovered memories previously unknown to them, with an average of 75% confidence in the accuracy of those memories. We also found that asking about unwanted experiences provided a more conservative estimate for recovered memory claims compared to first asking directly about child abuse memories. Finally, qualitative analyses underscore adults' confusion about repression and the media's potential influence. Given the significant emotional and legal consequences of recovered memories, we suggest memory experts must be better at giving our science away if the "memory wars" are ever to really end.