Pub Date : 2013-12-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.772751
C. Haerpfer, C. Wallace, P. Abbott
Abstract In this paper we develop an explanation for the health crisis in the former Soviet Union based on social theory. The collapse of the former Soviet Union was marked by a dramatic rise in mortality and morbidity. Epidemiological and sociological explanations to date have focused on explaining the raise in mortality implicating either unhealthy lifestyles, which included heavy smoking, drinking, lack of exercise and poor diets, or individual stress as the primary causes, while acknowledging that the decline of the public health services and the rise in poverty are also likely contributory causes. However, the broader sociological implications of these issues have not been adequately theorised. In this paper we develop and test four explanations of the decline in health in the former in the Soviet Union in the 1990s: that it was due to poverty; that it was due to unhealthy lifestyles; and that it was due to alienation from the social and political system; that it is due to a form of anomie that we term ‘transition stress’. We link this to the ruptures in the social, economic and political system, associated with a loss of social cohesion, which have had individual health consequences. We do so utilizing data from a survey carried out in eight post-Soviet countries.
{"title":"Health Problems and the Transition from Communism in the Former Soviet Union: Towards an Explanation","authors":"C. Haerpfer, C. Wallace, P. Abbott","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.772751","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.772751","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this paper we develop an explanation for the health crisis in the former Soviet Union based on social theory. The collapse of the former Soviet Union was marked by a dramatic rise in mortality and morbidity. Epidemiological and sociological explanations to date have focused on explaining the raise in mortality implicating either unhealthy lifestyles, which included heavy smoking, drinking, lack of exercise and poor diets, or individual stress as the primary causes, while acknowledging that the decline of the public health services and the rise in poverty are also likely contributory causes. However, the broader sociological implications of these issues have not been adequately theorised. In this paper we develop and test four explanations of the decline in health in the former in the Soviet Union in the 1990s: that it was due to poverty; that it was due to unhealthy lifestyles; and that it was due to alienation from the social and political system; that it is due to a form of anomie that we term ‘transition stress’. We link this to the ruptures in the social, economic and political system, associated with a loss of social cohesion, which have had individual health consequences. We do so utilizing data from a survey carried out in eight post-Soviet countries.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131703641","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-27DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.817804
Helena Carrapico, F. Trauner
While issues relating to the development, legitimacy and accountability of the European Police Office, Europol, have been intensively discussed in political and academic circles, the actual impact of Europol on policy-making in the European Union has yet to receive scholarly attention. By investigating the evolution and the role of Europol's organized crime reports, this article elaborates on whether Europol has been able to exert an influence beyond its narrowly defined mandate. Theoretically informed by the assumptions of experimentalist governance, the article argues that the different legal systems and policing traditions of EU member states have made it difficult for the EU to agree on a common understanding on how to fight against organized crime. This lack of consensus, which has translated into a set of vague and broadly formulated framework goals and guidelines, has enabled Europol to position its Organized Crime Threat Assessments as the point of reference in the respective EU policy-making area. Europol's interest in improving its institutional standing thereby converged with the interest of different member states to use Europol as a socialization platform to broadcast their ideas and to ‘Europeanize’ their national counter-organized crime policy.
{"title":"Europol and the EU’s fight against organized crime: exploring the potential of experimentalist governance","authors":"Helena Carrapico, F. Trauner","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.817804","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.817804","url":null,"abstract":"While issues relating to the development, legitimacy and accountability of the European Police Office, Europol, have been intensively discussed in political and academic circles, the actual impact of Europol on policy-making in the European Union has yet to receive scholarly attention. By investigating the evolution and the role of Europol's organized crime reports, this article elaborates on whether Europol has been able to exert an influence beyond its narrowly defined mandate. Theoretically informed by the assumptions of experimentalist governance, the article argues that the different legal systems and policing traditions of EU member states have made it difficult for the EU to agree on a common understanding on how to fight against organized crime. This lack of consensus, which has translated into a set of vague and broadly formulated framework goals and guidelines, has enabled Europol to position its Organized Crime Threat Assessments as the point of reference in the respective EU policy-making area. Europol's interest in improving its institutional standing thereby converged with the interest of different member states to use Europol as a socialization platform to broadcast their ideas and to ‘Europeanize’ their national counter-organized crime policy.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126997661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.817806
C. Kaunert, Sarah Léonard, John D. Occhipinti
Abstract This special issue examines the role of agencies and agency-like bodies in the EU's Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) – an umbrella term for police and judicial cooperation, border management, asylum and migration, and counter-terrorism – which have acquired increasing importance in the governance of the EU. This introduction reviews the existing literature and sets the scene for the research articles that are included in this special issue. It also argues that future scholarship on these AFSJ agencies would significantly gain by being developed along two research tracks. The first of these would investigate the forces that have led to the creation of these AFSJ agencies in the first place, especially because understanding these factors can shed significant light on where these agencies might be heading in future. The second research track would examine how ‘legitimate’ each of these agencies is, as part of a would-be democratic polity at the EU level.
{"title":"Agency Governance in the European Union's Area of Freedom, Security and Justice","authors":"C. Kaunert, Sarah Léonard, John D. Occhipinti","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.817806","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.817806","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This special issue examines the role of agencies and agency-like bodies in the EU's Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) – an umbrella term for police and judicial cooperation, border management, asylum and migration, and counter-terrorism – which have acquired increasing importance in the governance of the EU. This introduction reviews the existing literature and sets the scene for the research articles that are included in this special issue. It also argues that future scholarship on these AFSJ agencies would significantly gain by being developed along two research tracks. The first of these would investigate the forces that have led to the creation of these AFSJ agencies in the first place, especially because understanding these factors can shed significant light on where these agencies might be heading in future. The second research track would examine how ‘legitimate’ each of these agencies is, as part of a would-be democratic polity at the EU level.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115631690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.817809
S. Wolff, A. Schout
Abstract Building on the notion of ‘agencies’ as non-majoritarian instruments to professionalize (or ‘depoliticisize’) EU policy-making, this article examines whether the introduction of Frontex as an agency instrument in 2004 implied a major change in the management of the EU's border control compared to the earlier network. Even though formal evaluations have acknowledged the positive achievements of Frontex, this article questions whether those assessments actually helps us to understand better the added value of Frontex as agency. To do so, the article draws from a legitimacy-based model to assess the added value of the agency. Input and output legitimacy are being assessed through a number of accountability mechanisms. The model is applied to predecessor of Frontex (SCIFA + /PCU) and to Frontex. We conclude that the choice for the agency instrument was not sufficiently argued and that the design of Frontex hardly offers the advantages of the agency structure.
{"title":"Frontex as Agency: More of the Same?","authors":"S. Wolff, A. Schout","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.817809","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.817809","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Building on the notion of ‘agencies’ as non-majoritarian instruments to professionalize (or ‘depoliticisize’) EU policy-making, this article examines whether the introduction of Frontex as an agency instrument in 2004 implied a major change in the management of the EU's border control compared to the earlier network. Even though formal evaluations have acknowledged the positive achievements of Frontex, this article questions whether those assessments actually helps us to understand better the added value of Frontex as agency. To do so, the article draws from a legitimacy-based model to assess the added value of the agency. Input and output legitimacy are being assessed through a number of accountability mechanisms. The model is applied to predecessor of Frontex (SCIFA + /PCU) and to Frontex. We conclude that the choice for the agency instrument was not sufficiently argued and that the design of Frontex hardly offers the advantages of the agency structure.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"64 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115795209","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.817805
Maia Cross
Abstract This article makes the case that the most important developments in the European intelligence arena actually have little to do with member states' willingness to cooperate. Rather, the context for the intelligence profession has changed fundamentally in the past few years in light of globalization and the information revolution, and this has made the creation of a single EU intelligence space far more likely, even despite member states' resistance. The author argues that the emerging European intelligence space is increasingly consolidating around a transgovernmental network of intelligence professionals that draw upon open-source knowledge acquisition, with IntCen at its centre. One implication of this is that the field of EU intelligence may be a rare example in which integration can be achieved before cooperation, rather than the latter serving as a stepping-stone to the former.
{"title":"A European Transgovernmental Intelligence Network and the Role of IntCen","authors":"Maia Cross","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.817805","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.817805","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article makes the case that the most important developments in the European intelligence arena actually have little to do with member states' willingness to cooperate. Rather, the context for the intelligence profession has changed fundamentally in the past few years in light of globalization and the information revolution, and this has made the creation of a single EU intelligence space far more likely, even despite member states' resistance. The author argues that the emerging European intelligence space is increasingly consolidating around a transgovernmental network of intelligence professionals that draw upon open-source knowledge acquisition, with IntCen at its centre. One implication of this is that the field of EU intelligence may be a rare example in which integration can be achieved before cooperation, rather than the latter serving as a stepping-stone to the former.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124719735","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.817807
Jörg Monar
Abstract Since its formal establishment as a treaty objective in 1999 the EU's area of criminal justice has been primarily based on mechanisms and instruments facilitating cooperation between national judicial authorities. Because of the political sensitivity of the criminal justice domain member states have largely avoided extensive harmonisation and hierarchical structures. While some real progress has been achieved the absence of a more integrated cross-border criminal justice system continues to reduce the effectiveness of cross-border cooperation. Since its establishment in 2002 Eurojust has been at the frontline of the emerging criminal justice area, and the gradual strengthening of Eurojust has been among the primary EU responses to the continuing dysfunctionalities of its criminal justice area. This process has already introduced elements of subordination of national authorities to Eurojust because of its evolving initiative, guidance, monitoring and external relations functions. The strengthening of the functions of Eurojust through the 2008 Eurojust decision straddles the borderlines between a purely cooperation based system and one with distinctive elements of integration. The Articles 85 TFEU on Eurojust and 86 TFEU on the EPPO introduced by the Lisbon Treaty have created the potential of a decisive shift towards integration in the criminal justice area. This shift would already be important in case of the strengthening of Eurojust's initiative, coordination and conflict resolution powers in line with Article 85, even though the treaty provisions leave the choice between ‘harder’ and ‘softer’ implementation options. Yet the transformation could be dramatic in case of the establishment – ‘from Eurojust’ – of the EPPO whose powers would have a direct reach into the national criminal justice systems and create the need for a significant harmonisation of both procedural and substantive criminal law and major implications even for the national police systems.
{"title":"Eurojust and the European Public Prosecutor Perspective: From Cooperation to Integration in EU Criminal Justice?","authors":"Jörg Monar","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.817807","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.817807","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since its formal establishment as a treaty objective in 1999 the EU's area of criminal justice has been primarily based on mechanisms and instruments facilitating cooperation between national judicial authorities. Because of the political sensitivity of the criminal justice domain member states have largely avoided extensive harmonisation and hierarchical structures. While some real progress has been achieved the absence of a more integrated cross-border criminal justice system continues to reduce the effectiveness of cross-border cooperation. Since its establishment in 2002 Eurojust has been at the frontline of the emerging criminal justice area, and the gradual strengthening of Eurojust has been among the primary EU responses to the continuing dysfunctionalities of its criminal justice area. This process has already introduced elements of subordination of national authorities to Eurojust because of its evolving initiative, guidance, monitoring and external relations functions. The strengthening of the functions of Eurojust through the 2008 Eurojust decision straddles the borderlines between a purely cooperation based system and one with distinctive elements of integration. The Articles 85 TFEU on Eurojust and 86 TFEU on the EPPO introduced by the Lisbon Treaty have created the potential of a decisive shift towards integration in the criminal justice area. This shift would already be important in case of the strengthening of Eurojust's initiative, coordination and conflict resolution powers in line with Article 85, even though the treaty provisions leave the choice between ‘harder’ and ‘softer’ implementation options. Yet the transformation could be dramatic in case of the establishment – ‘from Eurojust’ – of the EPPO whose powers would have a direct reach into the national criminal justice systems and create the need for a significant harmonisation of both procedural and substantive criminal law and major implications even for the national police systems.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127049497","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.817810
Alex Mackenzie, Oldřich Bureš, C. Kaunert, Sarah Léonard
Abstract The post of European Union (EU) counter-terrorism coordinator (CTC) has often been seen as ineffectual. However, this article argues that such a critical assessment of the post of EU CTC is due to a significant extent to an over-emphasis on the internal dimension of the EU CTC's activities. Consequently, it suggests focusing on the external dimension of the EU CTC's work, which has often been largely overlooked. For that purpose, it develops an international actorness analytical framework. On that basis, the article demonstrates that, despite the limitations inherent to this post, the EU CTC is already significantly advanced in the process of establishing himself as a fully-fledged counter-terrorism actor on the international stage. Evidence shows that he is increasingly considered an important component of the external dimension of the EU counter-terrorism policy by both member states and third states and bodies.
{"title":"The European Union Counter-terrorism Coordinator and the External Dimension of the European Union Counter-terrorism Policy","authors":"Alex Mackenzie, Oldřich Bureš, C. Kaunert, Sarah Léonard","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.817810","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.817810","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The post of European Union (EU) counter-terrorism coordinator (CTC) has often been seen as ineffectual. However, this article argues that such a critical assessment of the post of EU CTC is due to a significant extent to an over-emphasis on the internal dimension of the EU CTC's activities. Consequently, it suggests focusing on the external dimension of the EU CTC's work, which has often been largely overlooked. For that purpose, it develops an international actorness analytical framework. On that basis, the article demonstrates that, despite the limitations inherent to this post, the EU CTC is already significantly advanced in the process of establishing himself as a fully-fledged counter-terrorism actor on the international stage. Evidence shows that he is increasingly considered an important component of the external dimension of the EU counter-terrorism policy by both member states and third states and bodies.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132830451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.817808
Stephen Rozée, C. Kaunert, Sarah Léonard
Abstract This article provides an assessment of Europol as a comprehensive policing actor with a particular focus on crime-fighting. It argues that Europol has moved beyond some of the early obstacles it faced regarding the lack of trust and confidence from the police forces of the member states and the limitations that those issues had caused. The agency now makes contributions in all of the broad areas associated with international crime-fighting. As a result, it can be argued that Europol's mandate and activities include the range of police functions comprised by policing in the area of crime-fighting. However, although the EU's promotion of Europol and its increased mandate have given the agency significant potential to fulfil these functions in a deep and complete way, in practice this has been achieved only in some areas.
{"title":"Is Europol a Comprehensive Policing Actor?","authors":"Stephen Rozée, C. Kaunert, Sarah Léonard","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.817808","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.817808","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article provides an assessment of Europol as a comprehensive policing actor with a particular focus on crime-fighting. It argues that Europol has moved beyond some of the early obstacles it faced regarding the lack of trust and confidence from the police forces of the member states and the limitations that those issues had caused. The agency now makes contributions in all of the broad areas associated with international crime-fighting. As a result, it can be argued that Europol's mandate and activities include the range of police functions comprised by policing in the area of crime-fighting. However, although the EU's promotion of Europol and its increased mandate have given the agency significant potential to fulfil these functions in a deep and complete way, in practice this has been achieved only in some areas.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131604640","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-09-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.817803
M. Busuioc, M. Groenleer
Abstract Prominently figuring in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the European Police Office (Europol) and the European Union's Judicial Cooperation Unit (Eurojust) are tasked with facilitating the exchange of information and providing support to the EU member states in coordinating operational activities. This article investigates the evolution of these agencies, focusing on their actual autonomy, the extent to which they have been able to harness and expand upon the powers granted by formal design, as well as the accountability arrangements in place to hold them in check and ongoing practices in this regard. It shows that, for a long time, Europol and Eurojust have developed in different ways, both with regard to autonomy and accountability, and that the relationship between these phenomena has been anything but straightforward. Moreover, it demonstrates that design has been a necessary but not a sufficient condition for both agencies' evolution, thus putting recent formal-legal changes to the agencies' design (most notably Europol becoming a full-fledged agency) into perspective.
{"title":"Beyond Design: The Evolution of Europol and Eurojust","authors":"M. Busuioc, M. Groenleer","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.817803","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.817803","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Prominently figuring in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, the European Police Office (Europol) and the European Union's Judicial Cooperation Unit (Eurojust) are tasked with facilitating the exchange of information and providing support to the EU member states in coordinating operational activities. This article investigates the evolution of these agencies, focusing on their actual autonomy, the extent to which they have been able to harness and expand upon the powers granted by formal design, as well as the accountability arrangements in place to hold them in check and ongoing practices in this regard. It shows that, for a long time, Europol and Eurojust have developed in different ways, both with regard to autonomy and accountability, and that the relationship between these phenomena has been anything but straightforward. Moreover, it demonstrates that design has been a necessary but not a sufficient condition for both agencies' evolution, thus putting recent formal-legal changes to the agencies' design (most notably Europol becoming a full-fledged agency) into perspective.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115370897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2013-07-07DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.753701
O. B. Dınçer, Mustafa Kutlay
We argue in this paper that the Arab Spring has opened a window of opportunity not just to create stability and democracy in one of the most unstable regions of the world, but also for revitalizing Turkey-EU relations. In theory, Turkey-EU cooperation can make a decisive difference in determining the outcome of the triangular relationship between stability, development, and democratization in the Arab region. In normative terms, as an opportunity, it must be turned into an advantage. From a practical perspective, however, transforming the window of opportunity into policy output is linked to the policy leadership of the sides involved to undergo a paradigm shift in their approach to the region and toward one another.
{"title":"The Arab Spring: A Game Changer in Turkey-EU Relations?","authors":"O. B. Dınçer, Mustafa Kutlay","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.753701","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.753701","url":null,"abstract":"We argue in this paper that the Arab Spring has opened a window of opportunity not just to create stability and democracy in one of the most unstable regions of the world, but also for revitalizing Turkey-EU relations. In theory, Turkey-EU cooperation can make a decisive difference in determining the outcome of the triangular relationship between stability, development, and democratization in the Arab region. In normative terms, as an opportunity, it must be turned into an advantage. From a practical perspective, however, transforming the window of opportunity into policy output is linked to the policy leadership of the sides involved to undergo a paradigm shift in their approach to the region and toward one another.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"34 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2013-07-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126328576","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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