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The Meanings of Internationalism: A Collective Discussion on Pan-African, Early Soviet, Islamic Socialist and Kurdish Internationalisms Across the 20th Century 国际主义的意义——20世纪泛非、前苏联、伊斯兰社会主义和库尔德国际主义的集体讨论
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-20 DOI: 10.1177/03058298231175700
Dilar Dirik, M. Younis, M. Chehonadskih, Layli Uddin, Miri Davidson
‘Few political notions are at once so normative and so equivocal as internationalism’, wrote Perry Anderson 20 years ago. Little has changed: today too, internationalism tends to take the form of a regular exhortation to think or act beyond the border or boundary, yet its political content remains underdetermined. What do we mean when we talk about internationalism? The following discussion sought to approach this question not by returning to first principles – to a definition of internationalism that could stand outside of a given historical context – but by reconstructing different concepts of internationalism developed by a series of lesser studied political movements spanning the 20th century. Musab Younis discusses anticolonial and pan-African internationalisms of the 1920s–40s; Maria Chehonadskih interrogates the interwar Soviet internationalism of Alexander Boganov; Layli Uddin excavates the Islamic socialist activities of Maulana Bhashani; and Dilar Dirik focuses on the meanings of internationalism in the history of the Kurdistan Freedom Movement. These movements bore witness to a fundamental set of shifts in the nature of the international system as empires collapsed and new nation-states were born, while global structures of exploitation and extraction recomposed themselves in the Cold War and post-Cold War landscape. In this context, all conceived of internationalism as a fundamentally revolutionary project.
佩里·安德森20年前写道:“很少有政治概念像国际主义那样既规范又模棱两可。”几乎没有什么改变:今天,国际主义也倾向于采取一种常规的劝诫形式,要求人们超越国界或边界思考或行动,但其政治内容仍未确定。当我们谈论国际主义时,我们指的是什么?下面的讨论试图解决这个问题,不是通过回到最初的原则——一个可以站在给定的历史背景之外的国际主义的定义——而是通过重建由20世纪一系列较少研究的政治运动发展起来的国际主义的不同概念。Musab Younis讨论了20世纪20 - 40年代的反殖民主义和泛非国际主义;Maria Chehonadskih质问Alexander Boganov在两次世界大战之间的苏联国际主义;Layli Uddin发掘巴沙尼毛拉的伊斯兰社会主义活动迪拉尔·迪里克(Dilar Dirik)专注于库尔德斯坦自由运动历史上国际主义的意义。随着帝国的崩溃和新的民族国家的诞生,这些运动见证了国际体系性质的一系列根本性转变,而全球剥削和榨夺结构在冷战和冷战后的格局中重新组合。在这种背景下,所有人都认为国际主义是一项根本性的革命事业。
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引用次数: 0
Elimination Games: The Global Rise of Military Reality TV and the Shaping of the Citizen Subject 消除游戏:军事真人秀电视的全球崛起与公民主体的塑造
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-20 DOI: 10.1177/03058298231175980
S. Kaempf, R. Stahl
The past decade has seen the global growth of military-style reality television programming. These programmes, produced by militaries themselves or through collaboration with the entertainment sector, have proven to be an effective and increasingly powerful public relations conduit. Our article offers a theoretical treatment of reality television, both the aesthetic modes by which it invites the viewing subject as well as the political economy of its use in public relations. These dimensions are explored through two case studies. First, we focus on the genesis of military-style reality TV in the United States, where, after 9/11, the US military seized on the genre to pioneer and field-test various themes in response to public exigency as the occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq drew on. Second, we analyse the German military as both a latecomer and innovator to these new public relations endeavours. By reading the generic and aesthetic strategies in both cases, we argue that the genre’s public relations function goes beyond the immediate task of recruitment to cultivate civic participation in militaristic fantasies through a mediasphere rife with invitations to ‘go soldier’. Military reality TV, we argue, represents the militarization of civic identity and the gradual displacement of values from deliberative to authoritarian, cosmopolitan to nationalistic and diplomatic to combative.
在过去的十年里,军事风格的电视真人秀节目在全球范围内增长。这些由军队自己制作或与娱乐部门合作制作的节目已被证明是一种有效且日益强大的公共关系渠道。我们的文章对真人秀电视进行了理论处理,包括它吸引观看主体的审美模式以及它在公共关系中使用的政治经济学。这些维度通过两个案例研究来探讨。首先,我们关注美国军事风格真人秀电视的起源,在9/11之后,美国军方抓住了这一类型,开拓和实地测试了各种主题,以应对阿富汗和伊拉克的占领所带来的公共紧急情况。其次,我们分析了德国军方作为这些新的公共关系努力的后来者和创新者。通过阅读这两种情况下的通用策略和美学策略,我们认为,这种类型的公共关系功能超越了招募的直接任务,即通过充斥着“参军”邀请的媒体领域培养公民参与军国主义幻想。我们认为,军事真人秀电视代表了公民身份的军事化,以及价值观从深思熟虑到威权主义、从世界主义到民族主义、从外交到战斗的逐渐转变。
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引用次数: 0
Technification and Securitisation: The Mechanism of ‘Rendering Technical’ in Polish Nuclear Energy Politics 技术化与证券化:波兰核能政治中的“技术渲染”机制
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1177/03058298231175522
Trine Villumsen Berling, Izabela Surwillo
Technology is changing how we live our lives – of this there is no doubt. But how technology affects political deliberation, through which pathways, and how such processes compare to other forms of social mechanisms at play are less clear. Critical security studies have yet to reflect much on this. While the Copenhagen School outlined the workings of the securitisation mechanism and inspired further research into its dynamic together with analytical enquiries into other grammars, logics and security mechanisms operating in different sectors, the role of ‘the technical’ in the broader political processes remains under-researched. The article conceptualises the social mechanism of technification, outlines three possible forms to be found in practice and illustrates them using the example of the development of the nuclear energy program in Poland.
技术正在改变我们的生活方式——这是毫无疑问的。但技术如何影响政治审议,通过哪些途径,以及与其他形式的社会机制相比,这些过程如何发挥作用,尚不清楚。关键的安全研究尚未对此进行过多的反思。尽管哥本哈根学派概述了证券化机制的运作,并激发了对其动态的进一步研究,以及对不同部门中运行的其他语法、逻辑和安全机制的分析性调查,但“技术”在更广泛的政治过程中的作用仍有待研究。本文对技术化的社会机制进行了概念化,概述了在实践中可能发现的三种形式,并以波兰核能项目的发展为例进行了说明。
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引用次数: 0
Decentring the Western Gaze in International Relations: Addressing Epistemic Exclusions in Syllabi in the United States and Canada 国际关系中的西方凝视:解决美国和加拿大教学大纲中的认识论排斥
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1177/03058298231171615
Maïka Sondarjee
Over the past few decades, International Relations (IR) scholars started to acknowledge the field’s racist and colonial legacy. However, only a few studies examined ethnocentricity in the Western IR classroom, and whereas most studied textbooks and graduate training, they seldom looked at undergraduate courses. This article demonstrates that the discipline is taught to IR scholars-to-be by centring Western experience, epistemes, history and agency. After defining the Western gaze of IR, I explore ways to decentre syllabi in the presentation of (1) world history, in (2) reading lists and in (3) the minds of Western IR instructors. This article is based on a qualitative analysis of 50 ‘Introduction to IR’ undergraduate syllabi in the United States and Canada.
在过去的几十年里,国际关系(IR)学者开始承认该领域的种族主义和殖民主义遗产。然而,只有少数研究考察了西方IR课堂中的种族中心性,尽管大多数研究的是教科书和研究生培训,但他们很少关注本科生课程。这篇文章表明,该学科是通过集中西方经验、认识论、历史和能动性来教授给IR学者的。在定义了西方对IR的凝视之后,我探索了在(1)世界历史、(2)阅读清单和(3)西方IR讲师的头脑中如何分散教学大纲。本文对美国和加拿大的50个“IR导论”本科教学大纲进行了定性分析。
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引用次数: 1
The Worldmaking of Mobile Vernacular Capitalists: Tracing Entanglements Between Race, Caste and Capital 流动的本土资本家的世界观:追踪种族、种姓和资本之间的纠缠
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1177/03058298231174250
S. Dilawri
This article traces the colonially inscribed spread of global capitalism through the lives and legacies of mobile vernacular capitalists in the Indian Ocean during the early-to-mid 20th century, centring the merchant-turned-industrialist-and-philanthropist Nanji Kalidas Mehta. Turning to a figure that shaped and challenged the infrastructures and outcomes of empire, but advanced forms of hierarchical differentiation – between capital and labour, and across race and caste – this article makes two interventions. First, it complicates literature on worldmaking by highlighting a figure in a register distinctive from the ‘progressive’ internationalisms associated with Bandung. Second, it reveals entanglements between race, caste and capital, illuminating how local hierarchies have been incorporated into differentiating logics of colonial capitalism. Considering sites, subjects and categories beyond an Atlantic frame lends to more capacious understandings of racial capitalism while challenging readings of caste as a subcontinent-bounded, feudal residue. This ultimately presents a more complex picture of global hierarchies shaping the (post)colonial present.
本文通过20世纪早期到中期在印度洋流动的本土资本家的生活和遗产,以商人转型为实业家和慈善家的Nanji Kalidas Mehta为中心,追溯了全球资本主义在殖民地的传播。转向一个塑造并挑战了帝国的基础设施和结果,但却形成了高级形式的等级分化——资本和劳动力之间、种族和种姓之间——的人物,本文做了两个干预。首先,它通过突出一个与万隆会议相关的“进步”国际主义不同的人物,使有关世界形成的文献复杂化。其次,它揭示了种族、种姓和资本之间的纠缠,阐明了地方等级制度是如何被纳入殖民资本主义的差异化逻辑的。在大西洋框架之外考虑地点、主题和类别,有助于对种族资本主义有更广阔的理解,同时挑战种姓作为次大陆边界的封建残余的解读。这最终呈现出一幅更复杂的全球等级制度塑造(后)殖民时代的图景。
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引用次数: 1
Republicanism and Imperialism at the Frontier: A Post-Black Lives Matter Archeology of International Relations 边境的共和主义和帝国主义:后黑人的生命也是国际关系的考古学
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1177/03058298231170026
Robbie Shilliam
In the summer of 2020, International Relations (IR) scholars rushed to respond to the national and global irruptions of support for Black Lives Matter. But the relationship of ‘domestic’ racism in the United States to foreign policy and IR is long standing in the field, and non-marginal at that: in 1960, Hans Morgenthau provided a clear analysis of such connections in light of Brown vs. Board of Education. The ‘post’ in postcolonial acts as an intellectual provocation: in the aftermath of an event, how might we rethink received traditions of inquiry that prove ill equipped to explain and evaluate the event itself? The explanatory value of the ‘post’ lies in both exposing the disciplinary conventions of absence and retrieving obfuscated presences that provide alternative modes of inquiry. Picking up on Morgenthau’s lost intervention, I provide a contribution to what might be called post-Black Lives Matter (BLM) IR. I weave an intellectual archeology of the long-standing intimacy of republicanism and imperialism via the racialized concept of the ‘frontier’. I bring together the arguments and narratives of four authors who are progenitors of and/or mainstream scholars in the field: William Francis Allen, Frederick Jackson Turner, Morgenthau, and Merze Tate. I claim that this archeology of the ‘frontier’ might help us to grapple responsibly and incisively with IR post-BLM.
2020年夏天,国际关系(IR)学者们争相回应国家和全球对“黑人的命也是命”的支持。但是,美国“国内”种族主义与外交政策和IR的关系在该领域长期存在,而且是非边缘的:1960年,汉斯·莫根索根据布朗诉教育委员会一案对这种关系进行了明确的分析。后殖民时代的“后”是一种智力挑衅:在一个事件发生后,我们如何重新思考公认的调查传统,这些传统被证明没有能力解释和评估事件本身?“帖子”的解释价值在于揭示缺席的纪律惯例,并检索提供替代调查模式的模糊存在。根据摩根索失败的干预,我为所谓的后黑人生命攸关(BLM)IR做出了贡献。我通过“边界”的种族化概念,编织了共和主义和帝国主义长期亲密关系的知识考古学。我汇集了四位作者的论点和叙述,他们是该领域主流学者的先驱:威廉·弗朗西斯·艾伦、弗雷德里克·杰克逊·特纳、摩根索和默泽·泰特。我声称,这种“前沿”考古可能有助于我们负责任地、深入地应对后土地管理时代的IR。
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引用次数: 0
A Struggle for Hegemonic Feminisation in Six Feminist Foreign Policies Or, How Social Hierarchies Work in World Politics 六项女权主义外交政策中争取霸权女性化的斗争,或社会等级制度如何在世界政治中发挥作用
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1177/03058298231182186
E. Zhukova
This article looks at how six states that adopted feminist foreign policies (FFPs) – Sweden, Canada, France, Luxembourg, Mexico and Spain – relate to each other, using an analysis of semi-structured interviews conducted with diplomats and public officials from the six states. It connects the literature on social hierarchies in world politics with scholarship on identities in foreign policy and on masculinities in global politics, concluding that FFPs do not create solidarity but instead lead adopting states to engage in competition with each other. The article develops a concept of hegemonic feminisation to argue that competition between FFP states becomes possible because these states symbolically rank and evaluate each other based on their perceived performance on gender equality. More specifically, it is demonstrated that ranking and evaluation takes place through references to each state’s progress on gender equality before and after the adoption of FFP and to geographies of progress at home and abroad. The article argues that while this stratification of states leads to the emergence of multiple versions of hegemonic feminisation, these versions reproduce the civilisational distinctions between the Global North and the Global South. It concludes with the implications of hegemonic feminisation for the possibility of states becoming feminist.
本文通过对瑞典、加拿大、法国、卢森堡、墨西哥和西班牙这六个国家的外交官和政府官员进行的半结构化访谈分析,研究了六个采取女权主义外交政策的国家(ffp)之间的相互关系。它将关于世界政治中的社会等级的文献与外交政策中的身份认同和全球政治中的男性气质的学术研究联系起来,得出结论:ffp不会创造团结,反而会导致接纳国相互竞争。本文提出了霸权女性化的概念,认为FFP国家之间的竞争成为可能,因为这些国家象征性地根据他们在性别平等方面的表现对彼此进行排名和评估。更具体地说,它证明了排名和评估是通过参考每个国家在采用FFP之前和之后在性别平等方面的进展以及国内外进展的地理位置来进行的。本文认为,虽然这种国家分层导致了霸权女性化的多种版本的出现,但这些版本再现了全球北方和全球南方之间的文明差异。它总结了霸权女性化对国家成为女性主义可能性的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Street Renaming as a Means of Symbolic Insult and a Diplomatic Slap in International Relations 在国际关系中,街道更名是一种象征侮辱和外交打击
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1177/03058298231171612
Enav Birnbaum
This article finds that states can use street renaming as an act of retaliation against other international actors (states and international organizations). Specifically, it shows how states can employ street renaming to symbolically insult and thus diminish their opponent’s sense of self. After situating the practice of retaliatory street renaming within the study of emotions in international relations (IR), and symbolic insults in diplomacy, in particular, the article surveys a multitude of cases in which states used street renaming to humiliate and defy other international actors. To further substantiate this thesis, the article then delves into one illustrative case: Israel’s 1975 decision to rename all streets carrying the name of the United Nations ‘Zionism Street’ in response to UN General Assembly Resolution 3379, which determined that ‘Zionism is a form of racism and racial discrimination’. The article concludes by calling for more scholarly attention to street renaming and other symbolic acts in IR.
本文发现,国家可以利用街道更名作为对其他国际行为者(国家和国际组织)的报复行为。具体来说,它展示了各州如何利用街道更名来象征性地侮辱对手,从而削弱对手的自我意识。在将报复性街道更名的做法置于国际关系中的情感研究,特别是外交中的象征性侮辱之后,本文调查了许多国家利用街道更名来羞辱和蔑视其他国际行为者的案例。为了进一步证实这一论点,文章深入探讨了一个例证:以色列1975年决定将所有以联合国命名的街道更名为“犹太复国主义街”,以回应联合国大会第3379号决议,该决议认定“犹太复国主义是一种种族主义和种族歧视”。文章最后呼吁学术界更多地关注IR中的街道更名和其他象征性行为。
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引用次数: 0
Hungarian business students' knowledge of the current Hungarian gas market and gas consumption practices during the energy crisis 匈牙利商科学生对当前匈牙利天然气市场的了解和能源危机期间的天然气消费实践
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.14254/2071-8330.2023/16-2/12
Tímea Juhász, Tímea Kozma, Gabriella Horváth-Csikós
The pandemic and the war have had a negative economic impact on the world economy. The current structure of the energy market poses a major challenge to national governments, businesses, and households alike, and new strategies need to be developed to focus on energy efficiency. Hungary has also been strongly affected by this situation, which has had an impact on all areas of residential consumption. The present study, based on a primary questionnaire survey carried out in October-November 2022 with 273 evaluable responses, aims to explore the opinions and perceptions of students at a business university in Hungary regarding the energy crisis. The goal is to establish their knowledge about the gas situation and how it is reflected in their consumption practices and savings. The results of a survey of students at the Budapest University of Economics and Business show that young people studying economics are not really aware of the gas market situation in Hungary, but their gas saving habits are characterized by awareness and not primarily motivated by their financial situation.
大流行病和战争对世界经济产生了消极的经济影响。目前的能源市场结构对各国政府、企业和家庭都构成了重大挑战,需要制定新的战略,重点关注能源效率。匈牙利也受到这种情况的强烈影响,这对住宅消费的所有领域都产生了影响。本研究基于2022年10月至11月进行的一项初步问卷调查,共有273份可评估的回答,旨在探讨匈牙利一所商学院学生对能源危机的看法和看法。目标是建立他们对天然气情况的了解,以及它如何反映在他们的消费实践和储蓄中。一项针对布达佩斯经济与商业大学学生的调查结果显示,学习经济学的年轻人并没有真正意识到匈牙利的天然气市场状况,但他们的节能习惯主要是意识到这一点,而不是主要受经济状况的驱动。
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引用次数: 0
The impact of military expenditure on external debt in Armenia 军事开支对亚美尼亚外债的影响
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-06-01 DOI: 10.14254/2071-8330.2023/16-2/9
G. Harutyunyan
The paper explores the impact of military expenditure on external debt in Armenia using time series for 1994-2020. The purpose of this study was to verify the initial hypothesis that the main factor in the rise of Armenia’s external debt is the increase in military spending directed at paying for the import of military products. The study was conducted using Johansen’s cointegration and Granger’s causality tests. The results of Johansen’s cointegration test showed that there are long-term interdependencies between military expenditure and external debt, as well as between trade balance and external debt; meanwhile the long-term interdependence between non-military expenditures and external debt was not found. The results of Granger’s causality test showed that the military expenditure caused an increase in external debt with a two-year time lag, and a similar causal relationship was also found between the current account balance and external debt. But more remarkable is the fact that the current account balance also caused a change in military expenditure, while the reverse causality has not been established.
本文利用1994-2020年的时间序列探讨了军事开支对亚美尼亚外债的影响。这项研究的目的是验证最初的假设,即亚美尼亚外债增加的主要因素是用于支付进口军事产品的军事开支的增加。本研究采用约翰森协整检验和格兰杰因果检验。johnson协整检验结果表明,军费与外债、贸易收支与外债之间存在长期的相互依赖关系;同时,没有发现非军事开支和外债之间的长期相互依存关系。格兰杰因果检验结果表明,军费开支导致外债增加具有两年的时滞,经常项目余额与外债之间也存在类似的因果关系。但更值得注意的是,经常账户余额也引起了军费开支的变化,而反向因果关系尚未确立。
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引用次数: 0
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Millennium - Journal of International Studies
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