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A BIBLIOMETRIC ANALYSIS ON TRENDS, DIRECTIONS AND MAJOR PLAYERS OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS STUDIES 国际关系研究的趋势、方向和主要参与者的文献计量分析
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.32890/jis2023.19.1.8
Ratnaria Wahid, S. Shukri, M. Ahmad
As communications technology, air travel, and a complex international economy continue to make the world smaller, the importance of peaceful and cooperative relationships between nations increases. However, it is unclear to what extent research on international relations (IR) has expanded as a global discipline; narrated by balanced perspectives and provides an impact. This study conducts a bibliometric analysis of 4,986 documents related to IR as recorded in the Scopus database from 1913 to 2022. Specifically, this paper analyzes (a) the trends and developments; (b) influential documents and frequent keywords and (c) major players in terms of productive journals, authors and institutions in IR studies. This paper provides a new panoramic view through tables and science maps on the publication of IR studies. The findings show a gradual interest in the IR field before the Second World War and this accelerated during the mid-twentieth century. Political economy is gaining more importance and most publications centre on IR theorieswhile discussing prevailing events affecting the world. However, the Western influence of IR is still primarily mainstream, whereIR publications are mainly controlled by large Western publishers, influenced by Western authors affiliated with long-establishedWestern institutions. Seemingly, the non-Western contributions to the IR field have yet to establish their own footing in the field despite much discussion about diversifying IR. This remains a challenge for non-Western scholars, journal publishers, and institutions seeking to contribute to the ongoing debate in the study of international relations.
随着通信技术、航空旅行和复杂的国际经济继续使世界变得更小,国家间和平与合作关系的重要性日益增加。然而,目前尚不清楚国际关系研究作为一门全球性学科已扩展到何种程度;以平衡的视角叙述,并提供影响。本研究对1913年至2022年Scopus数据库中记录的4986篇与IR相关的文献进行了文献计量学分析。具体来说,本文分析了(a)趋势和发展;(b)有影响力的文件和频繁使用的关键词,以及(c)在国际关系研究中具有生产力的期刊、作者和机构方面的主要参与者。本文通过表格和科学地图对IR研究的发表提供了一个新的全景视图。研究结果表明,在第二次世界大战之前,人们对红外领域的兴趣逐渐浓厚,这种兴趣在20世纪中期加速了。政治经济学越来越重要,大多数出版物在讨论影响世界的主要事件时都以国际关系理论为中心。然而,西方对国际关系的影响仍然是主要的主流,国际关系出版物主要由大型西方出版商控制,受到与老牌西方机构有关联的西方作者的影响。看起来,非西方对国际关系领域的贡献尚未在该领域建立自己的立足点,尽管有许多关于使国际关系多样化的讨论。这对非西方学者、期刊出版商和机构来说仍然是一个挑战,他们试图为国际关系研究中正在进行的辩论做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
THE CO-MOVEMENT OF CHINA AND US STOCK INDICES: A PORTFOLIO DIVERSIFICATION ANALYSIS 中美股指的协同走势:一个投资组合多元化分析
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.32890/jis2023.19.1.1
A. Abdullah, Hishamuddin Abdul Wahab, Abul Mansur Mohammed Masih, Mariani Abdul Majid, Wai-Yan Wong
The aim of this article is to find diversification opportunities by examining the time-varying and time-scale-based volatility andcorrelation of the US and Chinese stock market indices with crude oil, gold and Bitcoin price returns, as well as the exchange rate ofthe Chinese Yuan Renminbi against the US Dollar (CNY/USD) using a vector error correction model (VECM), namely, maximumoverlap discrete wavelet transformation (MODWT). Furthermore, individual and institutional investors may also reduce the risk of theirinvestment portfolio by investing in commodities and stock markets from countries with a negative or substantially low correlation. Our VECM result shows that Bitcoin, crude oil and CNY/USD lead the other variables under consideration, indicating that changes in the prices of Bitcoin, crude oil and CNY/USD affect the US and Chinese stock market indices, as well as gold. Our research utilising theMODWT technique shows that Bitcoin leads crude oil at almost all levels, indicating that crude oil prices will respond to Bitcoinprice movement in the long and medium term. However, investors may be deterred from using Bitcoin as a diversification tool due toits extreme volatility. The research also indicates that diversification with gold may help US investors. However, the continuous wavelettransformation finding shows that the diversification benefit effects will persist for a holding period of little more than 64 days. Our study results tend to emphasise the significance of using reasonably modern methods to identify diversification possibilities for investors with diverse investment horizons or holding stocks for various periods.
本文的目的是通过使用矢量误差修正模型(VECM),即最大重叠离散小波变换(MODWT),研究美国和中国股票市场指数与原油、黄金和比特币价格回报以及人民币兑美元汇率(CNY/USD)的时变和基于时间尺度的波动性和相关性,从而找到多样化的机会。此外,个人和机构投资者还可以通过投资于负相关或相关性极低的国家的商品和股票市场来降低其投资组合的风险。我们的VECM结果显示,比特币、原油和CNY/USD领先于其他考虑的变量,这表明比特币、原油和CNY/USD价格的变化影响了美国和中国的股市指数,也影响了黄金。我们利用modwt技术的研究表明,比特币在几乎所有水平上都领先原油,这表明原油价格将在长期和中期对比特币价格变动做出反应。然而,由于比特币的极端波动性,投资者可能会被阻止使用比特币作为多元化工具。研究还表明,投资黄金可能有助于美国投资者的分散投资。然而,连续小波变换结果表明,多元化效益效应将持续64天。我们的研究结果倾向于强调使用合理的现代方法来识别具有不同投资视野或持有不同时期股票的投资者的多样化可能性的重要性。
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引用次数: 1
‘We try to Humanise their Stories’: Interrogating the Representation of Migrants and Refugees Through the Shift from ‘Poverty Porn’ to Humanisation and Resilience “我们试图使他们的故事人性化”:通过从“贫穷色情”到人性化和弹性的转变来拷问移民和难民的表现
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/03058298231161154
Sabrina Axster
How do non-governmental organisations (NGOs) represent migrants and refugees? Based on 24 interviews with staff members of US-based NGOs I show that organisations aim to emphasise migrants’ and refugees’ resilience and to highlight our ‘shared humanity’. While these strategies seemingly mark a break from previous criticisms that NGOs mobilise racialised and gendered narratives of victimhood or model minority achievements which demarcate between those who deserve support and those who do not, they still operate under the same meta-narrative: An understanding of worthiness predicated on individual deservingness. Based on critical and post-colonial migration studies, I argue that this not only ignores the racist structures that shape people’s lives. It also silences the racial underpinnings of who has historically been considered fully human. I further embed these narratives in the industry and the white saviour culture of humanitarianism, which are centred around individual action and individual donations and thus favour individualised stories. « Nous essayons d’humaniser leurs récits » : Interroger la représentation des migrants et des réfugiés à travers le basculement d’une « pornographie de la pauvreté » vers l’humanisation et la résilience
非政府组织如何代表移民和难民?根据对美国非政府组织工作人员的24次采访,我表明,这些组织的目标是强调移民和难民的韧性,并强调我们的“共同人性”。虽然这些策略似乎与之前的批评有所不同,即非政府组织动员了种族化和性别化的受害者叙事或模范少数民族成就,这些叙事将那些值得支持和不值得支持的人区分开来,但它们仍然在相同的元叙事下运作:基于个人应得性的对价值的理解。基于批判性和后殖民移民研究,我认为这不仅忽略了塑造人们生活的种族主义结构。它也使历史上被认为完全是人类的人的种族基础沉默。我进一步将这些叙事嵌入到行业和人道主义的白人救世主文化中,这些文化以个人行动和个人捐赠为中心,因此有利于个性化的故事。“人道主义的解脱”:“移民的解脱”:“移民的解脱”:“变性的解脱”:“变性的解脱”:“变性的解脱”:“人性的解脱”:“变性的解脱”
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引用次数: 0
Tackling Epistemic and Cognitive Injustice in Political Dialogue: The Case of OACPS–EU Relations 解决政治对话中的认知和认知不公正:OACPS-EU关系的案例
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/03058298221129321
Katri Vihma
This article examines the preconditions for an epistemically and cognitively more just form of political dialogue. Such dialogue requires treating each participant and their knowledges as equal as well as securing the participant’s epistemic and material possibilities to engage in deliberation. Drawing on Iris M. Young’s communicative ethics and both Walter D. Mignolo’s and Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni’s decolonial theorising, I suggest three moves for realising these conditions. Thus, I bring feminist epistemology and decolonial thought into a mutually enriching discussion and put forward ideals that are important for improving accounts of political deliberation in world politics. Empirically, the analysis contributes to an understanding of epistemic and cognitive injustices and related colonial tendencies in the relationship between the Organization of African, Caribbean and Pacific States (OACPS) and European Union (EU). Moreover, I provide policy proposals for reducing the identified injustices and other associated asymmetries between the parties in the post-Cotonou era. Lutter contre les injustices épistémiques et cognitives dans le dialogue politique : le cas des relations entre l’OEACP et l’UE
本文考察了认识论和认知上更公正的政治对话形式的前提条件。这种对话要求平等对待每个参与者及其知识,并确保参与者参与审议的认知和物质可能性。借鉴Iris M. Young的沟通伦理,以及Walter D. Mignolo和Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni的非殖民化理论,我提出了实现这些条件的三个步骤。因此,我将女权主义认识论和非殖民化思想带入了一个相互丰富的讨论中,并提出了对改善世界政治中政治审议的重要理想。从经验上看,该分析有助于理解非洲、加勒比和太平洋国家组织(OACPS)与欧洲联盟(EU)之间关系中的认知和认知不公正以及相关的殖民倾向。此外,我还提出了减少后科托努时代各方之间已查明的不公正现象和其他相关不对称现象的政策建议。不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正、不公正
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引用次数: 0
Two Responsibilities to Protect 两项保护责任
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/03058298221138944
Patrick Quinton-Brown
The purpose of this paper is to re-theorize the evolution of the Responsibility to Protect (RtoP) in the UN through to 2011, the apogee of liberal interventionism in the post-Cold War period. Contrary to a common argument in existing literature, and notwithstanding the adoption of the concept as an annual agenda item of the General Assembly, international contestation is not about implementation as neatly separated from meaning, but rather definition or interpretation. To better understand the boundaries of intergovernmental understanding, we need to interrogate the language or terms of the debate, particularly the ways in which those terms have been practiced. There have been two Responsibilities to Protect in international society. A discursive practice called Southern RtoP, traced through UN-based political dialogue, contests a meaning that has been prevalent for 20 years at least: that of Northern RtoP. This article shows evaluative nuance and data from the perspective of the Global South and provides a discursive history of an ongoing non-aligned protest against a NATO-associated theory of defeasible sovereignty. Deux responsabilités de protéger
本文的目的是重新理论化保护责任(RtoP)在联合国的演变,直到2011年,这是冷战后时期自由干涉主义的巅峰时期。与现有文献中的一种共同论点相反,尽管这一概念已被采纳为大会的年度议程项目,但国际争论的重点不是与意义完全分离的执行,而是定义或解释。为了更好地理解政府间理解的界限,我们需要询问辩论的语言或术语,特别是这些术语的使用方式。国际社会有两种“保护责任”。通过以联合国为基础的政治对话,一种被称为“南方RtoP”的话语实践,对一种至少流行了20年的含义提出了质疑:即“北方RtoP”。本文从全球南方的角度展示了评估的细微差别和数据,并提供了一个正在进行的不结盟抗议的话语历史,反对北约相关的不可推翻的主权理论。双重责任,是由个人构成的
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引用次数: 0
On Multiple Objects and Ontic Fixes: Human Rights and the ‘Forgotten’ Politics of the United Nations’ Human Rights-Based Approach 论多重目标和局部修复:人权与联合国基于人权方针的“被遗忘的”政治
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/03058298221146303
Laura Pantzerhielm
At the United Nations (UN), the early years of the post-Cold War era were marked by a historically novel sense of urgency to render governing practices in development cooperation and humanitarian affairs more ‘human’, ‘people-’ and ‘rights’-centred. Since then, the UN ‘Human Rights-Based Approach’ (HRBA) has become widely accepted as an authoritative methodology for grasping the practical implications of rights language. This paper examines the politics of the HRBA by exploring how it ‘fixes’ the multifaceted, normatively charged and elusive object of ‘human rights’ and renders it actionable for UN agencies. It contributes to recent theorizing on knowledge in IR and ties in with critical human rights scholarship by developing a post-foundational reading of human rights and the HRBA that frontloads constitutive power and politicizes ontology. Through an in-depth reconstruction of UN knowledge production on the HRBA, I find that it excludes concerns with international power relations and depoliticizes inequality through a narrow focus on lacking subject capacities. Moreover, I illustrate that the HRBA operates according to dichotomous spatial metaphors and implicit hierarchies that locate UN agencies ‘above’ the subjects and settings they interact with, both normatively and epistemically. The paper contributes to the critical study of human rights by excavating the ambiguous power effects at work in rights-based UN methodologies. Objets multiples et solutions ontiques : les droits de l’homme et les politiques « oubliées » de l’approche fondée sur les droits de l’homme des Nation unies
在后冷战时代的最初几年,联合国出现了一种前所未有的紧迫感,要求发展合作和人道主义事务中的治理实践更加以“人”、“人”和“权利”为中心。从那时起,联合国的“基于人权的方法”(HRBA)已被广泛接受为掌握权利语言实际含义的权威方法。本文通过探索如何“修复”“人权”这一多面性、规范性和难以捉摸的目标,并使其对联合国机构具有可操作性,来考察人权管理局的政治。它为最近的国际关系知识理论化做出了贡献,并通过发展对人权和HRBA的后基础阅读,将本体论政治化,与批判性人权学术联系在一起。通过对HRBA上联合国知识生产的深入重构,我发现它排除了对国际权力关系的关注,并通过对缺乏主体能力的狭隘关注来非政治化不平等。此外,我还说明,HRBA根据二分空间隐喻和隐含的等级制度运作,这些等级制度将联合国机构置于与之互动的主体和环境之上,无论是在规范上还是在认知上。本文通过挖掘以人权为基础的联合国方法中起作用的模棱两可的权力效应,为人权的批判性研究做出了贡献。目标的多重性和解决方案的多重性:人的权利和政治的多重性;不确定的变性人的权利和变性人的权利的变性人的权利
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引用次数: 0
English School Special Section 英语学校特别组
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/03058298231161166
Jack Basu-Mellish, C. Navari, Yongjin Zhang, Huss Banai, F. C. Buranelli, Carolina Zaccato, S. Taeuber, Charlotta Friedner Parrat, T. Bottelier
This is a series of solicited articles requested by the editors of Vol. 51, emerging from a roundtable discussion held at the 2022 International Studies Association Convention. Each short contribution seeks to demonstrate the newest research of the English School of International Relations. These contributions tackle key questions including: the decline of liberal hegemony, the rise of China, the divide between soldaristic and pluralistic ethics, the engagement of the English School with Area Studies, theoretical approaches to grounding English School research and an investigation of the English School’s intellectual legacy. Section spéciale École anglaise
这是在2022年国际研究协会大会上举行的圆桌会议上,应第51卷编辑的要求,征集的系列文章。每篇短文都旨在展示英国国际关系学院的最新研究成果。这些贡献涉及的关键问题包括:自由主义霸权的衰落、中国的崛起、团结主义和多元伦理之间的分歧、英国学派与区域研究的接触、英国学派研究的理论方法以及对英国学派知识遗产的调查。节spsamciale École anglaise
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引用次数: 0
Theorising the Politics of Tourism: Global Travel and the Nation-State 旅游政治理论化:全球旅游与民族国家
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/03058298221142948
Gregory Fayard
Despite tourism being one of the largest industries in the world and key to the economies of many countries, there has been little effort to systematically connect the nation-state to global circuits of tourism. Most theoretical work centres around international flows of capital and issues of policy choice, sidelining how states as sovereign, territorial institutions are constructed through global travel. Using a constructivist approach to the state, the present paper redresses these gaps by building a theory of the state-tourism nexus that synthesises multiple historic and contemporary examples, demonstrating the major mechanisms connecting tourism to the global institutionalisation and positioning of states. Including both domestic and foreign travel, this theoretic illustrates how travel flows are useful for state leaders in constituting, imagining, legitimising and territorialising the nation-state. Théoriser la politique du tourisme : le tourisme international et l’État-nation
尽管旅游业是世界上最大的产业之一,也是许多国家经济的关键,但在系统地将民族国家与全球旅游业联系起来方面却很少做出努力。大多数理论工作都围绕着资本的国际流动和政策选择问题展开,而忽略了作为主权、领土机构的国家是如何通过全球旅行构建起来的。本文采用建构主义的方法研究国家,通过建立国家-旅游联系理论来弥补这些差距,该理论综合了多个历史和当代的例子,展示了将旅游业与全球制度化和国家定位联系起来的主要机制。包括国内和国外旅行,这一理论说明了旅行流对国家领导人在构成、想象、合法化和领土化民族国家方面是如何有用的。国际旅游组织:国际旅游组织:État-nation
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引用次数: 0
Accessible, Transparent, Progressive: Conceptualising the Militarisation of Digital Space Through the Social Media Presence of Arms Manufacturers 无障碍、透明、进步:通过武器制造商的社交媒体存在概念化数字空间军事化
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/03058298221137930
N. Jester
Arms sales cause serious harm and the public is – on some level – aware of this, yet their sale continues apace. Militarisation is the engendering of support for war, broadly understood, and this includes the manufacture/sale of weapons. This article examines the Twitter feeds of three large US arms manufacturers: Lockheed Martin, Raytheon and Northrop Grumman (as part of a larger project where approximately 900 tweets were examined). It argues that productive tensions of exposure (knowing) and revelation (societal acknowledgement) engender militarisation within arms manufacturers’ Twitter feeds. It finds that arms manufacturers represent themselves as accessible/transparent through regular updates and high volumes of information. They also distract from the violence of their products by presenting themselves as drivers of human progress, which occurs in social, environmental and technological dimensions. Taken as a whole, the representations of accessibility and distracting content on social media function to facilitate the arms trade in this case. Accessible, transparente, progressive : conceptualiser la militarisation de l’espace numérique à travers la présence de fabricants d’armes sur les réseaux sociaux
军售造成严重伤害,公众在某种程度上意识到这一点,但军售仍在迅速进行。军事化是对战争的支持,广泛理解,这包括制造/销售武器。本文研究了美国三家大型武器制造商的Twitter消息:洛克希德·马丁公司、雷神公司和诺斯罗普·格鲁曼公司(作为一个更大项目的一部分,该项目研究了大约900条推文)。它认为,暴露(知道)和揭露(社会承认)之间的生产性紧张关系,在武器制造商的Twitter feed中产生了军事化。报告发现,武器制造商通过定期更新和提供大量信息,将自己描述为可访问/透明的。他们还通过将自己呈现为人类进步的驱动力,在社会、环境和技术方面转移人们对其产品暴力的注意力。从整体上看,社交媒体上的可访问性和分散注意力的内容在本案中起到了促进武器贸易的作用。无障碍的、透明的、进步的:概念化的、军事化的、空间的、空间的、空间的、空间的、空间的、空间的、空间的
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引用次数: 3
Who is Indigenous in Africa? The Concept of Indigeneity, its Impacts, and Progression 谁是非洲的土著?土著的概念,它的影响和发展
IF 2.5 2区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-01-27 DOI: 10.1177/03058298221135666
Karolina Werner
The notion of indigeneity has risen to political prominence as Indigenous peoples have fought for recognition of their rights. When the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples was passed in 2007, it represented a transformative moment, despite its flaws. The meaning of the term Indigenous has been transformed by these international events and identifying as Indigenous is increasingly seen as positive. However, Indigenous peoples in certain regions of the world, specifically Africa and Asia, were late to the conversation. As a result, how the term Indigenous is understood and utilised in these regions remains a work in progress. This article explores the progression and impact of the term in Africa specifically, highlighting its unique effects, importance, and the ongoing struggles of Indigenous peoples on the continent. Qui est autochtone en Afrique ? Le concept d’autochtonie, ses impacts et sa progression
随着土著人民为其权利得到承认而斗争,土著概念已上升到政治上的突出地位。2007年,《联合国土著人民权利宣言》(United Nations Declaration on Rights of Indigenous Peoples)获得通过,尽管存在缺陷,但它代表了一个变革的时刻。这些国际事件已经改变了“原住民”一词的含义,原住民身份越来越被视为积极的。然而,世界上某些地区的土著人民,特别是非洲和亚洲的土著人民,参加对话的时间较晚。因此,如何在这些地区理解和使用“土著”一词仍然是一项正在进行的工作。这篇文章特别探讨了这个词在非洲的发展和影响,强调了它独特的影响、重要性,以及非洲大陆上土著人民正在进行的斗争。非洲有自动电话吗?“自我控制”的概念,即影响和进步
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引用次数: 0
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Millennium - Journal of International Studies
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