Pub Date : 2014-05-28DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.912401
Anna Visvizi
Abstract Locked in the commitments of previous governments and arrangements negotiated with the Troika back in 2010 and early 2012, the Greek government continues to channel the burden of fiscal adjustment towards the private sector, killing any nascent thoughts of investment and entrepreneurship in Greece. Simultaneously, bold structural reforms are kept hostage to the uncertain balance of the ruling coalition and negligible majority in the Greek parliament. Caught literally between a rock and a hard place, the authorities seek to attain a primary fiscal surplus, hopeful that this will help to bring an end to the essentially faulty economic adjustment programme for Greece in 2014. Surprisingly, the talk of fiscal surplus alone seems to have ignited positive expectations that the crisis might, in fact, be nearing an end. This suggests that in the same way as the crisis in Greece was provoked by irresponsible and inaccurate statements about Greece's fiscal position and Grexit was a viable option through 2011, discourses on Grecovery may prove constitutive of the end of the crisis. This paper explores this issue and by so doing contemplates the evolving nature of the core-periphery relations in the EU and its policy-making.
{"title":"From Grexit to Grecovery: The Paradox of the Troika's Engagement with Greece","authors":"Anna Visvizi","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.912401","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.912401","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Locked in the commitments of previous governments and arrangements negotiated with the Troika back in 2010 and early 2012, the Greek government continues to channel the burden of fiscal adjustment towards the private sector, killing any nascent thoughts of investment and entrepreneurship in Greece. Simultaneously, bold structural reforms are kept hostage to the uncertain balance of the ruling coalition and negligible majority in the Greek parliament. Caught literally between a rock and a hard place, the authorities seek to attain a primary fiscal surplus, hopeful that this will help to bring an end to the essentially faulty economic adjustment programme for Greece in 2014. Surprisingly, the talk of fiscal surplus alone seems to have ignited positive expectations that the crisis might, in fact, be nearing an end. This suggests that in the same way as the crisis in Greece was provoked by irresponsible and inaccurate statements about Greece's fiscal position and Grexit was a viable option through 2011, discourses on Grecovery may prove constitutive of the end of the crisis. This paper explores this issue and by so doing contemplates the evolving nature of the core-periphery relations in the EU and its policy-making.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"108 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114026671","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-05-28DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.912403
Béla Galgóczi
Abstract This article addresses one of the major fault lines that emerged with the controversial crisis management practices in a divided Europe. Much attention has been paid to divergences between the Eurozone core (Germany and other surplus countries) and the crisis-ridden southern periphery of the monetary union. The crisis and its aftershocks that hit Central Eastern European countries in 2009 had also been addressed extensively. Less attention had, however, been paid to the different characteristics of the ‘two peripheries’ of Europe, the one in the South and the other in the East. This article focuses on the differences in their economic structure and most importantly the different role these peripheries play in the division of labour within the European economy. The conclusions we can draw are not only important for the understanding of the challenges these peripheries are facing, but they also deliver lessons to the whole process of European crisis management practices.
{"title":"The Tale of Two Peripheries in a Divided Europe","authors":"Béla Galgóczi","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.912403","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.912403","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article addresses one of the major fault lines that emerged with the controversial crisis management practices in a divided Europe. Much attention has been paid to divergences between the Eurozone core (Germany and other surplus countries) and the crisis-ridden southern periphery of the monetary union. The crisis and its aftershocks that hit Central Eastern European countries in 2009 had also been addressed extensively. Less attention had, however, been paid to the different characteristics of the ‘two peripheries’ of Europe, the one in the South and the other in the East. This article focuses on the differences in their economic structure and most importantly the different role these peripheries play in the division of labour within the European economy. The conclusions we can draw are not only important for the understanding of the challenges these peripheries are facing, but they also deliver lessons to the whole process of European crisis management practices.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115302045","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-05-28DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.912399
Lothar Funk
Abstract Since the early 2000s, the German labour market has undergone a sweeping institutional transformation. While during the 1990s and early 2000s, Germany was usually regarded as the ‘sick man of Europe’, the country's economy has recently been described in many respects as an international role model. Around a decade ago, a reform package was introduced that resulted in the unemployment rate being almost cut in half, in spite of the difficult economic climate due to the financial crisis and the succeeding and still ongoing problems in the Eurozone. However, the success has also been challenged due to its alleged internal and external unpleasant side-effects by critics. After having explained the essence of the German social market economy and its development prior to the deep downswing of 2008/2009 which was coined the ‘Great Recession’ by leading US economists, the paper summarises the key aspects of the rather unexpected German labour market successes since 2009 and addresses claims of related distributional injustice of these reforms within the country as well as assertions that the German success of ongoing high exports and current account surpluses is based on beggar-thy-neighbour policies. Finally, the paper briefly asks whether Germany has faced up to its responsibilities during the crisis in the Eurozone since the end of 2009.
{"title":"Why has the German Job Market Done Astonishingly Well Despite the 2008–2009 ‘Great Recession’? New Economic Miracle, Institutional Transformation or Beggar-thy-Neighbour Policies?","authors":"Lothar Funk","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.912399","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.912399","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Since the early 2000s, the German labour market has undergone a sweeping institutional transformation. While during the 1990s and early 2000s, Germany was usually regarded as the ‘sick man of Europe’, the country's economy has recently been described in many respects as an international role model. Around a decade ago, a reform package was introduced that resulted in the unemployment rate being almost cut in half, in spite of the difficult economic climate due to the financial crisis and the succeeding and still ongoing problems in the Eurozone. However, the success has also been challenged due to its alleged internal and external unpleasant side-effects by critics. After having explained the essence of the German social market economy and its development prior to the deep downswing of 2008/2009 which was coined the ‘Great Recession’ by leading US economists, the paper summarises the key aspects of the rather unexpected German labour market successes since 2009 and addresses claims of related distributional injustice of these reforms within the country as well as assertions that the German success of ongoing high exports and current account surpluses is based on beggar-thy-neighbour policies. Finally, the paper briefly asks whether Germany has faced up to its responsibilities during the crisis in the Eurozone since the end of 2009.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124333586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-05-28DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.912402
J. Magone
Abstract This paper delineates the changing environment from a benevolent to a conditionality-oriented. It uses the case study of Portugal and the implementation of the austerity programme to show how a semi-peripheral country of the European Union (EU) reacted to this changed environment. The first section shows how the EU has become more divided due to the growing cleavage between rich and poor member states. This is followed by the section on the making of the growing tensions between the European partners and the International Monetary Fund. Subsequently, the semi-peripheral economy of Portugal is analysed, before the policy responses of the Portuguese government are presented.
{"title":"Portugal Is Not Greece: Policy Responses to the Sovereign Debt Crisis and the Consequences for the Portuguese Political Economy","authors":"J. Magone","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.912402","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.912402","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper delineates the changing environment from a benevolent to a conditionality-oriented. It uses the case study of Portugal and the implementation of the austerity programme to show how a semi-peripheral country of the European Union (EU) reacted to this changed environment. The first section shows how the EU has become more divided due to the growing cleavage between rich and poor member states. This is followed by the section on the making of the growing tensions between the European partners and the International Monetary Fund. Subsequently, the semi-peripheral economy of Portugal is analysed, before the policy responses of the Portuguese government are presented.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"36 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124029868","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-05-28DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.912400
S. Auer
Abstract This paper presents contrasting stories of three pro-EU nations, Germany, Ireland and Slovakia, which have seen their European projects put on a collision course with their political traditions, expectations and material interests. Slovaks can no longer be confident in strengthening their post-communist democracy through its engagement with Europe. In Germany, people are concerned that they can no longer trust their currency, the euro, let alone see it as the bedrock of economic and political stability. Germans are also profoundly worried about the erosion of the rule of law, the Rechtsstaat, through euro rescue measures, which are yet to prove their effectiveness. In Ireland too, people who had experienced European integration as hugely beneficial, both economically and politically, have been forced to question their commitments. To sum up, many German, Slovak and Irish citizens have seen their EU-integration goals severely undermined by the crisis. What is more, the strategies that have been employed to safeguard the single currency have resulted in increased scepticism towards the European project as such. Instead of differentiated integration, the conflicting goals may well be pointing towards Europe's disintegration.
{"title":"The Limits of Transnational Solidarity and the Eurozone Crisis in Germany, Ireland and Slovakia","authors":"S. Auer","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.912400","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.912400","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper presents contrasting stories of three pro-EU nations, Germany, Ireland and Slovakia, which have seen their European projects put on a collision course with their political traditions, expectations and material interests. Slovaks can no longer be confident in strengthening their post-communist democracy through its engagement with Europe. In Germany, people are concerned that they can no longer trust their currency, the euro, let alone see it as the bedrock of economic and political stability. Germans are also profoundly worried about the erosion of the rule of law, the Rechtsstaat, through euro rescue measures, which are yet to prove their effectiveness. In Ireland too, people who had experienced European integration as hugely beneficial, both economically and politically, have been forced to question their commitments. To sum up, many German, Slovak and Irish citizens have seen their EU-integration goals severely undermined by the crisis. What is more, the strategies that have been employed to safeguard the single currency have resulted in increased scepticism towards the European project as such. Instead of differentiated integration, the conflicting goals may well be pointing towards Europe's disintegration.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123812109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-05-28DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.912405
O. Kovács
Abstract This contribution purports to illustrate why a more systemic approach is needed when it comes to considering the Eurozone accession in case of Hungary. The paper first dwells on the issue of macroeconomic instability in case of Hungary from a regional perspective by devoting attention to its ‘lagging behind’ phenomena which call our attention to the necessity of a more holistic approach in supporting the Hungarian Eurozone accession. Then it emphasises that the challenges we are facing today imply that the role of governance and the quality of state are heavily appreciating; and we argue that Eurozone accession needs good governance which incorporates the issue of public-sector innovation in a more dedicated way in tackling old and new challenges in supporting sustained growth and development as prerequisites of Eurozone accession as well.
{"title":"Hungary and the Eurozone – the Need for a More Systemic Approach","authors":"O. Kovács","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.912405","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.912405","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract\u0000 This contribution purports to illustrate why a more systemic approach is needed when it comes to considering the Eurozone accession in case of Hungary. The paper first dwells on the issue of macroeconomic instability in case of Hungary from a regional perspective by devoting attention to its ‘lagging behind’ phenomena which call our attention to the necessity of a more holistic approach in supporting the Hungarian Eurozone accession. Then it emphasises that the challenges we are facing today imply that the role of governance and the quality of state are heavily appreciating; and we argue that Eurozone accession needs good governance which incorporates the issue of public-sector innovation in a more dedicated way in tackling old and new challenges in supporting sustained growth and development as prerequisites of Eurozone accession as well.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129281241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-05-28DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.912396
Caroline de la Porte, P. Pochet
Abstract This paper focuses on the changing boundaries of welfare between EU and national levels by developing a dynamic and actor-centred approach, where different groups of actors compete to influence the social and economic dimensions of EU social policy. The success of ideas and policies around welfare-state reform changes over time in line with socio-economic conditions as well as shifting political-party governmental coalitions in the Council. We argue that in particular the economically oriented actors, including the European Central Bank, have been successful in the context of the Great Recession. More recently, social priorities around notions such as social investment are becoming more central in the EU debate on economic and social policy.
{"title":"Boundaries of Welfare between the EU and Member States during the ‘Great Recession’","authors":"Caroline de la Porte, P. Pochet","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.912396","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.912396","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This paper focuses on the changing boundaries of welfare between EU and national levels by developing a dynamic and actor-centred approach, where different groups of actors compete to influence the social and economic dimensions of EU social policy. The success of ideas and policies around welfare-state reform changes over time in line with socio-economic conditions as well as shifting political-party governmental coalitions in the Council. We argue that in particular the economically oriented actors, including the European Central Bank, have been successful in the context of the Great Recession. More recently, social priorities around notions such as social investment are becoming more central in the EU debate on economic and social policy.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"27 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-05-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124622325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-04-03DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.885769
Danilo Di Mauro
ABSTRACT The research presented in this article focuses on support and opposition towards Europe in Italy. In particular, it aims to understand and explain the progressive growing opposition towards EU institutions within Italian public opinion. For decades, both Italian media and political parties have depicted Italy as one of the strongest pro-European countries. However, more recently, Italian public opinion started to look at Europe with more critical eyes, while the consensus of Eurosceptic parties grew. Although the downturn in Italian support for Europe appears evident, both its causes and consequences are largely under-investigated. The purpose of this paper is to fill in this analytical gap by looking at the origins of diffuse support for Europe in Italy. The analysis proceeds through a three-stage strategy, aiming to observe: 1) the explanatory factors of diffuse support in Italy, 2) the effects of the economic crisis on the sentiments of support and 3) the European identity of the Italian public. The data have been supplied by the Eurobarometer series since 1990 and analysed through logistic and linear models. Findings reveal the indirect effects of the current economic crisis on diffuse support for Europe in Italy, since trust towards the national government and perceptions of EU utility decrease for the effects of the recession.
{"title":"Is the Honeymoon Over? Explaining Italy's Mass Support and Opposition towards Europe","authors":"Danilo Di Mauro","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.885769","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.885769","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The research presented in this article focuses on support and opposition towards Europe in Italy. In particular, it aims to understand and explain the progressive growing opposition towards EU institutions within Italian public opinion. For decades, both Italian media and political parties have depicted Italy as one of the strongest pro-European countries. However, more recently, Italian public opinion started to look at Europe with more critical eyes, while the consensus of Eurosceptic parties grew. Although the downturn in Italian support for Europe appears evident, both its causes and consequences are largely under-investigated. The purpose of this paper is to fill in this analytical gap by looking at the origins of diffuse support for Europe in Italy. The analysis proceeds through a three-stage strategy, aiming to observe: 1) the explanatory factors of diffuse support in Italy, 2) the effects of the economic crisis on the sentiments of support and 3) the European identity of the Italian public. The data have been supplied by the Eurobarometer series since 1990 and analysed through logistic and linear models. Findings reveal the indirect effects of the current economic crisis on diffuse support for Europe in Italy, since trust towards the national government and perceptions of EU utility decrease for the effects of the recession.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114216630","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-03-17DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.885768
N. Nikolakakis
{"title":"European Integration and the Communist Dilemma","authors":"N. Nikolakakis","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.885768","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.885768","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126914560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-03-17DOI: 10.1080/15705854.2014.885766
M. Caiani, N. Conti
Abstract In this article, we analyse Euroscepticism as a common trait of current radical right-wing formations. Public opinion in Italy has become increasingly polarized on the issue of European integration, and largely Eurosceptic. Thus, it is relevant to understand whether there is an ideological opposition to the European Union (EU) in Italy, both inside and outside the Parliament, which, in the future, could capture the malaise of the citizens and grow within the political system. Particularly, we explore differences and similarities between the parliamentary and the extra-parliamentary right. We show that the ways in which they perceive and (negatively) represent the EU through frames is strikingly similar, despite the fact that these organizations do not really cooperate and are even in competition with each other. Ultimately, despite many factors being mature for issue mobilization and the creation of an EU cleavage in Italy, the success of this process largely depends on the ability of the radical right organizations to come to terms with their ideological background, give priority to this emerging cleavage and establish more synergies with each other.
{"title":"In the Name of the People: The Euroscepticism of the Italian Radical Right","authors":"M. Caiani, N. Conti","doi":"10.1080/15705854.2014.885766","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2014.885766","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract In this article, we analyse Euroscepticism as a common trait of current radical right-wing formations. Public opinion in Italy has become increasingly polarized on the issue of European integration, and largely Eurosceptic. Thus, it is relevant to understand whether there is an ideological opposition to the European Union (EU) in Italy, both inside and outside the Parliament, which, in the future, could capture the malaise of the citizens and grow within the political system. Particularly, we explore differences and similarities between the parliamentary and the extra-parliamentary right. We show that the ways in which they perceive and (negatively) represent the EU through frames is strikingly similar, despite the fact that these organizations do not really cooperate and are even in competition with each other. Ultimately, despite many factors being mature for issue mobilization and the creation of an EU cleavage in Italy, the success of this process largely depends on the ability of the radical right organizations to come to terms with their ideological background, give priority to this emerging cleavage and establish more synergies with each other.","PeriodicalId":186367,"journal":{"name":"Perspectives on European Politics and Society","volume":"8 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-03-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128889796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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