Amer N., Bani Yousef, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Roshaiza Taha, Siti Nurain Muhmad, Ahmad Firdhauz Zainul Abidin
This study examines the relationship between operational risk and financial performance of banks in the Middle East and North Africa(MENA), utilising data from 135 banks spanning 14 countries from 2015 to 2019. The results show that operational risk negativelyaffects banks’ financial performance in the MENA region. This study recommends that banks tailor and constantly improve their riskmanagement process to put operational risk management and control processes in place. The findings entail the importance of developing relevant frameworks and policies for prompt action in reporting and recording operational loss. Thus, banks’ management should formulate and implement appropriate procedures to ensure that timely information is obtained, especially regarding profit and loss, which will ultimately help boost the banks’ financial performance in the MENA region. This study is unique as it contributes to the existing body of knowledge by investigating the role of operational risk in determining banks’ financial performance in the MENA region.
{"title":"OPERATIONAL RISK AND FINANCIAL PERFORMANCE OF BANKS IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA","authors":"Amer N., Bani Yousef, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Roshaiza Taha, Siti Nurain Muhmad, Ahmad Firdhauz Zainul Abidin","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.2.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.2.4","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines the relationship between operational risk and financial performance of banks in the Middle East and North Africa(MENA), utilising data from 135 banks spanning 14 countries from 2015 to 2019. The results show that operational risk negativelyaffects banks’ financial performance in the MENA region. This study recommends that banks tailor and constantly improve their riskmanagement process to put operational risk management and control processes in place. The findings entail the importance of developing relevant frameworks and policies for prompt action in reporting and recording operational loss. Thus, banks’ management should formulate and implement appropriate procedures to ensure that timely information is obtained, especially regarding profit and loss, which will ultimately help boost the banks’ financial performance in the MENA region. This study is unique as it contributes to the existing body of knowledge by investigating the role of operational risk in determining banks’ financial performance in the MENA region.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85606244","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Organized crime syndicates are fuelling the dangerous and profitable world of drug trafficking making Southeast Asia sufferedthe consequences for centuries. The spread of opium by Chinese immigrants in the 1700s led to a devastating increase in drug addiction and trafficking. Uncontrolled opium smuggling was rampant, forcing the British government to act and ban the drug in 1952. Since Malaysia’s formation in 1963, the government has fought back with legal and enforcement measures, but drug trafficking from Thailand’s Golden Triangle has remained a serious threat to national security. This research paper investigates the drug trafficking situation in Malaysia and exposes the sinister threat that illicit drug entry poses to the country’s safety. Drawing upon primary data from interviews with enforcement officers, drug research experts, and academics, this qualitative study demonstrates that despite efforts to stop drug smuggling from the Golden Triangle, these criminal activities persist and endanger Malaysia’s political security.
{"title":"DRUG TRAFFICKING FROM THAILAND’S GOLDEN TRIANGLE REGION AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON MALAYSIA’S POLITICAL SECURITY","authors":"Amer Fawwaz, Mohamad Yasid","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.2.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.2.1","url":null,"abstract":"Organized crime syndicates are fuelling the dangerous and profitable world of drug trafficking making Southeast Asia sufferedthe consequences for centuries. The spread of opium by Chinese immigrants in the 1700s led to a devastating increase in drug addiction and trafficking. Uncontrolled opium smuggling was rampant, forcing the British government to act and ban the drug in 1952. Since Malaysia’s formation in 1963, the government has fought back with legal and enforcement measures, but drug trafficking from Thailand’s Golden Triangle has remained a serious threat to national security. This research paper investigates the drug trafficking situation in Malaysia and exposes the sinister threat that illicit drug entry poses to the country’s safety. Drawing upon primary data from interviews with enforcement officers, drug research experts, and academics, this qualitative study demonstrates that despite efforts to stop drug smuggling from the Golden Triangle, these criminal activities persist and endanger Malaysia’s political security.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89573914","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Norasmahani Hussain, Mohamad Khairul Anuar Mohd Rosli
When NATO was created on 4 April 1949 by the United States, Britain, Canada, and several Western European countries with the aim tocontain the Soviet Union’s expansion of power, it was rather peculiar that Greece and Türkiye were excluded, while their Mediterranean neighbour, Italy, was included in this new military organisation. As Greece suffered from the communist insurgents in the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), and Türkiye was unceasingly under Soviet military and diplomatic threat over the provinces of Kars and Ardahan and the Turkish Straits settlements (1946–1953), both seemingly had valid reasons for being included in NATO. However, Britain, one of the renowned founding members of NATO, determinedly repudiated to invite Greece and Türkiye to join NATO. This paper analyses the reasons for Britain to deny these countries NATO membership. The existing literature on this exclusion subject argues that the geographical location and the forthcoming Mediterranean Pact were two apparent causes that influenced Britain to reject Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership. This paper however, investigates other rejection reasons that have yet to be studied by previous scholars. This paper offers an analysis of Britain’s objections to Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership during NATO’s creation years through the study of British primary historical records. The finding shows that Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin was eager to have NATO promptly formed, and he believed the proposal for Greece and Türkiye’s inclusion in NATO would hamper this aim, since these two countries were in a dispute over Cyprus. Bevin reckoned that the bitter relationship between Greece and Türkiye over Cyprus would alarm the delegations, hence prolonging the discussions that would lead to further postponement of NATO’s ratification. Thus, Bevin’s démarche was not to propose the inclusion of Greece and Türkiye in NATO at the time.
{"title":"BRITISH FOREIGN SECRETARY’S ROLE AND INFLUENCE IN THE EXCLUSION OF GREECE AND TÜRKIYE FROM NATO, 1948–1949","authors":"Norasmahani Hussain, Mohamad Khairul Anuar Mohd Rosli","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.2.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.2.6","url":null,"abstract":"When NATO was created on 4 April 1949 by the United States, Britain, Canada, and several Western European countries with the aim tocontain the Soviet Union’s expansion of power, it was rather peculiar that Greece and Türkiye were excluded, while their Mediterranean neighbour, Italy, was included in this new military organisation. As Greece suffered from the communist insurgents in the Greek Civil War (1946–1949), and Türkiye was unceasingly under Soviet military and diplomatic threat over the provinces of Kars and Ardahan and the Turkish Straits settlements (1946–1953), both seemingly had valid reasons for being included in NATO. However, Britain, one of the renowned founding members of NATO, determinedly repudiated to invite Greece and Türkiye to join NATO. This paper analyses the reasons for Britain to deny these countries NATO membership. The existing literature on this exclusion subject argues that the geographical location and the forthcoming Mediterranean Pact were two apparent causes that influenced Britain to reject Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership. This paper however, investigates other rejection reasons that have yet to be studied by previous scholars. This paper offers an analysis of Britain’s objections to Greece and Türkiye’s NATO membership during NATO’s creation years through the study of British primary historical records. The finding shows that Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin was eager to have NATO promptly formed, and he believed the proposal for Greece and Türkiye’s inclusion in NATO would hamper this aim, since these two countries were in a dispute over Cyprus. Bevin reckoned that the bitter relationship between Greece and Türkiye over Cyprus would alarm the delegations, hence prolonging the discussions that would lead to further postponement of NATO’s ratification. Thus, Bevin’s démarche was not to propose the inclusion of Greece and Türkiye in NATO at the time. ","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80352476","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
DR. Mohd Firdaus Abdullah, ARBA’IYAH MOHD NOOR, Azlizan Mat Enh
This study focused on water management and control in Malaya, particularly the establishment of a ‘colonial hydrology’ in Perlisfrom 1909 to 1950. The study analysed water policies, management techniques, and the social and economic aspects of the localpopulation and the global market, using archival data. This study has also highlighted the intersection between natural resources, political power, and global economic trends from an international studies perspective. The control over water resources allowed the British colonial government to strengthen its position in the global market, but this resulted in adverse effects on the environment and social justice, especially for the local population. The study has argued that sustainable and equitable approaches to resource management are needed to promote sustainable development and combat global environmental challenges. The findings of this research can inform policymakers about the importance of incorporating environmental and social justice considerations in policymaking, especially with regard to natural resource management. Overall, this study adds valuable insights to the field of international studies by highlighting how the exploitation of natural resources can have far-reaching effects, both locally and globally, thereby emphasising the need for interdisciplinary and inclusive approaches to addressing resource management issues.
{"title":"HYDROLOGICAL LEGACIES OF COLONIALISM: EXAMINING WATER SYSTEMS IN PERLIS, MALAYA (1909–1950)","authors":"DR. Mohd Firdaus Abdullah, ARBA’IYAH MOHD NOOR, Azlizan Mat Enh","doi":"10.32890/jis2023.19.2.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32890/jis2023.19.2.8","url":null,"abstract":"This study focused on water management and control in Malaya, particularly the establishment of a ‘colonial hydrology’ in Perlisfrom 1909 to 1950. The study analysed water policies, management techniques, and the social and economic aspects of the localpopulation and the global market, using archival data. This study has also highlighted the intersection between natural resources, political power, and global economic trends from an international studies perspective. The control over water resources allowed the British colonial government to strengthen its position in the global market, but this resulted in adverse effects on the environment and social justice, especially for the local population. The study has argued that sustainable and equitable approaches to resource management are needed to promote sustainable development and combat global environmental challenges. The findings of this research can inform policymakers about the importance of incorporating environmental and social justice considerations in policymaking, especially with regard to natural resource management. Overall, this study adds valuable insights to the field of international studies by highlighting how the exploitation of natural resources can have far-reaching effects, both locally and globally, thereby emphasising the need for interdisciplinary and inclusive approaches to addressing resource management issues. ","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"95 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76207394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-14DOI: 10.1177/03058298231177363
Kye J. Allen
Notwithstanding recent efforts, historians of international thought have yet to adequately address the highly heterogeneous and often paradoxical ideas espoused by international thinkers of a fascist persuasion. Instead, fascist international thought has commonly been ignored or otherwise reduced to an antiquated Darwinian realism. This article aims to present a case for how and why this fragmentary situation should be corrected. Specifically, it advocates for a closer interdisciplinary engagement between the history of international thought and the field of fascist studies. It thus implores the former to consider salient thematic and methodological developments within the latter and adapt them accordingly. The consequent research agenda that emerges feasibly offers novel insight into (I) unexplored avenues in the history of international thought and the disciplinary history of International Relations, alongside presenting both (II) theoretical and (III) normative implications for the discipline as such.
{"title":"Why is There No History of Fascist International Thought?","authors":"Kye J. Allen","doi":"10.1177/03058298231177363","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231177363","url":null,"abstract":"Notwithstanding recent efforts, historians of international thought have yet to adequately address the highly heterogeneous and often paradoxical ideas espoused by international thinkers of a fascist persuasion. Instead, fascist international thought has commonly been ignored or otherwise reduced to an antiquated Darwinian realism. This article aims to present a case for how and why this fragmentary situation should be corrected. Specifically, it advocates for a closer interdisciplinary engagement between the history of international thought and the field of fascist studies. It thus implores the former to consider salient thematic and methodological developments within the latter and adapt them accordingly. The consequent research agenda that emerges feasibly offers novel insight into (I) unexplored avenues in the history of international thought and the disciplinary history of International Relations, alongside presenting both (II) theoretical and (III) normative implications for the discipline as such.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43527588","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.1177/03058298231185953
J. Clark
New materialism encompasses a heterogeneous range of perspectives – which share some common themes with Indigenous beliefs and cosmologies – that collectively recognise the vibrancy and affective capabilities of matter. This novel interdisciplinary article makes an important conceptual and empirical contribution to addressing the fact that, to date, scholarship on conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) has largely overlooked new materialism. The article is not seeking to convince readers that a new materialist framework is superior to other frameworks applied to CRSV research. The objective, rather, is to demonstrate that new materialism can further enrich how we approach and study CRSV. It explores how new materialism challenges us to think in expanded and more creative ways about two concepts that are widely emphasised in extant scholarship on CRSV – structure and agency. It also draws on interviews with victims-/survivors of CRSV in Bosnia-Herzegovina to practically illustrate the relevance of new materialism and to suggest some potential avenues for future research. The article makes clear that adding a new materialist lens to the study of CRSV is not about diminishing the importance of victims-/survivors, their experiences and narratives. It is about situating them within wider relational and affective assemblages, asking new questions and acknowledging the significance of non-human agencies. Pourquoi la matière importe : Les violences sexuelles liées aux conflits et la pertinence du néo-matérialisme
{"title":"Why Matter Matters: Conflict-Related Sexual Violence and the Relevance of New Materialism","authors":"J. Clark","doi":"10.1177/03058298231185953","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231185953","url":null,"abstract":"New materialism encompasses a heterogeneous range of perspectives – which share some common themes with Indigenous beliefs and cosmologies – that collectively recognise the vibrancy and affective capabilities of matter. This novel interdisciplinary article makes an important conceptual and empirical contribution to addressing the fact that, to date, scholarship on conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) has largely overlooked new materialism. The article is not seeking to convince readers that a new materialist framework is superior to other frameworks applied to CRSV research. The objective, rather, is to demonstrate that new materialism can further enrich how we approach and study CRSV. It explores how new materialism challenges us to think in expanded and more creative ways about two concepts that are widely emphasised in extant scholarship on CRSV – structure and agency. It also draws on interviews with victims-/survivors of CRSV in Bosnia-Herzegovina to practically illustrate the relevance of new materialism and to suggest some potential avenues for future research. The article makes clear that adding a new materialist lens to the study of CRSV is not about diminishing the importance of victims-/survivors, their experiences and narratives. It is about situating them within wider relational and affective assemblages, asking new questions and acknowledging the significance of non-human agencies. Pourquoi la matière importe : Les violences sexuelles liées aux conflits et la pertinence du néo-matérialisme","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45193832","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-03DOI: 10.1177/03058298231185974
A. Balcı, Tuncay Kardaş
This article posits that the Ottoman international system was built on three pillars: power projection, interconnectedness, and autonomy of frontier polities. While its military power projection dwarfed its great power rivals, cultural and organizational capacities of the Ottoman Empire extended its influence to areas out of its military reach. Occupying a central position in trade, pilgrimage, and diplomacy during the early modern period, the Ottoman Empire fostered connections throughout the wider Afro-Eurasian world. The flexible and almost independent status of the peripheral polities not only increased the survival capacity of the empire but also played a central role in the functioning of the Ottoman international system. Rather than presenting either a material or ideational perspective, the present study adopts a via-media approach, integrating both perspectives to elucidate the Ottoman international system, which persisted for nearly three centuries from the early 16th century to the late 18th century. Analyzing such a broad historical phenomenon, this article aims to enrich and contribute to the increasingly popularized historical and non-Western IR subfields. Additionally, it holds potential to deepen our comprehension of heterogeneous international systems and their modus operandi. Le système international ottoman : Projection de puissance, interconnexion et autonomie des territoires frontaliers
{"title":"The Ottoman International System: Power Projection, Interconnectedness, and the Autonomy of Frontier Polities","authors":"A. Balcı, Tuncay Kardaş","doi":"10.1177/03058298231185974","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231185974","url":null,"abstract":"This article posits that the Ottoman international system was built on three pillars: power projection, interconnectedness, and autonomy of frontier polities. While its military power projection dwarfed its great power rivals, cultural and organizational capacities of the Ottoman Empire extended its influence to areas out of its military reach. Occupying a central position in trade, pilgrimage, and diplomacy during the early modern period, the Ottoman Empire fostered connections throughout the wider Afro-Eurasian world. The flexible and almost independent status of the peripheral polities not only increased the survival capacity of the empire but also played a central role in the functioning of the Ottoman international system. Rather than presenting either a material or ideational perspective, the present study adopts a via-media approach, integrating both perspectives to elucidate the Ottoman international system, which persisted for nearly three centuries from the early 16th century to the late 18th century. Analyzing such a broad historical phenomenon, this article aims to enrich and contribute to the increasingly popularized historical and non-Western IR subfields. Additionally, it holds potential to deepen our comprehension of heterogeneous international systems and their modus operandi. Le système international ottoman : Projection de puissance, interconnexion et autonomie des territoires frontaliers","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48662547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-01DOI: 10.1177/03058298231175523
Nikolas Kosmatopoulos
This article draws on fieldwork, interviews, and archival research on the maritime campaign of the International Palestine Solidarity Movement to challenge the embargo on Gaza. I make three main arguments: first, in addressing the Mediterranean Sea as a platform for international solidarity, the Ships to Gaza inadvertently contrived a novel and largely understudied instance of popular politics at sea, which I coin ‘popular thalassopolitics’. I theorize this emergence in its own right and not solely within state-centric analyses or as a mere expansion of the terrestrial plane. This article urges us to read the sea through the lens of internationalist solidarity and the popular politics it invokes. Second, the popular thalassopolitics of the Ships charts and navigates an ‘insurgent terrain’, creatively assembling the well-established activist practice of solidarity vis-à-vis a decades-long indigenous struggle in Palestine with an emerging perception of the sea as a common and shared but dissimilar space for action. Thirdly, I argue that this history of the popular thalassopolitics of the Ships allows us to reread the scholarship on refugee rescue boats and civil activism at sea. This reading inadvertently challenges a Eurocentric bias in the emerging politicization of the sea as a humanitarianism space in which western saviors come to the aid of agentless refugees.
{"title":"A People’s Sea: Palestine and Popular Thalassopolitics in the Mediterranean Sea","authors":"Nikolas Kosmatopoulos","doi":"10.1177/03058298231175523","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231175523","url":null,"abstract":"This article draws on fieldwork, interviews, and archival research on the maritime campaign of the International Palestine Solidarity Movement to challenge the embargo on Gaza. I make three main arguments: first, in addressing the Mediterranean Sea as a platform for international solidarity, the Ships to Gaza inadvertently contrived a novel and largely understudied instance of popular politics at sea, which I coin ‘popular thalassopolitics’. I theorize this emergence in its own right and not solely within state-centric analyses or as a mere expansion of the terrestrial plane. This article urges us to read the sea through the lens of internationalist solidarity and the popular politics it invokes. Second, the popular thalassopolitics of the Ships charts and navigates an ‘insurgent terrain’, creatively assembling the well-established activist practice of solidarity vis-à-vis a decades-long indigenous struggle in Palestine with an emerging perception of the sea as a common and shared but dissimilar space for action. Thirdly, I argue that this history of the popular thalassopolitics of the Ships allows us to reread the scholarship on refugee rescue boats and civil activism at sea. This reading inadvertently challenges a Eurocentric bias in the emerging politicization of the sea as a humanitarianism space in which western saviors come to the aid of agentless refugees.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41613938","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-20DOI: 10.1177/03058298231175700
Dilar Dirik, M. Younis, M. Chehonadskih, Layli Uddin, Miri Davidson
‘Few political notions are at once so normative and so equivocal as internationalism’, wrote Perry Anderson 20 years ago. Little has changed: today too, internationalism tends to take the form of a regular exhortation to think or act beyond the border or boundary, yet its political content remains underdetermined. What do we mean when we talk about internationalism? The following discussion sought to approach this question not by returning to first principles – to a definition of internationalism that could stand outside of a given historical context – but by reconstructing different concepts of internationalism developed by a series of lesser studied political movements spanning the 20th century. Musab Younis discusses anticolonial and pan-African internationalisms of the 1920s–40s; Maria Chehonadskih interrogates the interwar Soviet internationalism of Alexander Boganov; Layli Uddin excavates the Islamic socialist activities of Maulana Bhashani; and Dilar Dirik focuses on the meanings of internationalism in the history of the Kurdistan Freedom Movement. These movements bore witness to a fundamental set of shifts in the nature of the international system as empires collapsed and new nation-states were born, while global structures of exploitation and extraction recomposed themselves in the Cold War and post-Cold War landscape. In this context, all conceived of internationalism as a fundamentally revolutionary project.
{"title":"The Meanings of Internationalism: A Collective Discussion on Pan-African, Early Soviet, Islamic Socialist and Kurdish Internationalisms Across the 20th Century","authors":"Dilar Dirik, M. Younis, M. Chehonadskih, Layli Uddin, Miri Davidson","doi":"10.1177/03058298231175700","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231175700","url":null,"abstract":"‘Few political notions are at once so normative and so equivocal as internationalism’, wrote Perry Anderson 20 years ago. Little has changed: today too, internationalism tends to take the form of a regular exhortation to think or act beyond the border or boundary, yet its political content remains underdetermined. What do we mean when we talk about internationalism? The following discussion sought to approach this question not by returning to first principles – to a definition of internationalism that could stand outside of a given historical context – but by reconstructing different concepts of internationalism developed by a series of lesser studied political movements spanning the 20th century. Musab Younis discusses anticolonial and pan-African internationalisms of the 1920s–40s; Maria Chehonadskih interrogates the interwar Soviet internationalism of Alexander Boganov; Layli Uddin excavates the Islamic socialist activities of Maulana Bhashani; and Dilar Dirik focuses on the meanings of internationalism in the history of the Kurdistan Freedom Movement. These movements bore witness to a fundamental set of shifts in the nature of the international system as empires collapsed and new nation-states were born, while global structures of exploitation and extraction recomposed themselves in the Cold War and post-Cold War landscape. In this context, all conceived of internationalism as a fundamentally revolutionary project.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46180363","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-20DOI: 10.1177/03058298231175980
S. Kaempf, R. Stahl
The past decade has seen the global growth of military-style reality television programming. These programmes, produced by militaries themselves or through collaboration with the entertainment sector, have proven to be an effective and increasingly powerful public relations conduit. Our article offers a theoretical treatment of reality television, both the aesthetic modes by which it invites the viewing subject as well as the political economy of its use in public relations. These dimensions are explored through two case studies. First, we focus on the genesis of military-style reality TV in the United States, where, after 9/11, the US military seized on the genre to pioneer and field-test various themes in response to public exigency as the occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq drew on. Second, we analyse the German military as both a latecomer and innovator to these new public relations endeavours. By reading the generic and aesthetic strategies in both cases, we argue that the genre’s public relations function goes beyond the immediate task of recruitment to cultivate civic participation in militaristic fantasies through a mediasphere rife with invitations to ‘go soldier’. Military reality TV, we argue, represents the militarization of civic identity and the gradual displacement of values from deliberative to authoritarian, cosmopolitan to nationalistic and diplomatic to combative.
{"title":"Elimination Games: The Global Rise of Military Reality TV and the Shaping of the Citizen Subject","authors":"S. Kaempf, R. Stahl","doi":"10.1177/03058298231175980","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/03058298231175980","url":null,"abstract":"The past decade has seen the global growth of military-style reality television programming. These programmes, produced by militaries themselves or through collaboration with the entertainment sector, have proven to be an effective and increasingly powerful public relations conduit. Our article offers a theoretical treatment of reality television, both the aesthetic modes by which it invites the viewing subject as well as the political economy of its use in public relations. These dimensions are explored through two case studies. First, we focus on the genesis of military-style reality TV in the United States, where, after 9/11, the US military seized on the genre to pioneer and field-test various themes in response to public exigency as the occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq drew on. Second, we analyse the German military as both a latecomer and innovator to these new public relations endeavours. By reading the generic and aesthetic strategies in both cases, we argue that the genre’s public relations function goes beyond the immediate task of recruitment to cultivate civic participation in militaristic fantasies through a mediasphere rife with invitations to ‘go soldier’. Military reality TV, we argue, represents the militarization of civic identity and the gradual displacement of values from deliberative to authoritarian, cosmopolitan to nationalistic and diplomatic to combative.","PeriodicalId":18593,"journal":{"name":"Millennium - Journal of International Studies","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.5,"publicationDate":"2023-07-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47343182","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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