Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1177/03058298231202553
Taesuh Cha
This article aims to situate US–DPRK relations in a broader historical and theoretical context, that is, part of the violent encounters between the West and the ‘Rest’ in modern times, to examine discursive causes of their animosity and devise preliminary solutions to usher in peace and reconciliation in the Korean Peninsula. Drawing on a postcolonial reading of the liberal internationalist project and the global nuclear order, as well as a reflexive realist critique of US foreign policy toward the rogue states, this research explores how two competing geopolitical discourses, the mission civilisatrice and realpolitik, have constructed the epistemological problématique of Washington’s approach to Pyongyang and contributed to internal tensions in it over time. After analyzing the historical trajectory of America’s contrasting understandings of the Korean question, I seek to offer their implications on the dramatic change in the bilateral relations in the Trump era. By interrogating Trump’s realist turn in grand strategy and its unexpected influence on the two Cold War enemies’ mini-détente in 2018–2020, this article asks how a genuine dialogue between the liberal, ‘civilized’ center and the illiberal, ‘barbarian’ periphery can be materialized in an alternative normative setting. In particular, I argue that Trump’s new realist trial posed a critical question on how to depart from old ontological assumptions that frame the dominant liberal internationalist/neoconservative approaches toward a more dialogical and equal negotiation and compromise. A peaceful resolution of the North Korean dilemma is inherently related to a larger reflexivist project that promotes a thorough interrogation of the self-righteous US identity and a great transformation of America’s imperialist monologue toward the Third World in general.
{"title":"Contending American Visions of North Korea: The <i>Mission Civilisatrice</i> versus <i>Realpolitik</i>","authors":"Taesuh Cha","doi":"10.1177/03058298231202553","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231202553","url":null,"abstract":"This article aims to situate US–DPRK relations in a broader historical and theoretical context, that is, part of the violent encounters between the West and the ‘Rest’ in modern times, to examine discursive causes of their animosity and devise preliminary solutions to usher in peace and reconciliation in the Korean Peninsula. Drawing on a postcolonial reading of the liberal internationalist project and the global nuclear order, as well as a reflexive realist critique of US foreign policy toward the rogue states, this research explores how two competing geopolitical discourses, the mission civilisatrice and realpolitik, have constructed the epistemological problématique of Washington’s approach to Pyongyang and contributed to internal tensions in it over time. After analyzing the historical trajectory of America’s contrasting understandings of the Korean question, I seek to offer their implications on the dramatic change in the bilateral relations in the Trump era. By interrogating Trump’s realist turn in grand strategy and its unexpected influence on the two Cold War enemies’ mini-détente in 2018–2020, this article asks how a genuine dialogue between the liberal, ‘civilized’ center and the illiberal, ‘barbarian’ periphery can be materialized in an alternative normative setting. In particular, I argue that Trump’s new realist trial posed a critical question on how to depart from old ontological assumptions that frame the dominant liberal internationalist/neoconservative approaches toward a more dialogical and equal negotiation and compromise. A peaceful resolution of the North Korean dilemma is inherently related to a larger reflexivist project that promotes a thorough interrogation of the self-righteous US identity and a great transformation of America’s imperialist monologue toward the Third World in general.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":" 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135243027","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-08DOI: 10.1177/03058298231198690
Shenila Khoja-Moolji
{"title":"Affect, Aesthetics, and <i>Sovereign Attachments</i>","authors":"Shenila Khoja-Moolji","doi":"10.1177/03058298231198690","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231198690","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"49 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135342706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-20DOI: 10.1177/03058298231202554
Doerthe Rosenow
Against a background of ongoing public and academic debate about how to best address the legacies of colonialism and slavery, there is now an ever-expanding body of International Relations (IR) literature that makes use of the concept of ‘coloniality’. Indeed, coloniality, which attempts to make sense of past and ongoing colonial oppression in global terms, seems a particularly apt concept for IR, which, after all, is interested in understanding the nature of global power. This article is critical of the way that coloniality is increasingly used in a unitary ‘catch-all’ manner to describe global colonial domination in often unspecific ways. It argues, based on an in-depth exegesis of key Latin American decolonial texts, that the way the concept has been developed makes certain colonial violence, and the resistance against it, invisible; with the violence of (global) settler colonialism being a prominent example. Using and further developing Jodi Byrd’s concepts of transit and settler imperialism, in dialogue with Latin American settler colonial literature and radical Black thought, this article aims to bring this violence to the forefront of IR debate. I will conclude by elaborating on the concrete consequences that understanding ongoing colonial violence with the help of these concepts has for thinking about decolonisation in IR.
{"title":"The Violence of Settler Imperialism – and Why the Concept of Coloniality Cannot Grasp It","authors":"Doerthe Rosenow","doi":"10.1177/03058298231202554","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231202554","url":null,"abstract":"Against a background of ongoing public and academic debate about how to best address the legacies of colonialism and slavery, there is now an ever-expanding body of International Relations (IR) literature that makes use of the concept of ‘coloniality’. Indeed, coloniality, which attempts to make sense of past and ongoing colonial oppression in global terms, seems a particularly apt concept for IR, which, after all, is interested in understanding the nature of global power. This article is critical of the way that coloniality is increasingly used in a unitary ‘catch-all’ manner to describe global colonial domination in often unspecific ways. It argues, based on an in-depth exegesis of key Latin American decolonial texts, that the way the concept has been developed makes certain colonial violence, and the resistance against it, invisible; with the violence of (global) settler colonialism being a prominent example. Using and further developing Jodi Byrd’s concepts of transit and settler imperialism, in dialogue with Latin American settler colonial literature and radical Black thought, this article aims to bring this violence to the forefront of IR debate. I will conclude by elaborating on the concrete consequences that understanding ongoing colonial violence with the help of these concepts has for thinking about decolonisation in IR.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135570145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-27DOI: 10.1177/03058298231198681
Shah Zeb Chaudhary
Khoja-Moolji’s analysis of sovereignty in a cultural-affective register from a postcolonial perspective contributes to the developing study of the affective economies of sovereignty. This literature has two central concepts that we have to think carefully about: desire and identification. I explore sovereign desires in the context of fantasy and history, and think about identification as connecting sovereigns to citizens. I consider how an emphasis on affect helps us understand how sovereignty becomes worthy of so much affective and political investment.
{"title":"The Affective Economies of Sovereignty: Desire and Identification","authors":"Shah Zeb Chaudhary","doi":"10.1177/03058298231198681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231198681","url":null,"abstract":"Khoja-Moolji’s analysis of sovereignty in a cultural-affective register from a postcolonial perspective contributes to the developing study of the affective economies of sovereignty. This literature has two central concepts that we have to think carefully about: desire and identification. I explore sovereign desires in the context of fantasy and history, and think about identification as connecting sovereigns to citizens. I consider how an emphasis on affect helps us understand how sovereignty becomes worthy of so much affective and political investment.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"69 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135537137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-25DOI: 10.1177/03058298231198992
Rodrigo Duque Estrada Campos
In recent years, there has been an intense public debate regarding the worldwide re-emergence of far-right politics and the ways in which it has engaged with the international. Surprisingly, thus far there have been no reflections on the broader implications of conceptualising the far-right in its international, transnational, and global dimensions. This article argues that we are witnessing an international turn in far-right studies that posits the international as constitutive of far-right politics, opening new forms of understanding it both from a historical and theoretical point of view. It develops a conceptual assessment of the international turn in three steps: first, it identifies that what binds this interdisciplinary literature together and breaks away from mainstream approaches is a shared critique of methodological nationalism; second, it classifies innovations in two different conceptual levels: the ‘globalisation front’, which sees transformations in the nature of far-right politics due the intensification of globalisation, and the ‘historiographical front’, which claims that the far-right has always been an international phenomenon. The article then analyses the main limitations of the international turn and offers a way to overcome it by articulating an intersocietal approach to the study of the far-right that draws from Global Historical Sociology.
{"title":"The International Turn in Far-Right Studies: A Critical Assessment","authors":"Rodrigo Duque Estrada Campos","doi":"10.1177/03058298231198992","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231198992","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, there has been an intense public debate regarding the worldwide re-emergence of far-right politics and the ways in which it has engaged with the international. Surprisingly, thus far there have been no reflections on the broader implications of conceptualising the far-right in its international, transnational, and global dimensions. This article argues that we are witnessing an international turn in far-right studies that posits the international as constitutive of far-right politics, opening new forms of understanding it both from a historical and theoretical point of view. It develops a conceptual assessment of the international turn in three steps: first, it identifies that what binds this interdisciplinary literature together and breaks away from mainstream approaches is a shared critique of methodological nationalism; second, it classifies innovations in two different conceptual levels: the ‘globalisation front’, which sees transformations in the nature of far-right politics due the intensification of globalisation, and the ‘historiographical front’, which claims that the far-right has always been an international phenomenon. The article then analyses the main limitations of the international turn and offers a way to overcome it by articulating an intersocietal approach to the study of the far-right that draws from Global Historical Sociology.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"310 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135816759","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Usman Abdullahi, Ahmad Martadha Mohamed, Vally Senasi
The current research presents a bibliometric review of publications on organizational resilience and sustainability publications using the Scopus database for the period 1998–2022 based on the corresponding keywords in the titles of the articles. In this study MS Excel was used for frequency analysis; Harzing’s Publish or Perish to analyze citations and their metrics, while VOSviewer and Bibliometric R-tool with Biblioshiny were employed for visualization and thematic analysis. According to the findings, research on organizationalresilience and sustainability gained prominence in 1998 and has steadily increased since 2005. The United States of America recordedthe most productive and highest contribution, followed by the United Kingdom. The Journal of Sustainability Switzerland has published the most papers, while the University of Canterbury, New Zealand, is the most productive institution. This research used the Scopus database. Other data sources may be accessed later, and searches may include summaries and keywords instead of document titles. To the best of the author’s knowledge, this is one of the first bibliometric review studies combining organizational resilience and sustainability research in the Scopus database.
本研究利用Scopus数据库对1998-2022年有关组织弹性和可持续性的出版物进行了文献计量分析，并基于文章标题中的相应关键词。本研究使用MS Excel进行频率分析;使用Harzing的“出版或灭亡”软件分析引文及其指标，使用VOSviewer和Bibliometric R-tool with Biblioshiny进行可视化和专题分析。根据研究结果，对组织弹性和可持续性的研究在1998年得到重视，并自2005年以来稳步增长。美利坚合众国的生产力和贡献最高，其次是联合王国。瑞士可持续发展杂志发表的论文最多，而新西兰的坎特伯雷大学是最多产的机构。本研究使用了Scopus数据库。稍后可能会访问其他数据源，并且搜索可能包括摘要和关键字，而不是文档标题。据作者所知，这是Scopus数据库中第一个结合组织弹性和可持续性研究的文献计量学综述研究之一。
{"title":"EXPLORING GLOBAL TRENDS OF RESEARCH ON ORGANIZATIONAL RESILIENCE AND SUSTAINABILITY: A BIBLIOMETRIC REVIEW","authors":"Usman Abdullahi, Ahmad Martadha Mohamed, Vally Senasi","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.2.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.2.2","url":null,"abstract":"The current research presents a bibliometric review of publications on organizational resilience and sustainability publications using the Scopus database for the period 1998–2022 based on the corresponding keywords in the titles of the articles. In this study MS Excel was used for frequency analysis; Harzing’s Publish or Perish to analyze citations and their metrics, while VOSviewer and Bibliometric R-tool with Biblioshiny were employed for visualization and thematic analysis. According to the findings, research on organizationalresilience and sustainability gained prominence in 1998 and has steadily increased since 2005. The United States of America recordedthe most productive and highest contribution, followed by the United Kingdom. The Journal of Sustainability Switzerland has published the most papers, while the University of Canterbury, New Zealand, is the most productive institution. This research used the Scopus database. Other data sources may be accessed later, and searches may include summaries and keywords instead of document titles. To the best of the author’s knowledge, this is one of the first bibliometric review studies combining organizational resilience and sustainability research in the Scopus database.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86959666","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-30DOI: 10.1177/03058298231185965
Yagil Levy
This article is conceptually motivated to show how instrumental rationality is reflected in the military domain. Instrumental rationality refers to the adoption of suitable means to achieve particular ends. However, this conception was criticised by the Frankfurt School for focusing on means rather than on ends. Based on this critique, I present specific categories of instrumental rationality in the military domain. I will argue that instrumental rationality, or at least its faulty application, is reflected in means-centred thinking whereby the means justify the ends. This approach may create specific categories in the military domain: means justify the ends just because they are available, and they can also expand the ends. The means-centred approach may be expanded from subordinating ends to means to focusing on the objects to be attacked, thus developing an objects-centred approach that may also develop into a focus on the direct outcome of the operation of means, thus becoming a tool of legitimation. A similar legitimising impact is produced by the process of moralisation implicit in the focus on means. Finally, a means-centred approach may be translated into overconfidence in the omnipotence of means, and can thereby be elevated to the belief that weapons can obviate the need for political settlement. « Ces compétences. . . devaient être utilisées simplement parce qu’elles étaient là » : La rationalité instrumentale dans le domaine militaire
{"title":"‘The Skills. . . had to be Used Simply Because They Were There’: Instrumental Rationality in the Military Domain","authors":"Yagil Levy","doi":"10.1177/03058298231185965","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231185965","url":null,"abstract":"This article is conceptually motivated to show how instrumental rationality is reflected in the military domain. Instrumental rationality refers to the adoption of suitable means to achieve particular ends. However, this conception was criticised by the Frankfurt School for focusing on means rather than on ends. Based on this critique, I present specific categories of instrumental rationality in the military domain. I will argue that instrumental rationality, or at least its faulty application, is reflected in means-centred thinking whereby the means justify the ends. This approach may create specific categories in the military domain: means justify the ends just because they are available, and they can also expand the ends. The means-centred approach may be expanded from subordinating ends to means to focusing on the objects to be attacked, thus developing an objects-centred approach that may also develop into a focus on the direct outcome of the operation of means, thus becoming a tool of legitimation. A similar legitimising impact is produced by the process of moralisation implicit in the focus on means. Finally, a means-centred approach may be translated into overconfidence in the omnipotence of means, and can thereby be elevated to the belief that weapons can obviate the need for political settlement. « Ces compétences. . . devaient être utilisées simplement parce qu’elles étaient là » : La rationalité instrumentale dans le domaine militaire","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45725230","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Norwan Ahmad, Siew Imm, Ng, Norazlyn Kamal, Y. Aziz
This study sought to improve understanding of the factors that drive the international performance (IP) of business service small andmedium-sized enterprises (SMEs), particularly from a developing country’s perspective. Studying the SME context is key in light ofthe scarce evidence of SMEs’ experience in the literature despite their increasing importance in the provision of services to international clients. Semi-structured interviews underpinned by resourcebased theory and dynamic capability view, were conducted with 11 informants representing government agencies, trade associations, and industry members. This qualitative method was employed to analyse the viewpoints of multiple industry stakeholders to enable us to capture the factors that drive IP. The findings revealed a convergence of views among the stakeholders on specific internal and external factors they perceive as essential in driving IP. The internal factors include human capital, entrepreneurial orientation, foreign market knowledge, relational capital, marketing capability, technological capability, and innovative service offerings, whereas the external factors encompass track record, access to financing, and government facilitation. We elaborated on the identified factors in relation to the supporting theories, thereby enhancing existing knowledge on their relationship with IP.
{"title":"EXPLORING THE DRIVING FACTORS OF INTERNATIONAL PERFORMANCE: EVIDENCE FROM BUSINESS SERVICE SMEs IN MALAYSIA","authors":"Norwan Ahmad, Siew Imm, Ng, Norazlyn Kamal, Y. Aziz","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.2.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.2.5","url":null,"abstract":"This study sought to improve understanding of the factors that drive the international performance (IP) of business service small andmedium-sized enterprises (SMEs), particularly from a developing country’s perspective. Studying the SME context is key in light ofthe scarce evidence of SMEs’ experience in the literature despite their increasing importance in the provision of services to international clients. Semi-structured interviews underpinned by resourcebased theory and dynamic capability view, were conducted with 11 informants representing government agencies, trade associations, and industry members. This qualitative method was employed to analyse the viewpoints of multiple industry stakeholders to enable us to capture the factors that drive IP. The findings revealed a convergence of views among the stakeholders on specific internal and external factors they perceive as essential in driving IP. The internal factors include human capital, entrepreneurial orientation, foreign market knowledge, relational capital, marketing capability, technological capability, and innovative service offerings, whereas the external factors encompass track record, access to financing, and government facilitation. We elaborated on the identified factors in relation to the supporting theories, thereby enhancing existing knowledge on their relationship with IP.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86909974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the early 21st century, the Asia-Pacific has become a dynamic region of development by some powerful countries in the world such as the United States (US), India, China, and Russia. Thus, the issue of ensuring maritime security to develop sea trade plays a central role in the strategies of these countries. From India’s perspective, maritime security in the Indian Ocean – Pacific Ocean is a deciding factor in the development, affirming its position and creating a balance of power in the country in comparison with other countries in the region. Nevertheless, the developed sea trade of India has faced challenges from various countries including the US, and China. Therefore, India has promoted a cooperative relationship with Vietnam to guarantee maritime security for Indian traders in the region. This paper aims to provide general information about maritime security as well as to determine and estimate India’s maritime security strategies. Additionally, it will present the role of Vietnam in India’s maritime security policies. The findings show that both nations, India and Vietnam have adequate backup strategies, which is the foundation for developing sea trade sustainability. Furthermore, India and Vietnam will play an increasingly strong role in the Asia-Pacific in the future.
{"title":"MARITIME SECURITY POLICY OF INDIA IN EARLY 21ST CENTURY: VIETNAM’S PERCEPTION OF ITS IMPLICATION ON THE ASIA-PACIFIC REGION","authors":"Vo Van That, Le Tung Lam, Ta Quang Trung","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.2.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.2.3","url":null,"abstract":"Since the early 21st century, the Asia-Pacific has become a dynamic region of development by some powerful countries in the world such as the United States (US), India, China, and Russia. Thus, the issue of ensuring maritime security to develop sea trade plays a central role in the strategies of these countries. From India’s perspective, maritime security in the Indian Ocean – Pacific Ocean is a deciding factor in the development, affirming its position and creating a balance of power in the country in comparison with other countries in the region. Nevertheless, the developed sea trade of India has faced challenges from various countries including the US, and China. Therefore, India has promoted a cooperative relationship with Vietnam to guarantee maritime security for Indian traders in the region. This paper aims to provide general information about maritime security as well as to determine and estimate India’s maritime security strategies. Additionally, it will present the role of Vietnam in India’s maritime security policies. The findings show that both nations, India and Vietnam have adequate backup strategies, which is the foundation for developing sea trade sustainability. Furthermore, India and Vietnam will play an increasingly strong role in the Asia-Pacific in the future. ","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81957603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sigit Sigit, Nadya Carollina, Jefferson Winata Bachtiar
This paper aims to analyze the China and Japan rivalry on economic assistance policy in Africa using a qualitative method and nationalinterest as the conceptual framework. The land of Africa has abundant reserves of natural resources, such as dense forestry andmineral resources which naturally will attract foreign investors. The first foreign investors in Africa were westerners. Within the grip oftheir iron fists, Africa experienced a bitter history of slavery and colonialization. This rooted problem remains unresolved and causesa significant political atrophy until this day, and has resulted in the incapability of the Africa nations to resolve their own respectiveproblems. Given such a state of affairs, these former colonies in Africa have always been longing for foreign assistance, especiallyafter the post-Cold War Era. Thus, the abandonment of former colonies gave the opportunity for the Eastern powers, such Chinaand Japan to establish a foothold in Africa, namely Japan with its Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD)and China its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Through the TICAD, Japan emphasizes the importance of “Africa’s Ownership” in all itsinfrastructure development cooperation initiatives. On the other hand, Chinese assistance can be characterised as indiscriminate, reciprocal, and non-interference in internal affairs. This paper suggests that both China and Japan have their own respective agenda on how to conduct diplomacy in Africa. They even share the same goals vis-a-vis Africa, which are economic and political domination and a keen interest in exploiting the available natural energy resources.
{"title":"ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE POLICY IN AFRICA: THE RIVALRY BETWEEN CHINA AND JAPAN","authors":"Sigit Sigit, Nadya Carollina, Jefferson Winata Bachtiar","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.2.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.2.7","url":null,"abstract":"This paper aims to analyze the China and Japan rivalry on economic assistance policy in Africa using a qualitative method and nationalinterest as the conceptual framework. The land of Africa has abundant reserves of natural resources, such as dense forestry andmineral resources which naturally will attract foreign investors. The first foreign investors in Africa were westerners. Within the grip oftheir iron fists, Africa experienced a bitter history of slavery and colonialization. This rooted problem remains unresolved and causesa significant political atrophy until this day, and has resulted in the incapability of the Africa nations to resolve their own respectiveproblems. Given such a state of affairs, these former colonies in Africa have always been longing for foreign assistance, especiallyafter the post-Cold War Era. Thus, the abandonment of former colonies gave the opportunity for the Eastern powers, such Chinaand Japan to establish a foothold in Africa, namely Japan with its Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD)and China its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Through the TICAD, Japan emphasizes the importance of “Africa’s Ownership” in all itsinfrastructure development cooperation initiatives. On the other hand, Chinese assistance can be characterised as indiscriminate, reciprocal, and non-interference in internal affairs. This paper suggests that both China and Japan have their own respective agenda on how to conduct diplomacy in Africa. They even share the same goals vis-a-vis Africa, which are economic and political domination and a keen interest in exploiting the available natural energy resources. ","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"87 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"73207550","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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