Pub Date : 2023-05-08DOI: 10.5564/jis.v46i115.2685
Batbayar Tsedendamba
The article explores the aspects of the interaction between Mongolia and the USSR on the development of their bilateral relations starting from 1925 up until 1928. The author shows how the Soviet troop withdrawal issue created by Moscow influenced the settlement of disputed issues between Mongolia and China, and interfered into the normalization Mongolian-Chinese relations for many years. Soviet envoy to the MPR P.M.Nikiforov was tasked to carry out total sovietazion of all aspects of Mongolian life under the nominal cover of independent Mongolia, and to prevent any process of unification between Outer and Inner Mongolia, to urge Mongolian leaders to recognize Tannu Tuva People’s Republic without any preconditions. A.Amar, Minister for Economy, during his trip to Moscow early 1926 raised the issues of distorted Mongol-Soviet trade, industrial, transport and other bilateral economic relations and asked Moscow to make adjustments and make economic relations equal and mutually beneficial. The character of the atmosphere between Ulaanbaatar and Moscow did play a key role in solving difficult and sensitive bilateral issues and the desire of the Mongolian People’s Republic to build official relations with Moscow as equal and trustful partners was strong. Монгол-Зөвлөлтийн харилцаа (1925-1928) Хураангуй: ОК(б)Н-ын Төв Хорооны Улс төрийн товчоо 1925 оны 7 дугаар сарын 30-ны өдрийн хуралдаанаар П.М.Никифоровыг ЗСБНХУ-аас Монголд суух Бүрэн эрхт төлөөлөгч бөгөөд худалдааны төлөөлөгчөөр томилох шийдийг гаргажээ. ЗХУ-ын Гадаад хэргийн ардын комиссар Г.В.Чичерин түүнийг хүлээн авч уулзаад Монгол дахь Зөвлөлтийн зорилгыг “Бид Бүгд Найрамдах Монгол улсыг Хятадын протекторатын дор биеэ даасан автономит байдалтай байхыг ёс болгон тунхаглаж байгаа хэдий боловч бид Монголыг дотоод улс төр хийгээд эдийн засгийн байгуулалтаар зөвлөлтийн хэлбэрт ойртуулах практик ажлыг тэнд тууштай явуулах ёстой” гэжээ. Түүнчлэн Чичерин Никифоровт Дотоод Монголыг өөртөө нэгтгэх гэсэн Монголын Засгийн газрын хүсэлтийг хүлээж авахгүй, дэмжихгүй байх, Тагна Урианхайг Монголтой нэгэн адил статустай гэж үзэж байгаа тул Урианхайг Монголтой нэгтгэхийн эсрэг ажиллах заавар удирдамжийг өгч байжээ. ЗХУ, БНМАУ-ын эдийн засгийн харилцааг цаашид хөгжүүлэх үүднээс БНМАУ-д нэг сая алтан рублийн зээлийг 5 жилийн хугацаатай олгохоор 1925 оны 1 дүгээр сард шийдвэрлэсэн байна. Монгол улсын Засгийн газраас мөнгөний шинэчлэлт хийх ажлыг зохион байгуулах комиссыг 1925 онд 6 хүнтэй байгуулж, тус комисс нь мөнгөний шинэчлэлт, эргэлт хуримтлалын асуудлыг хариуцаж байв. Монгол улсын банкны анхны шинэ дүрэмд “Монголын хязгаарын дотор мөнгөний гүйлгээг журамтай болгох, үнийг тэгшитгэн бататгах, эд боловсруулах, мал үржүүлэх, худалдаа арилжааны зүйлийг бадруулах” гэжээ. Түлхүүр үгс: БНМАУ, ЗХУ, санхүү мөнгөний шинэчлэл, монгол-зөвлөлтийн худалдаа, УБХ-ын төлөөлөгчдийн айлчлал
{"title":"Mongol-Soviet Relations (1925-1928)","authors":"Batbayar Tsedendamba","doi":"10.5564/jis.v46i115.2685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5564/jis.v46i115.2685","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores the aspects of the interaction between Mongolia and the USSR on the development of their bilateral relations starting from 1925 up until 1928. The author shows how the Soviet troop withdrawal issue created by Moscow influenced the settlement of disputed issues between Mongolia and China, and interfered into the normalization Mongolian-Chinese relations for many years. Soviet envoy to the MPR P.M.Nikiforov was tasked to carry out total sovietazion of all aspects of Mongolian life under the nominal cover of independent Mongolia, and to prevent any process of unification between Outer and Inner Mongolia, to urge Mongolian leaders to recognize Tannu Tuva People’s Republic without any preconditions. A.Amar, Minister for Economy, during his trip to Moscow early 1926 raised the issues of distorted Mongol-Soviet trade, industrial, transport and other bilateral economic relations and asked Moscow to make adjustments and make economic relations equal and mutually beneficial. The character of the atmosphere between Ulaanbaatar and Moscow did play a key role in solving difficult and sensitive bilateral issues and the desire of the Mongolian People’s Republic to build official relations with Moscow as equal and trustful partners was strong.\u0000 \u0000Монгол-Зөвлөлтийн харилцаа (1925-1928)\u0000Хураангуй: ОК(б)Н-ын Төв Хорооны Улс төрийн товчоо 1925 оны 7 дугаар сарын 30-ны өдрийн хуралдаанаар П.М.Никифоровыг ЗСБНХУ-аас Монголд суух Бүрэн эрхт төлөөлөгч бөгөөд худалдааны төлөөлөгчөөр томилох шийдийг гаргажээ. ЗХУ-ын Гадаад хэргийн ардын комиссар Г.В.Чичерин түүнийг хүлээн авч уулзаад Монгол дахь Зөвлөлтийн зорилгыг “Бид Бүгд Найрамдах Монгол улсыг Хятадын протекторатын дор биеэ даасан автономит байдалтай байхыг ёс болгон тунхаглаж байгаа хэдий боловч бид Монголыг дотоод улс төр хийгээд эдийн засгийн байгуулалтаар зөвлөлтийн хэлбэрт ойртуулах практик ажлыг тэнд тууштай явуулах ёстой” гэжээ. Түүнчлэн Чичерин Никифоровт Дотоод Монголыг өөртөө нэгтгэх гэсэн Монголын Засгийн газрын хүсэлтийг хүлээж авахгүй, дэмжихгүй байх, Тагна Урианхайг Монголтой нэгэн адил статустай гэж үзэж байгаа тул Урианхайг Монголтой нэгтгэхийн эсрэг ажиллах заавар удирдамжийг өгч байжээ. ЗХУ, БНМАУ-ын эдийн засгийн харилцааг цаашид хөгжүүлэх үүднээс БНМАУ-д нэг сая алтан рублийн зээлийг 5 жилийн хугацаатай олгохоор 1925 оны 1 дүгээр сард шийдвэрлэсэн байна. Монгол улсын Засгийн газраас мөнгөний шинэчлэлт хийх ажлыг зохион байгуулах комиссыг 1925 онд 6 хүнтэй байгуулж, тус комисс нь мөнгөний шинэчлэлт, эргэлт хуримтлалын асуудлыг хариуцаж байв. Монгол улсын банкны анхны шинэ дүрэмд “Монголын хязгаарын дотор мөнгөний гүйлгээг журамтай болгох, үнийг тэгшитгэн бататгах, эд боловсруулах, мал үржүүлэх, худалдаа арилжааны зүйлийг бадруулах” гэжээ.\u0000 Түлхүүр үгс: БНМАУ, ЗХУ, санхүү мөнгөний шинэчлэл, монгол-зөвлөлтийн худалдаа, УБХ-ын төлөөлөгчдийн айлчлал","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"82 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"83811550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-05-08DOI: 10.5564/jis.v46i115.2686
Myagmardorj Purevdorj
The main purpose of this paper is to conduct qualitative research based on the research work of some foreign and domestic researchers who studied the concept of "hybrid war" in modern international relations and the nature, form and tactics of "hybrid war". This study was conducted because it was deemed necessary to do some research on the risks of external factors that could negatively affect Mongolia's national security in the context of the unstable international relations stemming from the current international relations and confrontations of great powers. After the Crimean crisis that started in the spring of 2014, the term "hybrid war" began to be commonly used among Western researchers to study Russia's policy of expanding its sphere of influence, especially its geopolitical policy toward Ukraine. The combination of "conventional" and "non-conventional" war methods, which are carried out in order to divide Ukraine from within and support separatist activities, have been studied in the context of "hybrid war". However, this research work shows that this "hybrid war" has many different models and manifests itself in many forms due to many factors such as the military force, economical capability, political power and geographical location of the opposing countries. Орчин цагийн олон улсын харилцаа ба “Гибрид дайн”-ы талаар хийсэн судалгаа, үнэлэлт дүгнэлт Хураангуй: Өнөөгийн дэлхийн улс төрийн бодлого дахь хүчний төвийн шилжилт, их гүрнүүдийн геополитикийн сөргөлдөөн зэргээс улбаалан олон улсын харилцааны нөхцөл байдал тун тогтворгүй байна. Ийм нөхцөлд Монгол Улсын аюулгүй байдалд сөргөөр нөлөөлж болох гадаад хүчин зүйлсийн эрсдэлийн судалгаа, тэр дундаа орчин цагийн олон улсын харилцаан дахь “гибрид дайн” хэмээх ойлголт, “гибрид дайн”-ы мөн чанар, хэлбэр ба арга тактикийн талаар үнэлгээ дүгнэлт хийх шаардлагатай гэж үзсэн учир энэхүү судалгааг хийсэн болно. 2014 оны хавар эхэлсэн Крымийн асуудлын дараачаар барууны судлаачдын дунд ОХУ-ын нөлөөний хүрээгээ тэлэх бодлого, ялангуяа Украины талаар явуулж буй бодлогыг судлахдаа “гибрид дайн” хэмээх нэр томьёог нийтлэг хэрэглэж эхэлсэн. Украиныг дотроос нь хагалган бутаргах, салан тусгаарлагчдын үйл ажиллагааг дэмжих зорилгоор явуулж буй “уламжлалт” болон “уламжлалт бус” дайны аргыг хослуулан хэрэгжүүлж буй үйл ажиллагааг “гибрид дайн”-ы хүрээнд судлах болсон. Гэхдээ энэхүү “гибрид дайн” нь тухайн сөргөлдөгч улсуудын цэрэг стратегийн хүч, эдийн засгийн чадавх, улс төрийн нөлөө, газарзүйн байршил зэрэг олон хүчин зүйлээс шалтгаалан олон янзын загвартай байхаас гадна маш олон хэлбэрээр илэрдэг болох нь судалгаанаас харагдаж байна. Түлхүүр үгс: Герасимовын номлол, гибрид дайн, гибрид дайны арга хэлбэрүүд
{"title":"Research and Evaluation of Contemporary International Relations and \"Hybrid Warfare\"","authors":"Myagmardorj Purevdorj","doi":"10.5564/jis.v46i115.2686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5564/jis.v46i115.2686","url":null,"abstract":"The main purpose of this paper is to conduct qualitative research based on the research work of some foreign and domestic researchers who studied the concept of \"hybrid war\" in modern international relations and the nature, form and tactics of \"hybrid war\". This study was conducted because it was deemed necessary to do some research on the risks of external factors that could negatively affect Mongolia's national security in the context of the unstable international relations stemming from the current international relations and confrontations of great powers.\u0000After the Crimean crisis that started in the spring of 2014, the term \"hybrid war\" began to be commonly used among Western researchers to study Russia's policy of expanding its sphere of influence, especially its geopolitical policy toward Ukraine. The combination of \"conventional\" and \"non-conventional\" war methods, which are carried out in order to divide Ukraine from within and support separatist activities, have been studied in the context of \"hybrid war\". However, this research work shows that this \"hybrid war\" has many different models and manifests itself in many forms due to many factors such as the military force, economical capability, political power and geographical location of the opposing countries.\u0000 \u0000Орчин цагийн олон улсын харилцаа ба “Гибрид дайн”-ы талаар хийсэн судалгаа, үнэлэлт дүгнэлт\u0000Хураангуй: Өнөөгийн дэлхийн улс төрийн бодлого дахь хүчний төвийн шилжилт, их гүрнүүдийн геополитикийн сөргөлдөөн зэргээс улбаалан олон улсын харилцааны нөхцөл байдал тун тогтворгүй байна. Ийм нөхцөлд Монгол Улсын аюулгүй байдалд сөргөөр нөлөөлж болох гадаад хүчин зүйлсийн эрсдэлийн судалгаа, тэр дундаа орчин цагийн олон улсын харилцаан дахь “гибрид дайн” хэмээх ойлголт, “гибрид дайн”-ы мөн чанар, хэлбэр ба арга тактикийн талаар үнэлгээ дүгнэлт хийх шаардлагатай гэж үзсэн учир энэхүү судалгааг хийсэн болно. 2014 оны хавар эхэлсэн Крымийн асуудлын дараачаар барууны судлаачдын дунд ОХУ-ын нөлөөний хүрээгээ тэлэх бодлого, ялангуяа Украины талаар явуулж буй бодлогыг судлахдаа “гибрид дайн” хэмээх нэр томьёог нийтлэг хэрэглэж эхэлсэн. Украиныг дотроос нь хагалган бутаргах, салан тусгаарлагчдын үйл ажиллагааг дэмжих зорилгоор явуулж буй “уламжлалт” болон “уламжлалт бус” дайны аргыг хослуулан хэрэгжүүлж буй үйл ажиллагааг “гибрид дайн”-ы хүрээнд судлах болсон. Гэхдээ энэхүү “гибрид дайн” нь тухайн сөргөлдөгч улсуудын цэрэг стратегийн хүч, эдийн засгийн чадавх, улс төрийн нөлөө, газарзүйн байршил зэрэг олон хүчин зүйлээс шалтгаалан олон янзын загвартай байхаас гадна маш олон хэлбэрээр илэрдэг болох нь судалгаанаас харагдаж байна.\u0000Түлхүүр үгс: Герасимовын номлол, гибрид дайн, гибрид дайны арга хэлбэрүүд","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"91 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-05-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"84386333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During his administration from 2003 to 2009, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi chose to continue the foreign policy of Mahathir Mohamad. However, he also applied a more ‘middle-ground’ approach that was neither provocative nor aggressive. This had on occasion portrayed him as a weak leader, contributing to the loss of majority seats for Barisan Nasional (BN) in the 12th general election. Nonetheless, during his tenure, there was an increase in cooperation between Malaysia and China in the educational and sociocultural fields, as well as cooperation with government-linked companies (GLCs), which had not happened before. How far did the moderate personality of Abdullah provide a significant impact on the structuring of Malaysia’s foreign policy towards China? This research will look at a three-level analysis that was conducted in assessing the foreign policy of Malaysia towards China during the period. The three levels that were analysed were international, national, and personality factors. A neoclassical realist approach was applied to look at the changing international political landscape and its impact on Malaysian foreign policy towards China. This research applied a qualitative method of obtaining primary data through structured interviews with key informants and an analytical method based on chronology—unsupported by empirical evidence from secondary data. In conclusion, the research revealed that Malaysia’s foreign policy towards China during Abdullah Badawi’s administration was a combination of ongoing maturing of relations and an increase in bilateral cooperation which had not been explored before. The research also found that although Abdullah Badawi was seen as a relatively weak leader in domestic politics, he made a significant impact on the continuity of Malaysia’s national interest, particularly in the soft power competition between the USA and China in Southeast Asia.
{"title":"ABDULLAH BADAWI’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS CHINA: THREE-LEVEL ANALYSIS OF A PRAGMATIC AND IDEALISTIC DIPLOMACY STRATEGY IN A TWO-WAY COOPERATION","authors":"Mohamad Ikhram Mohamad Ridzuan, Marfunizah Ma’dan","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.1.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.1.6","url":null,"abstract":"During his administration from 2003 to 2009, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi chose to continue the foreign policy of Mahathir Mohamad. However, he also applied a more ‘middle-ground’ approach that was neither provocative nor aggressive. This had on occasion portrayed him as a weak leader, contributing to the loss of majority seats for Barisan Nasional (BN) in the 12th general election. Nonetheless, during his tenure, there was an increase in cooperation between Malaysia and China in the educational and sociocultural fields, as well as cooperation with government-linked companies (GLCs), which had not happened before. How far did the moderate personality of Abdullah provide a significant impact on the structuring of Malaysia’s foreign policy towards China? This research will look at a three-level analysis that was conducted in assessing the foreign policy of Malaysia towards China during the period. The three levels that were analysed were international, national, and personality factors. A neoclassical realist approach was applied to look at the changing international political landscape and its impact on Malaysian foreign policy towards China. This research applied a qualitative method of obtaining primary data through structured interviews with key informants and an analytical method based on chronology—unsupported by empirical evidence from secondary data. In conclusion, the research revealed that Malaysia’s foreign policy towards China during Abdullah Badawi’s administration was a combination of ongoing maturing of relations and an increase in bilateral cooperation which had not been explored before. The research also found that although Abdullah Badawi was seen as a relatively weak leader in domestic politics, he made a significant impact on the continuity of Malaysia’s national interest, particularly in the soft power competition between the USA and China in Southeast Asia.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"118 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74555244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
When the UAE and Israel decided to normalize diplomatic relations, later known as the Abraham Accords, the decision sparked globalcontroversy, especially from Islamic countries. One of the countries which vehemently condemned this deal was Iran. Iran viewed theagreement as a form of betrayal of the Palestinian struggle. However, based on an analysis using the Balance of Threat theory, this article concluded that Iran had in fact caused UAE’s decision to normalize relations. It was because Iran, through its superiority of aggregate power, geographical proximity, and offensive policy character, presented a serious threat to the security of the UAE. Thus, the normalization of relations with Israel was the best and rational choice for the UAE in dealing with the Iranian threat. Through this normalization, the UAE has gained a new partner to jointly counterbalance Iran’s power and help in efforts to strengthen its own defense forces.
{"title":"UNITED ARAB EMIRATES - ISRAEL RAPPROCHEMENT: A RATIONAL CHOICE OF EMIRATIS","authors":"Febry Triantama","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.1.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.1.7","url":null,"abstract":"When the UAE and Israel decided to normalize diplomatic relations, later known as the Abraham Accords, the decision sparked globalcontroversy, especially from Islamic countries. One of the countries which vehemently condemned this deal was Iran. Iran viewed theagreement as a form of betrayal of the Palestinian struggle. However, based on an analysis using the Balance of Threat theory, this article concluded that Iran had in fact caused UAE’s decision to normalize relations. It was because Iran, through its superiority of aggregate power, geographical proximity, and offensive policy character, presented a serious threat to the security of the UAE. Thus, the normalization of relations with Israel was the best and rational choice for the UAE in dealing with the Iranian threat. Through this normalization, the UAE has gained a new partner to jointly counterbalance Iran’s power and help in efforts to strengthen its own defense forces. ","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"57 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74124394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-04-17DOI: 10.32890/jis2023.19.1.10
Haniff Ahamat, S. Basir, Saidatul Nadia, Abd Aziz, Mohd Hisham, Mohd Hisham Mohd Kamal
The notion of historic rights forms the major basis to the claim by China to ‘islands’ in the South China Sea and the adjacent waters which are located within what is known as the nine-dash line. The South China Sea Arbitration case (Philippines v. China) has shown divergence between China’s interpretation of historic rights and the territorial acquisition regime under positive international law. This paper argues that Islamic international law has clearer principles on historic rights that do not upset the territorial sovereignty of coastal states. However, these principles must be appraised in the correct context of Islamic international law because it subscribes to a different approach to state sovereignty. Due to the importance of historic rights in this paper, the authors used both black letter and historical approaches to legal research. With historical legal research, the authors looked at the historical facts objectively in order to know how legal rules on sovereignty claims over maritime areas are formed throughout history particularly from the perspective of Islamic international law. This paper enables Islamic international law to offer a middle ground in which the proponents and opponents of China’s historical rights claims could meet.
{"title":"CHINA’S SOUTH CHINA SEA CLAIMS, THE HISTORIC RIGHTS DEBATE AND THE MIDDLE APPROACH OF ISLAMIC INTERNATIONAL LAW","authors":"Haniff Ahamat, S. Basir, Saidatul Nadia, Abd Aziz, Mohd Hisham, Mohd Hisham Mohd Kamal","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.1.10","url":null,"abstract":"The notion of historic rights forms the major basis to the claim by China to ‘islands’ in the South China Sea and the adjacent waters which are located within what is known as the nine-dash line. The South China Sea Arbitration case (Philippines v. China) has shown divergence between China’s interpretation of historic rights and the territorial acquisition regime under positive international law. This paper argues that Islamic international law has clearer principles on historic rights that do not upset the territorial sovereignty of coastal states. However, these principles must be appraised in the correct context of Islamic international law because it subscribes to a different approach to state sovereignty. Due to the importance of historic rights in this paper, the authors used both black letter and historical approaches to legal research. With historical legal research, the authors looked at the historical facts objectively in order to know how legal rules on sovereignty claims over maritime areas are formed throughout history particularly from the perspective of Islamic international law. This paper enables Islamic international law to offer a middle ground in which the proponents and opponents of China’s historical rights claims could meet.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"22 11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80379370","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Muath Mohammed Alashqar, Asmar Abdul Rahim, Ahmad Shamsul Abd Aziz
From the end of the year 2008 to 2021, Israel committed four wars in the Gaza Strip. These wars were known as Operation Cast Lead in2009, Operation Pillar of Cloud in 2012, Operation Protective Edge in 2014, and Operation Guardian of the Walls in 2021. The destructive impacts on vital facilities in Gaza, including schools, universities, mosques, hospitals, and United Nations Relief centers, as well as the killings of thousands of innocent civilians by Israeli forces, are visible evidence of a serious violation of the principle of distinction, a basic principle provided under the international humanitarian law conferring protection upon the civilians during armed conflicts. The accession of Palestine to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court on crimes. This paper aims to analyze the position of individual criminal responsibility committed during the above-mentioned wars, regulated under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and other relevant international conventions. In analyzing the data from primary and secondary sources, this paper applied doctrinal legal research and qualitative approaches. This paper concludes that the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court associated the individual criminal responsibility for war crimes by systematically determining the extentof participation, namely: (1) commission; (2) ordering/instigating; (3) assistance; and (4) contribution to a war crime as a group crime. Thus, Israeli military leaders ought to be held liable for the commission of war crimes in accordance with Article 8 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The pretexts of the Israeli occupation to be exempt from criminal responsibility should be rejected according to the state of legitimate defense.
{"title":"WAR CRIMES IN GAZA STRIP FROM YEAR 2008 2021: INDIVIDUAL CRIMINAL RESPONSIBILITY UNDER THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK OF ROME STATUTE OF THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT","authors":"Muath Mohammed Alashqar, Asmar Abdul Rahim, Ahmad Shamsul Abd Aziz","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.1.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.1.3","url":null,"abstract":"From the end of the year 2008 to 2021, Israel committed four wars in the Gaza Strip. These wars were known as Operation Cast Lead in2009, Operation Pillar of Cloud in 2012, Operation Protective Edge in 2014, and Operation Guardian of the Walls in 2021. The destructive impacts on vital facilities in Gaza, including schools, universities, mosques, hospitals, and United Nations Relief centers, as well as the killings of thousands of innocent civilians by Israeli forces, are visible evidence of a serious violation of the principle of distinction, a basic principle provided under the international humanitarian law conferring protection upon the civilians during armed conflicts. The accession of Palestine to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court on crimes. This paper aims to analyze the position of individual criminal responsibility committed during the above-mentioned wars, regulated under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court and other relevant international conventions. In analyzing the data from primary and secondary sources, this paper applied doctrinal legal research and qualitative approaches. This paper concludes that the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court associated the individual criminal responsibility for war crimes by systematically determining the extentof participation, namely: (1) commission; (2) ordering/instigating; (3) assistance; and (4) contribution to a war crime as a group crime. Thus, Israeli military leaders ought to be held liable for the commission of war crimes in accordance with Article 8 of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The pretexts of the Israeli occupation to be exempt from criminal responsibility should be rejected according to the state of legitimate defense.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"97 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80732503","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As part of their “Look East” foreign policy, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have been focusing on enhancing theirrelations with several Asian countries, including Indonesia, which is the largest economy in Southeast Asia. The adoption of this policyhas resulted in an apparent increase in cooperation between these Arab Gulf nations and Indonesia. There is a visible trend of growing cooperation between GCC countries and Indonesia, particularly during the first term of President Joko Widodo, covering areas from diplomacy, energy, and trade to investments. Although the expansion of diplomatic, energy and economic ties between both sides has been widely discussed in the literature, little attention has been paid to the public diplomacy strategies used by the GCC countries in their interactions with Indonesia. Realizing the limitations of their newly developing relationships with Indonesia and the importance of promoting a positive image to secure their political and economic interests in the region, the GCC countries are fully aware of the need for effective public diplomacy strategies. This research, therefore, aims to examine the public diplomacy strategies employed by the GCC countries towards Indonesia. These strategies can be arguably divided into four distinct groups: educational initiatives, cultural activities, religious studies and practices, as well as humanitarian aid. This study argues that while public diplomacy has increasingly become an integral part of the GCC countries’ strategies in establishing relations with Indonesia, the application of these strategies has been prevalent only among a few GCC countries in which extensive political and economic relations are already well forged with Indonesia.
{"title":"THE PRACTICE OF PUBLIC DIPLOMACY BY THE GULF COOPERATION COUNCIL COUNTRIES TOWARDS INDONESIA","authors":"Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat, Hasbi Aswar","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.1.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.1.9","url":null,"abstract":"As part of their “Look East” foreign policy, the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries have been focusing on enhancing theirrelations with several Asian countries, including Indonesia, which is the largest economy in Southeast Asia. The adoption of this policyhas resulted in an apparent increase in cooperation between these Arab Gulf nations and Indonesia. There is a visible trend of growing cooperation between GCC countries and Indonesia, particularly during the first term of President Joko Widodo, covering areas from diplomacy, energy, and trade to investments. Although the expansion of diplomatic, energy and economic ties between both sides has been widely discussed in the literature, little attention has been paid to the public diplomacy strategies used by the GCC countries in their interactions with Indonesia. Realizing the limitations of their newly developing relationships with Indonesia and the importance of promoting a positive image to secure their political and economic interests in the region, the GCC countries are fully aware of the need for effective public diplomacy strategies. This research, therefore, aims to examine the public diplomacy strategies employed by the GCC countries towards Indonesia. These strategies can be arguably divided into four distinct groups: educational initiatives, cultural activities, religious studies and practices, as well as humanitarian aid. This study argues that while public diplomacy has increasingly become an integral part of the GCC countries’ strategies in establishing relations with Indonesia, the application of these strategies has been prevalent only among a few GCC countries in which extensive political and economic relations are already well forged with Indonesia. \u0000","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"5 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80970903","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article attempts to analyse the South China Sea (SCS) conflict from the standpoints of both Vietnam and China. The paper discusses the factors that contributed to the recent escalation of the Vietnam-China conflict, the implications of the competition for Vietnam and other regions of interest, including the People’s Republic of China and the United States, and the potentially desirable Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) solutions. The research method was based on reviews of recent reports and surveys published in newspapers or think tanks. This qualitative analysis elucidates and deepens our understanding of the SCS dispute. The research is significant because it sheds light on the issues at stake, particularly from the perspective of Vietnam, an ASEAN member. With this in mind, the hope is that academics and stakeholders can make the best possible use of the data, various arguments, and analyses presented to advance knowledge through correction and further research. To resolve this issue, the study concluded that China and Vietnam must meet and discuss it. The United States’ involvement in this maritime dispute complicates an already complex situation.
{"title":"THE SOUTH CHINA SEA DISPUTE AND SINO-VIETNAMESE RECONCILIATION","authors":"Ku Boon Dar","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.1.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.1.2","url":null,"abstract":"This article attempts to analyse the South China Sea (SCS) conflict from the standpoints of both Vietnam and China. The paper discusses the factors that contributed to the recent escalation of the Vietnam-China conflict, the implications of the competition for Vietnam and other regions of interest, including the People’s Republic of China and the United States, and the potentially desirable Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) solutions. The research method was based on reviews of recent reports and surveys published in newspapers or think tanks. This qualitative analysis elucidates and deepens our understanding of the SCS dispute. The research is significant because it sheds light on the issues at stake, particularly from the perspective of Vietnam, an ASEAN member. With this in mind, the hope is that academics and stakeholders can make the best possible use of the data, various arguments, and analyses presented to advance knowledge through correction and further research. To resolve this issue, the study concluded that China and Vietnam must meet and discuss it. The United States’ involvement in this maritime dispute complicates an already complex situation.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88398395","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the issue of the relationship between international and national law that leads to the gradation of laws. Is international law superior or inferior to national law? This question pushed the existing theoretical positions to find more convincing answers and practical solutions to this question. The article differentiates between two doctrines, the first is monism between international and national law, and the second is the dualism between international and national law. The status of international law in the national legal system is determined by the national constitution of each country. The article discusses a crucial issue associated with a substantial principle on which international law is based: the principle of state sovereignty and the critical relationship between international law and national law. The article aims to clarify the nature of the relationship with a specific reference to the experiences and challenges faced by the State of Palestine. To achieve the objectives of the article, doctrinal legal research methodology was adopted. Accordingly, this study concluded that there are two conflicting doctrines in determining the status of international law in the national legal system. Since the establishment of the State of Palestine and being a non-member observer state at the United Nations, the Palestinian legislature has adopted the doctrine of monism. The study would assist the international community in understanding the legal nature of the Palestinian constitutional system and its position related to the value of treaties in Palestine. The study emphasises the need to harmonise Palestinian legislation in order to be in line with international treaties.
{"title":"REIMAGINING FUTURE RELATIONS BETWEEN INTERNATIONAL AND NATIONAL LAW WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE PALESTINIAN SITUATION","authors":"M. Masood, Ahmed M A Hamad, Mukhriz Mat Rus","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.1.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.1.5","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the issue of the relationship between international and national law that leads to the gradation of laws. Is international law superior or inferior to national law? This question pushed the existing theoretical positions to find more convincing answers and practical solutions to this question. The article differentiates between two doctrines, the first is monism between international and national law, and the second is the dualism between international and national law. The status of international law in the national legal system is determined by the national constitution of each country. The article discusses a crucial issue associated with a substantial principle on which international law is based: the principle of state sovereignty and the critical relationship between international law and national law. The article aims to clarify the nature of the relationship with a specific reference to the experiences and challenges faced by the State of Palestine. To achieve the objectives of the article, doctrinal legal research methodology was adopted. Accordingly, this study concluded that there are two conflicting doctrines in determining the status of international law in the national legal system. Since the establishment of the State of Palestine and being a non-member observer state at the United Nations, the Palestinian legislature has adopted the doctrine of monism. The study would assist the international community in understanding the legal nature of the Palestinian constitutional system and its position related to the value of treaties in Palestine. The study emphasises the need to harmonise Palestinian legislation in order to be in line with international treaties.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"49 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73765917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mohammad Azam Hussain, Mohamad Fateh Labanieh, Nazli Mahdzir, Nooraini Sulaiman, Omar Saleh Abdullah Bawazir
Arbitration is the most widespread mechanism for resolving disputes in the modern and Islamic eras. The current global tendency calls for an increase in the integration of disruptive technology, such as artificial intelligence (AI), into arbitration. Using doctrinal legal research methodology, this article examines the potential prospect of artificial intelligence (AI) in arbitration from international, national, and Islamic perspectives. To achieve that, several international arbitration laws, such as the Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards 1958 and UNCITRAL Model Law on International Commercial Arbitration 1985, national arbitration laws, such as Arbitration Act 2005 (Act 646), UK Arbitration Act 1996, and Singaporean Arbitration Act 2011, and the Islamic law were analysed. The collected data was analytically and critically analysed using the content analysis method. It is found that AI technologies would bring added value to arbitration if they are appropriately employed. However, from a legal perspective, arbitration laws are not mature enough to absorb AI technologies. Besides, it has been discovered that Islam does not prohibit AI technologies as long as they can serve humanity. According to the Islamic point of view, an artificial intelligence arbitrator (AIA) cannot replace human arbitrators. Finally, this article provides several recommendations to enhance the use of AI technologies and AIA in arbitration. This, in turn, would help in creating a modern, prosperous, and just world and improving the international relations between nations, international organisations, and individuals from different countries as any of them could resolve their disputes effectively.
{"title":"THE POTENTIAL PROSPECT OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE (AI) IN ARBITRATION FROM THE INTERNATIONAL, NATIONAL AND ISLAMIC PERSPECTIVES","authors":"Mohammad Azam Hussain, Mohamad Fateh Labanieh, Nazli Mahdzir, Nooraini Sulaiman, Omar Saleh Abdullah Bawazir","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.1.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.1.4","url":null,"abstract":"Arbitration is the most widespread mechanism for resolving disputes in the modern and Islamic eras. The current global tendency calls for an increase in the integration of disruptive technology, such as artificial intelligence (AI), into arbitration. Using doctrinal legal research methodology, this article examines the potential prospect of artificial intelligence (AI) in arbitration from international, national, and Islamic perspectives. To achieve that, several international arbitration laws, such as the Convention on the Recognition and Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards 1958 and UNCITRAL Model Law on International Commercial Arbitration 1985, national arbitration laws, such as Arbitration Act 2005 (Act 646), UK Arbitration Act 1996, and Singaporean Arbitration Act 2011, and the Islamic law were analysed. The collected data was analytically and critically analysed using the content analysis method. It is found that AI technologies would bring added value to arbitration if they are appropriately employed. However, from a legal perspective, arbitration laws are not mature enough to absorb AI technologies. Besides, it has been discovered that Islam does not prohibit AI technologies as long as they can serve humanity. According to the Islamic point of view, an artificial intelligence arbitrator (AIA) cannot replace human arbitrators. Finally, this article provides several recommendations to enhance the use of AI technologies and AIA in arbitration. This, in turn, would help in creating a modern, prosperous, and just world and improving the international relations between nations, international organisations, and individuals from different countries as any of them could resolve their disputes effectively.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"82 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89625796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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