Pub Date : 2012-09-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.702575
Luis Garcia, Susana Del Río Villar
Abstract This article analyses the effect of the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) in the EU's participatory model. It considers first its origins in the process of participation of civil society in the Convention to point out the importance of considering the debates on participation in the last decade. It then builds on the expectations of other papers in this special issue that the main users of the ECI will be a constituency of civil society organisations so far weakly involved in European affairs and focuses mainly on the ECI's innovative effects on the relations between the European institutions and organised civil society. The article analyses whether the ECI may make the EU participatory model more inclusive, empowering and more oriented towards the public sphere than it has been so far. It finds that the ECI may make European civil society more diverse, representative and oriented to the public sphere, although it is not clear that the initiative grants them a more salient role. In this sense the financial, organisational and political costs associated to the initiative seem more important than the potential gains it offers, although it is also expected that the ECI will become a sufficiently salient tool in political terms to be neglected by the EU institutions.
{"title":"The ECI as a Democratic Innovation: Analysing its Ability to Promote Inclusion, Empowerment and Responsiveness in European Civil Society","authors":"Luis Garcia, Susana Del Río Villar","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.702575","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.702575","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article analyses the effect of the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) in the EU's participatory model. It considers first its origins in the process of participation of civil society in the Convention to point out the importance of considering the debates on participation in the last decade. It then builds on the expectations of other papers in this special issue that the main users of the ECI will be a constituency of civil society organisations so far weakly involved in European affairs and focuses mainly on the ECI's innovative effects on the relations between the European institutions and organised civil society. The article analyses whether the ECI may make the EU participatory model more inclusive, empowering and more oriented towards the public sphere than it has been so far. It finds that the ECI may make European civil society more diverse, representative and oriented to the public sphere, although it is not clear that the initiative grants them a more salient role. In this sense the financial, organisational and political costs associated to the initiative seem more important than the potential gains it offers, although it is also expected that the ECI will become a sufficiently salient tool in political terms to be neglected by the EU institutions.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116763863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-09-01DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.702572
Dorota Szeligowska, Elitsa Mincheva
Abstract The article presents the origins of the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) and traces the variety of issues that arose in debate between the Commission, Parliament and Council during the passage of the Regulation, which now defines the procedural rules of the instrument. Its nature is assessed by detailed analysis of the procedural requirements and the provisions surrounding them. This is followed by an elaboration of the ECI's potential contribution to the political system of the EU, and the ways in which its use could remedy the EU's ‘democratic deficit’. Particular attention is given to the impact of the rules upon the European Commission.
{"title":"the European Citizens’ Initiative – Empowering European Citizens within the Institutional Triangle: A Political and Legal Analysis","authors":"Dorota Szeligowska, Elitsa Mincheva","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.702572","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.702572","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article presents the origins of the European Citizens’ Initiative (ECI) and traces the variety of issues that arose in debate between the Commission, Parliament and Council during the passage of the Regulation, which now defines the procedural rules of the instrument. Its nature is assessed by detailed analysis of the procedural requirements and the provisions surrounding them. This is followed by an elaboration of the ECI's potential contribution to the political system of the EU, and the ways in which its use could remedy the EU's ‘democratic deficit’. Particular attention is given to the impact of the rules upon the European Commission.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114107524","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-31DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.675655
B. Radeljić
Cerwyn Moore’s analysis of wars in Kosovo (1998–99) and Chechnya (1994–96 and 1999– 2002) starts by insisting that traditional accounts of war in International Relations cannot adequately explain contemporary violence and, therefore, we should favour a revised approach relying on hermeneutics and, thus, events, facts and stories. Indeed, given their locations, both Kosovo and Chechnya are places where the outbreak of violence provided an opportunity for the resurrection of myths and narratives of national identity that further inflamed the dispute. The very beginning of the examination of the situation in Kosovo necessitates two important clarifications (if not corrections). First, the author says that ‘Kosovo [is] locally referred to as Kosova’ (p. 35) – yes, but only amongst the Kosovo Albanians and never amongst the Kosovo Serbs. And, second, the author claims that ‘[u]ntil recent years Kosovo was a province of the post-Dayton Serbian Republic’ (p. 35) – ‘post-Dayton’ refers to BosniaHerzegovina and not to Serbia, but, more importantly, Kosovo was a province of Serbia long before the 1995 Dayton Agreement. In contrast, the history of Chechnya is presented more accurately with some important insights about the cause of Chechen separatism and external response to it. In fact, the Russian political involvement following the end of communism has often included operations in Chechnya. As a response, the war resurrected the relevance of religion for Chechen identity: Even though the immediate post-Soviet period was not officially characterized by religious elements, the post-1996 constitution defined the Chechen state as Islamic (pp. 59–60). Of course, the Western media were interested in developments from the very beginning. In order to approach them and further their cause, both Chechens and Kosovo Albanians tried to distribute images of extreme violence and crimes. For example, while the former produced, copied and sent abroad DVDs and CDs explaining the Chechen resistance, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) relied on news bulletins and websites aimed at provoking an international intervention (pp. 79–81). In this respect, Moore has a valid point when insisting on the relevance of stories, narratives and interpretation that can surely provide International Relations with more profound understanding of conflict. Both in the Balkans and in the North Caucasus, the locals relied on stories (often of disputable reliability) in order to construct the image of an enemy and secure external attention. However, such situations are usually characterized by a win-lose outcome. In the former Yugoslavia, for example, the Western media and officials were more sympathetic to Slovenian, Croatian and, later, Kosovo Albanian narratives, while the other, Serbian, stories remained unheard. Moore moves on by offering an account of the armed resistance movements. He claims that ‘[i]n Kosovo and Chechnya, criminality and criminalization combined’ (p. 106) and, in order to
{"title":"Contemporary Violence: Postmodern War in Kosovo and Chechnya","authors":"B. Radeljić","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.675655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.675655","url":null,"abstract":"Cerwyn Moore’s analysis of wars in Kosovo (1998–99) and Chechnya (1994–96 and 1999– 2002) starts by insisting that traditional accounts of war in International Relations cannot adequately explain contemporary violence and, therefore, we should favour a revised approach relying on hermeneutics and, thus, events, facts and stories. Indeed, given their locations, both Kosovo and Chechnya are places where the outbreak of violence provided an opportunity for the resurrection of myths and narratives of national identity that further inflamed the dispute. The very beginning of the examination of the situation in Kosovo necessitates two important clarifications (if not corrections). First, the author says that ‘Kosovo [is] locally referred to as Kosova’ (p. 35) – yes, but only amongst the Kosovo Albanians and never amongst the Kosovo Serbs. And, second, the author claims that ‘[u]ntil recent years Kosovo was a province of the post-Dayton Serbian Republic’ (p. 35) – ‘post-Dayton’ refers to BosniaHerzegovina and not to Serbia, but, more importantly, Kosovo was a province of Serbia long before the 1995 Dayton Agreement. In contrast, the history of Chechnya is presented more accurately with some important insights about the cause of Chechen separatism and external response to it. In fact, the Russian political involvement following the end of communism has often included operations in Chechnya. As a response, the war resurrected the relevance of religion for Chechen identity: Even though the immediate post-Soviet period was not officially characterized by religious elements, the post-1996 constitution defined the Chechen state as Islamic (pp. 59–60). Of course, the Western media were interested in developments from the very beginning. In order to approach them and further their cause, both Chechens and Kosovo Albanians tried to distribute images of extreme violence and crimes. For example, while the former produced, copied and sent abroad DVDs and CDs explaining the Chechen resistance, the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) relied on news bulletins and websites aimed at provoking an international intervention (pp. 79–81). In this respect, Moore has a valid point when insisting on the relevance of stories, narratives and interpretation that can surely provide International Relations with more profound understanding of conflict. Both in the Balkans and in the North Caucasus, the locals relied on stories (often of disputable reliability) in order to construct the image of an enemy and secure external attention. However, such situations are usually characterized by a win-lose outcome. In the former Yugoslavia, for example, the Western media and officials were more sympathetic to Slovenian, Croatian and, later, Kosovo Albanian narratives, while the other, Serbian, stories remained unheard. Moore moves on by offering an account of the armed resistance movements. He claims that ‘[i]n Kosovo and Chechnya, criminality and criminalization combined’ (p. 106) and, in order to","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"257 3","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"113988984","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-31DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.675650
Mathieu Petithomme
Abstract This article provides an innovative empirical contribution to the understudied question of party spending in EU election campaigns through a comparison between the cases of France and Spain between 1994 and 2009 (and, to a lesser extent, Great Britain and Ireland). It shows that mainstream parties have become increasingly more reliant on state funding in EU elections as compared with national campaigns. It also illustrates that mainstream parties have restricted or even limited the resources that they have been willing to mobilise in EU election campaigns, a trend that contrasts with minor parties and with the ever-increasing expenditure that characterises national elections. National parties have also limited the expenditure related to public communication activities in EU elections, while most spending has been devoted to routine administration costs. Overall, the weak and even sometimes declining financial mobilisations of the relevant party organisations in European campaigns can throw new light on the persistent ‘second-order’ national character of EU elections.
{"title":"Second-Order Elections, but also ‘Low-Cost’ Campaigns? National Parties and Campaign Spending in European Elections: A Comparative Analysis","authors":"Mathieu Petithomme","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.675650","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.675650","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article provides an innovative empirical contribution to the understudied question of party spending in EU election campaigns through a comparison between the cases of France and Spain between 1994 and 2009 (and, to a lesser extent, Great Britain and Ireland). It shows that mainstream parties have become increasingly more reliant on state funding in EU elections as compared with national campaigns. It also illustrates that mainstream parties have restricted or even limited the resources that they have been willing to mobilise in EU election campaigns, a trend that contrasts with minor parties and with the ever-increasing expenditure that characterises national elections. National parties have also limited the expenditure related to public communication activities in EU elections, while most spending has been devoted to routine administration costs. Overall, the weak and even sometimes declining financial mobilisations of the relevant party organisations in European campaigns can throw new light on the persistent ‘second-order’ national character of EU elections.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129206418","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-31DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.675656
J. FitzGibbon
{"title":"European Stories: Intellectual Debates on Europe in National Contexts","authors":"J. FitzGibbon","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.675656","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.675656","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"37 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127590459","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-31DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.675649
Nikolaos Tzifakis
Abstract The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia with progress towards European accession. The ‘power of attraction’ of EU membership would presumably induce the Bosnian authorities to accept the adaptation costs of political and economic transformation. However, the Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. The track record of the EU's policies towards Bosnia represents a paradigmatic case of what would happen if almost nothing works as efficiently as in the case of the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not effectively responded to three challenges: 1) adjust the process to the needs of an ethnically divided post-war state; 2) preserve the credibility of accession conditionality, and 3) convey the proper messages on how to comply with EU rules. Therefore, the article argues for a more cohesive and consistent EU approach towards Bosnia.
{"title":"Bosnia's Slow Europeanisation","authors":"Nikolaos Tzifakis","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.675649","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.675649","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The European Union (EU) has closely correlated different aspects of the peace process in Bosnia with progress towards European accession. The ‘power of attraction’ of EU membership would presumably induce the Bosnian authorities to accept the adaptation costs of political and economic transformation. However, the Europeanisation approach has not produced the expected results. The track record of the EU's policies towards Bosnia represents a paradigmatic case of what would happen if almost nothing works as efficiently as in the case of the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007. The article investigates the causes of EU policy failure in Bosnia and claims that the EU has not effectively responded to three challenges: 1) adjust the process to the needs of an ethnically divided post-war state; 2) preserve the credibility of accession conditionality, and 3) convey the proper messages on how to comply with EU rules. Therefore, the article argues for a more cohesive and consistent EU approach towards Bosnia.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122421339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-31DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.675654
Mihail Chiru, Sergiu Gherghina
Abstract The EU enlargement brought about a series of institutional changes in the new member-states. This article shows how the EU also shapes citizens' attitudes towards their domestic political institutions. Using survey data from the Candidate Countries and Standard Eurobarometers (2002–06), we show that political trust in national institutions in Central Europe is the effect of trust in the EU and of the expectations projected onto the evolution of the national economies. Such determinants got stronger after EU accession, thus supporting our central argument, according to which we witness a third phase in the formation of attitudes towards institutions in post-communist Europe. Keeping to these lines, our study sheds new light on the patterns and origins of political trust formation, showing that a transfer of legitimacy is possible not only from a national to a supranational level, but also in the reverse direction.
{"title":"Does the Confidence in the EU Spill Over to the National Level? A Longitudinal Analysis of Political Trust in Central Europe","authors":"Mihail Chiru, Sergiu Gherghina","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.675654","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.675654","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The EU enlargement brought about a series of institutional changes in the new member-states. This article shows how the EU also shapes citizens' attitudes towards their domestic political institutions. Using survey data from the Candidate Countries and Standard Eurobarometers (2002–06), we show that political trust in national institutions in Central Europe is the effect of trust in the EU and of the expectations projected onto the evolution of the national economies. Such determinants got stronger after EU accession, thus supporting our central argument, according to which we witness a third phase in the formation of attitudes towards institutions in post-communist Europe. Keeping to these lines, our study sheds new light on the patterns and origins of political trust formation, showing that a transfer of legitimacy is possible not only from a national to a supranational level, but also in the reverse direction.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124410243","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-31DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.675652
Yiannos Katsourides
Abstract The article focuses on the Cypriot communist party, AKEL, in the post-1990s era. The analysis centres on two processes and their impact upon two types of results. The two processes scrutinised are: (a) the party's pattern of change and adaptation as this was guided by its strategic decision to redefine and, at the same time, maintain its pivotal role within the political and party systems of Cyprus and (b) its governing aspirations and participation. The interest lies in the effects of these processes on (a) the party's electoral success and (b) its radical character. Electorally, the process of change rendered AKEL probably the most successful party within the European communist party family. The party also succeeded in preserving its peculiar radical identity. Nevertheless, this identity is under constant threat, not least because the party decided to pursue a governing strategy within the EU framework. When analysing the process of party adaptation, the sui generis character of AKEL comes to the fore, reminding us that politics seems always to be largely context dependent.
{"title":"Travelling against the Tide: The Cypriot Communist Left in the Post-1990s Era","authors":"Yiannos Katsourides","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.675652","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.675652","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The article focuses on the Cypriot communist party, AKEL, in the post-1990s era. The analysis centres on two processes and their impact upon two types of results. The two processes scrutinised are: (a) the party's pattern of change and adaptation as this was guided by its strategic decision to redefine and, at the same time, maintain its pivotal role within the political and party systems of Cyprus and (b) its governing aspirations and participation. The interest lies in the effects of these processes on (a) the party's electoral success and (b) its radical character. Electorally, the process of change rendered AKEL probably the most successful party within the European communist party family. The party also succeeded in preserving its peculiar radical identity. Nevertheless, this identity is under constant threat, not least because the party decided to pursue a governing strategy within the EU framework. When analysing the process of party adaptation, the sui generis character of AKEL comes to the fore, reminding us that politics seems always to be largely context dependent.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"86 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128056444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-31DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.675653
I. Iusmen
Abstract Policy entrepreneurs and feedback effects can shape the European Union's (EU's) human rights agenda. This article examines the role of policy entrepreneurs and policy feedback in relation to EU intervention in children's rights in Romania and the impact of this intervention on the EU itself. The children's rights accession conditionality as applied on Romania amounted to an interventionist policy, which radically overhauled the Romanian children's rights provisions. The Romanian children's case, however, provided EU policy entrepreneurs with a window of opportunity to introduce children's rights as an EU internal policy, while, in the context of EU enlargement, positive feedback effects have entrenched the protection of children's rights as an EU accession condition. It is shown that the children's rights conditionality applied on Romania before 2007 has impacted upon the EU's approach to children's rights by forging the development of institutional structures and policy mechanisms at the Commission level to promote children's rights in the EU's internal and external policy dimensions.
{"title":"Romania's Accession to the EU and the EU Children's Rights Agenda: Policy Entrepreneurship and Feedback Effects","authors":"I. Iusmen","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.675653","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.675653","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Policy entrepreneurs and feedback effects can shape the European Union's (EU's) human rights agenda. This article examines the role of policy entrepreneurs and policy feedback in relation to EU intervention in children's rights in Romania and the impact of this intervention on the EU itself. The children's rights accession conditionality as applied on Romania amounted to an interventionist policy, which radically overhauled the Romanian children's rights provisions. The Romanian children's case, however, provided EU policy entrepreneurs with a window of opportunity to introduce children's rights as an EU internal policy, while, in the context of EU enlargement, positive feedback effects have entrenched the protection of children's rights as an EU accession condition. It is shown that the children's rights conditionality applied on Romania before 2007 has impacted upon the EU's approach to children's rights by forging the development of institutional structures and policy mechanisms at the Commission level to promote children's rights in the EU's internal and external policy dimensions.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126354928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-05-31DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2012.675651
Florent Marciacq
Abstract Is there an all-European way of voting in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) that transcends the borders of the European Union (EU) and affects, though differentially, the foreign policy of non-EU European states? To answer this question, this paper inquires into the voting behaviour in the UNGA of 12 non-EU states from the Western Balkans and the Black Sea region between 1993 and 2010. It assesses the voting distance of these non-EU states vis-à-vis EU positions, which it models either by proxy (using Luxembourg) or by unanimity. The paper finds that the multilateral diplomacy of most non-EU states has become distinctively convergent with EU preferences. It nevertheless observes notable cross-national variations, which it cannot trace back to differences in the non-EU states' institutional distance to the EU. While acknowledging the role of compliance mechanisms, the paper suggests that other mechanisms (e.g. simple and social learning) may be at work.
{"title":"Europeanisation at Work in the Western Balkans and the Black Sea Region: Is There an All-European Way of Voting in the United Nations General Assembly?","authors":"Florent Marciacq","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2012.675651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.675651","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Is there an all-European way of voting in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) that transcends the borders of the European Union (EU) and affects, though differentially, the foreign policy of non-EU European states? To answer this question, this paper inquires into the voting behaviour in the UNGA of 12 non-EU states from the Western Balkans and the Black Sea region between 1993 and 2010. It assesses the voting distance of these non-EU states vis-à-vis EU positions, which it models either by proxy (using Luxembourg) or by unanimity. The paper finds that the multilateral diplomacy of most non-EU states has become distinctively convergent with EU preferences. It nevertheless observes notable cross-national variations, which it cannot trace back to differences in the non-EU states' institutional distance to the EU. While acknowledging the role of compliance mechanisms, the paper suggests that other mechanisms (e.g. simple and social learning) may be at work.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127167525","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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