Pub Date : 2014-03-17DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.885767
Ryan Shaffer
{"title":"Mobilizing on the Extreme Right: Germany, Italy, and the United States","authors":"Ryan Shaffer","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.885767","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.885767","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126108589","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-03-17DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.885771
V. Memoli, A. Pellegata
Abstract Corruption is unanimously recognized as an endemic pathology of the Italian political system. Even after the ‘Tangentopoli’ scandals that broke down the Prima Repubblica and rapidly changed the partisan configuration, corruption remains one of the most relevant problems that affects the public sector. The different successive governments do not seem to have achieved significant results in constraining corruption. Italian citizens perceive institutions as corrupt and are increasingly disenchanted about politics. But what is the opinion of the Italians about the role of the European Union (EU) institutions in facing the problem of corruption? The purpose of this paper is to analyse the perceptions of Italian citizens about the spread of corruption within EU institutions and their potential role in preventing and fighting corruption in their country. In line with the scholarly literature on this topic, we expect that citizens' attitudes toward the EU in relation to the problem of corruption are mainly driven by their perceptions of the domestic national context. Taking advantage of data gathered from the Eurobarometer and comparing the Italian and the European contexts, the paper shows that citizens' opinions about corruption within EU institutions are drawn by their perceptions at the national level. However, at the same time, citizens who express more negative evaluations of the performance at the national level tend to be more confident about the role played by the EU in restraining corruption.
{"title":"Corruption and EU Institutions: The Italians' Opinion","authors":"V. Memoli, A. Pellegata","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.885771","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.885771","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Corruption is unanimously recognized as an endemic pathology of the Italian political system. Even after the ‘Tangentopoli’ scandals that broke down the Prima Repubblica and rapidly changed the partisan configuration, corruption remains one of the most relevant problems that affects the public sector. The different successive governments do not seem to have achieved significant results in constraining corruption. Italian citizens perceive institutions as corrupt and are increasingly disenchanted about politics. But what is the opinion of the Italians about the role of the European Union (EU) institutions in facing the problem of corruption? The purpose of this paper is to analyse the perceptions of Italian citizens about the spread of corruption within EU institutions and their potential role in preventing and fighting corruption in their country. In line with the scholarly literature on this topic, we expect that citizens' attitudes toward the EU in relation to the problem of corruption are mainly driven by their perceptions of the domestic national context. Taking advantage of data gathered from the Eurobarometer and comparing the Italian and the European contexts, the paper shows that citizens' opinions about corruption within EU institutions are drawn by their perceptions at the national level. However, at the same time, citizens who express more negative evaluations of the performance at the national level tend to be more confident about the role played by the EU in restraining corruption.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"35 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133111042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-03-17DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.885765
R. Barbulescu, Laurie Beaudonnet
Abstract This article investigates the effect of immigration on attitudes towards Europe in Italy. This question resonates throughout the European Union (EU), but does so particularly in Italy – one of EU's most exposed external borders, especially under recent global challenges such as the economic crisis and the Arab Spring. Over the last two decades, Italy received more than four million migrants and refugees, which has put immigration on top of the political agenda ever since. Using data from the European Values Study (EVS), we find that concerns about immigration, especially in the context of the economic crisis of 2007, is a factor of declining support for European integration and that these effects vary across regions. In particular, we demonstrate the mediating effect of context by showing that the effect of being concerned about immigration is more corrosive for support in regions with higher immigration rates than in regions with lower rates.
{"title":"Protecting Us, Protecting Europe? Public Concern about Immigration and Declining Support for European Integration in Italy","authors":"R. Barbulescu, Laurie Beaudonnet","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.885765","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.885765","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates the effect of immigration on attitudes towards Europe in Italy. This question resonates throughout the European Union (EU), but does so particularly in Italy – one of EU's most exposed external borders, especially under recent global challenges such as the economic crisis and the Arab Spring. Over the last two decades, Italy received more than four million migrants and refugees, which has put immigration on top of the political agenda ever since. Using data from the European Values Study (EVS), we find that concerns about immigration, especially in the context of the economic crisis of 2007, is a factor of declining support for European integration and that these effects vary across regions. In particular, we demonstrate the mediating effect of context by showing that the effect of being concerned about immigration is more corrosive for support in regions with higher immigration rates than in regions with lower rates.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134055943","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-03-17DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.885772
F. Serricchio
Abstract In June 2009, European citizens voted in the European Parliamentary elections. Despite the relevance of the election, turnout across countries was particularly low. In Italy, too, abstention is growing and this paper aims to explain why. Traditionally, low turnout in European Parliamentary elections is explained by the fact that they are considered second-order elections and, thus, less important than national elections. According to this perspective, national factors are the main cause of lower turnout as compared to national elections. Thus, it is generally considered that low turnout is not related to citizens' support for the European Union or other European attitudes, such as European identity. In this article, this perspective is questioned and other individual factors are considered. In particular, a number of European attitudes are considered as independent variables together with national factors. The findings show that abstention in European Parliamentary elections in Italy is directly linked to citizens' disaffection with politics, rather than disaffection with government performance. Furthermore, attitudes toward the European Union integration project play a role only when the level of political involvement is high. Thus, European questions matter and turnout in European Parliamentary elections is driven not only by national-level factors, but also by citizens' satisfaction with the European Union and sense of European identity.
{"title":"The 2009 European Election in Italy: National or European?","authors":"F. Serricchio","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.885772","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.885772","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In June 2009, European citizens voted in the European Parliamentary elections. Despite the relevance of the election, turnout across countries was particularly low. In Italy, too, abstention is growing and this paper aims to explain why. Traditionally, low turnout in European Parliamentary elections is explained by the fact that they are considered second-order elections and, thus, less important than national elections. According to this perspective, national factors are the main cause of lower turnout as compared to national elections. Thus, it is generally considered that low turnout is not related to citizens' support for the European Union or other European attitudes, such as European identity. In this article, this perspective is questioned and other individual factors are considered. In particular, a number of European attitudes are considered as independent variables together with national factors. The findings show that abstention in European Parliamentary elections in Italy is directly linked to citizens' disaffection with politics, rather than disaffection with government performance. Furthermore, attitudes toward the European Union integration project play a role only when the level of political involvement is high. Thus, European questions matter and turnout in European Parliamentary elections is driven not only by national-level factors, but also by citizens' satisfaction with the European Union and sense of European identity.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131237415","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-03-17DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.885770
M. Mazzoni, G. Barbieri
Abstract How has the Eurozone crisis been covered in the Italian press? Who has been identified as bearing the main responsibility for the crisis? What is the image of the European Union (EU) that has emerged from this coverage? This article aims to answer such questions through a content analysis of four Italian newspapers (Il Sole 24 Ore, Corriere della Sera, la Repubblica and il Giornale) during 11 periods between 2010 and 2012. In our perspective, the topic we address is particularly important for two reasons: first, because the continuing Euro crisis is the most significant threat facing the EU's very existence since its formation, and second, because the media, through the coverage they provide, contribute to build both Europe and the support it needs to prosper.
意大利媒体是如何报道欧元区危机的?谁被认为对这场危机负有主要责任?从这些报道中浮现出的欧盟(EU)形象是什么?本文旨在通过对2010年至2012年11个时期的四家意大利报纸(Il Sole 24 Ore, Corriere della Sera, la Repubblica和Il Giornale)的内容分析来回答这些问题。在我们看来，我们讨论的话题之所以特别重要，有两个原因:第一，因为持续的欧元危机是欧盟成立以来面临的最重大威胁，第二，因为媒体通过他们提供的报道，为建立欧洲和支持其繁荣做出了贡献。
{"title":"Grasshoppers against Ants or Malfunctions of Capitalism? The Representation of the European Economic Crisis in the Main Italian Newspapers","authors":"M. Mazzoni, G. Barbieri","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.885770","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.885770","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract How has the Eurozone crisis been covered in the Italian press? Who has been identified as bearing the main responsibility for the crisis? What is the image of the European Union (EU) that has emerged from this coverage? This article aims to answer such questions through a content analysis of four Italian newspapers (Il Sole 24 Ore, Corriere della Sera, la Repubblica and il Giornale) during 11 periods between 2010 and 2012. In our perspective, the topic we address is particularly important for two reasons: first, because the continuing Euro crisis is the most significant threat facing the EU's very existence since its formation, and second, because the media, through the coverage they provide, contribute to build both Europe and the support it needs to prosper.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130373050","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-02DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.793537
Andreas Wimmel
Abstract Referendums on issues of European integration have become more and more important in recent years, particularly after the failed referenda on the EU Constitutional Treaty in France and the Netherlands. This paper examines the impact of direct democracy in national contexts on the decision of governments and parliaments to conduct EU referendums. The results of a qualitative–comparative analysis of 30 countries since 1945 show that this form of path dependency exists only in part: While some nation states with plebiscitary traditions also grant their citizens direct participation in major EU decisions, others do not convene EU referendums or call for EU referendums even though they have no experience with direct democracy in national politics.
{"title":"The Impact of National Direct Democracy on the Choice for Convening EU Referendums","authors":"Andreas Wimmel","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.793537","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.793537","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Referendums on issues of European integration have become more and more important in recent years, particularly after the failed referenda on the EU Constitutional Treaty in France and the Netherlands. This paper examines the impact of direct democracy in national contexts on the decision of governments and parliaments to conduct EU referendums. The results of a qualitative–comparative analysis of 30 countries since 1945 show that this form of path dependency exists only in part: While some nation states with plebiscitary traditions also grant their citizens direct participation in major EU decisions, others do not convene EU referendums or call for EU referendums even though they have no experience with direct democracy in national politics.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128853379","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-02DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.793533
J. Kovář, K. Kovář
Abstract Elections to the European Parliament (EP) fall into the category of second-order national elections. In these types of elections voters behave differently when casting their vote. But what about political parties: do they behave differently in EP elections than in national parliamentary elections? This article draws on available electoral data related to women's representation in the Czech Republic and Slovakia to explicitly link the second-order election (SOE) model to independent actions of political parties. The results show that women candidates have (1) more positions and better ranking on ballot lists; as well as (2) better chances of getting elected when running in SOEs in Slovakia but not in the Czech Republic. In order to explain this variance in results, the most similar system design (MSSD) was applied. The findings from the MSSD indicate that three variables have the potential to explain this variance in representation of women in EP elections between the countries: parties’ positions on European integration dimension, the numerical size of national legislature, and preferential voting. The variable parties’ positions on European integration have the highest explanatory power.
{"title":"Representation of Women in Second-order Elections: The Czech Republic and Slovakia Compared","authors":"J. Kovář, K. Kovář","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.793533","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.793533","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Elections to the European Parliament (EP) fall into the category of second-order national elections. In these types of elections voters behave differently when casting their vote. But what about political parties: do they behave differently in EP elections than in national parliamentary elections? This article draws on available electoral data related to women's representation in the Czech Republic and Slovakia to explicitly link the second-order election (SOE) model to independent actions of political parties. The results show that women candidates have (1) more positions and better ranking on ballot lists; as well as (2) better chances of getting elected when running in SOEs in Slovakia but not in the Czech Republic. In order to explain this variance in results, the most similar system design (MSSD) was applied. The findings from the MSSD indicate that three variables have the potential to explain this variance in representation of women in EP elections between the countries: parties’ positions on European integration dimension, the numerical size of national legislature, and preferential voting. The variable parties’ positions on European integration have the highest explanatory power.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115472285","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-02DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.793534
D. Mccann
Abstract It has been argued that since the mid 1990s the European Commission, with the support of the European Court of Justice, has launched a concerted attack on the institutions of ‘organised’ or ‘non-liberal’ capitalism in member states. In combination, these two institutions are said to possess both the will and, more importantly, the capacity to enforce a liberal transformation of national economic governance institutions across much of Europe. This article evaluates these claims, firstly, through an analysis of the EU's efforts to strengthen the rights of shareholders within the governance of corporations. It identifies the principal political factors that mediate and mitigate the impact of this reform programme through an examination of the fate of the Commission's efforts to create functioning markets for corporate control and for firm incorporation. It then, secondly, assesses the related but broader question of the viability of narrowly focused regulatory reform programmes as a mechanism for transforming governance institutions, through the conduct of a case study of the impact of shareholder protection reforms on corporate governance in Italy. While acknowledging the extent of the obstacles to coherent reform and the limited impact of the reform programme, it finds that the capacity of Commission and ECJ activism to ‘dis-organise’ national governance systems is real and significant.
{"title":"Transforming European Capitalism? The European Union and the Governance of Companies","authors":"D. Mccann","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.793534","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.793534","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract It has been argued that since the mid 1990s the European Commission, with the support of the European Court of Justice, has launched a concerted attack on the institutions of ‘organised’ or ‘non-liberal’ capitalism in member states. In combination, these two institutions are said to possess both the will and, more importantly, the capacity to enforce a liberal transformation of national economic governance institutions across much of Europe. This article evaluates these claims, firstly, through an analysis of the EU's efforts to strengthen the rights of shareholders within the governance of corporations. It identifies the principal political factors that mediate and mitigate the impact of this reform programme through an examination of the fate of the Commission's efforts to create functioning markets for corporate control and for firm incorporation. It then, secondly, assesses the related but broader question of the viability of narrowly focused regulatory reform programmes as a mechanism for transforming governance institutions, through the conduct of a case study of the impact of shareholder protection reforms on corporate governance in Italy. While acknowledging the extent of the obstacles to coherent reform and the limited impact of the reform programme, it finds that the capacity of Commission and ECJ activism to ‘dis-organise’ national governance systems is real and significant.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115768980","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-02DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.828957
R. Turovsky
Abstract In this article the author analyses the intricate combination of repression and co-optation policies conducted by Russia's ruling elites in their relations with the opposition on the regional level. As the study shows the structural features of electoral authoritarianism not only ensure the victories of ‘approved’ candidates but also make the rare oppositional winners to adapt to the existing regime and change the political affiliation. If the regime gets more authoritarian the oppositional party can still be a tool to win a local election. But after being elected, the winner finds himself in another political environment of existing patron–client relations, and has no other choice than to become a dependent member, or an agent (according to principal–agent theory) in higher-level clientele. As a result, oppositional party has become useless in the recruitment of influential executive power elite. However, while blocking unwanted ‘invasion’ of opposition into the executive power the regime allows opposition to be presented in the leadership of regional legislative power. This policy reflects the necessity to make an opposition more loyal and included into the system of power relations in most safe and efficient for the ruling elite way.
{"title":"Opposition Parties in Hybrid Regimes: Between Repression and Co-optation: The Case of Russia's Regions","authors":"R. Turovsky","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.828957","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.828957","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this article the author analyses the intricate combination of repression and co-optation policies conducted by Russia's ruling elites in their relations with the opposition on the regional level. As the study shows the structural features of electoral authoritarianism not only ensure the victories of ‘approved’ candidates but also make the rare oppositional winners to adapt to the existing regime and change the political affiliation. If the regime gets more authoritarian the oppositional party can still be a tool to win a local election. But after being elected, the winner finds himself in another political environment of existing patron–client relations, and has no other choice than to become a dependent member, or an agent (according to principal–agent theory) in higher-level clientele. As a result, oppositional party has become useless in the recruitment of influential executive power elite. However, while blocking unwanted ‘invasion’ of opposition into the executive power the regime allows opposition to be presented in the leadership of regional legislative power. This policy reflects the necessity to make an opposition more loyal and included into the system of power relations in most safe and efficient for the ruling elite way.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"116 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124054092","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-01-02DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2013.873259
Pierre Monforte
Abstract This paper examines the Europeanization of social movements through frame analysis. Focusing on the case of the French and German pro-asylum movements, it shows how they build new collective identities and increasingly recognize the role of EU institutions and policies. This analysis shows first of all that social movements' organizations coming from different national contexts Europeanize their frames to the same extent and through similar paths. It shows then that, within each country, social movements' organizations with different characteristics frame European institutions and policies differently. These differences are explained by their distinct strategies of protest and alliance at the European level. Organizations acting in Brussels through lobbying techniques tend to follow a process of frame transformation, and organizations protesting at the transnational level tend to follow processes of frame extension and frame bridging. This analysis concentrates on a panel of 23 organizations representative of the pro-asylum movements in France and Germany.
{"title":"The Cognitive Dimension of Social Movements' Europeanization Processes. The Case of the Protests against ‘Fortress Europe’","authors":"Pierre Monforte","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2013.873259","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2013.873259","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper examines the Europeanization of social movements through frame analysis. Focusing on the case of the French and German pro-asylum movements, it shows how they build new collective identities and increasingly recognize the role of EU institutions and policies. This analysis shows first of all that social movements' organizations coming from different national contexts Europeanize their frames to the same extent and through similar paths. It shows then that, within each country, social movements' organizations with different characteristics frame European institutions and policies differently. These differences are explained by their distinct strategies of protest and alliance at the European level. Organizations acting in Brussels through lobbying techniques tend to follow a process of frame transformation, and organizations protesting at the transnational level tend to follow processes of frame extension and frame bridging. This analysis concentrates on a panel of 23 organizations representative of the pro-asylum movements in France and Germany.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"22 3 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129792700","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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