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South(s) of the South(s): race, caporalato, and the ‘Southern Question’ renewed in contemporary Italian border-making 南方的南方":种族、"caporalato "和 "南方问题 "在当代意大利边界划分中的复兴
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-09-20 DOI: 10.1017/mit.2024.18
Margaret Renata Neil, Federica M. Cerruti
In contemporary Italy, media and public actors frame the exploitation of migrant agricultural labourers as the outcome of caporalato. This concept – translated as labour brokerage or gang mastery – connotes the violent treatment of workers and their exploitation by powerful individuals, who are today increasingly racialised and understood as being Black and immigrants. However, our fieldwork in Apulia and Sicily uncovered a more complicated picture. This article considers a variety of sources to explore how caporalato is constructed and to what effect. Our argument is that, though rooted in real dynamics, caporalato is also a reductive, sensationalised, and racialising framing device that transposes historic tenets of Italy's ‘Southern Question’ onto ‘othered’ migrant workers. It affects policy by creating categories of people who are made ‘illegal’ and ‘deportable’. In also reinforcing derogatory stereotypes about the Italian South, it makes visible further South(s) of the Italian South(s) – offering insight into how and where borders are created and what their effects are.
在当代意大利,媒体和公众行为者将对农业移民劳工的剥削描述为 "caporalato "的结果。这一概念被翻译为 "劳动中介 "或 "帮派主宰",意指有权势的人对工人的暴力对待和剥削,而这些人如今越来越被种族化,并被理解为黑人和移民。然而,我们在阿普利亚和西西里的实地调查发现了更为复杂的情况。本文考虑了各种资料来源,以探讨如何构建 caporalato 以及其效果如何。我们的论点是,尽管 caporalato 植根于真实的动态,但它也是一种还原、煽情和种族化的框架工具,将意大利 "南方问题 "的历史信条移植到 "异类 "移民工人身上。它通过创造 "非法 "和 "可驱逐 "的人群类别来影响政策。此外,它还强化了对意大利南方的贬损性刻板印象,使意大利南方的更多南方显现出来--让人们深入了解边界是如何产生的、在哪里产生的,以及它们的影响是什么。
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引用次数: 0
Italy between liberalism and democracy: universal suffrage and the 1913 elections 自由主义与民主之间的意大利:普选权与 1913 年选举
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-09-19 DOI: 10.1017/mit.2024.29
Goffredo Adinolfi
In 1912, the Italian parliament approved the extension of male suffrage, making it ‘almost’ universal. This process of revising representation transformed the very idea of the relationship between citizens and the state and shaped a profoundly different Italy. The aim of this article is to trace both the process leading to the approval of universal suffrage and its impact on the party system. With a compilation and analysis of data developed from scratch for the elections of 1909 and 1913, it was possible to analyse the main dimensions of the two rounds in a disaggregated manner. Three aspects make 1913 a year of transition. First, the degree of competition in the electoral process, especially in the South, increased considerably. Second, the decline of liberal formations was not transformed into defeat, thanks only to the Catholic vote. Third, the birth of the Popular Party and the failure to create a mass party of conservatives were causes of the imbalance in the party structure.
1912 年,意大利议会批准扩大男性选举权,使其 "几乎 "普及。这一修改代表权的过程改变了公民与国家之间关系的理念,塑造了一个截然不同的意大利。本文旨在追溯普选权获得批准的过程及其对政党制度的影响。通过对 1909 年和 1913 年选举的数据从头开始进行汇编和分析,可以对两轮选举的主要方面进行分类分析。有三个方面使 1913 年成为转型之年。首先,选举过程中的竞争程度大大增加,尤其是在南方。其次,自由派阵营的衰落并没有转化为失败,这要归功于天主教的选票。第三,人民党的诞生和保守派大众党的失败是导致政党结构失衡的原因。
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引用次数: 0
Narrating COVID and captivity in Italy: ‘no prison’ writings and the restorative potential of the penitentiary 在意大利讲述 COVID 和囚禁:"无监狱 "写作与监狱的恢复潜力
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-09-19 DOI: 10.1017/mit.2024.33
Monica Jansen, Stefania Basilisco

Italy's prison overcrowding became world news in early March 2020, when the COVID-19 outbreak sparked riots in prisons across the country, causing the death of 13 inmates. As a crisis narrative, the COVID-19 pandemic made visible the deep, ongoing crisis of Italy's prison system and disclosed new conditions for critical thought on the restorative potential of the penitentiary system. This article first describes the impact of COVID-19 on Adriano Sofri's ‘no prison’ writings, starting from his column in Il Foglio on the prison uprisings in March that followed the announcement of the anti-COVID measures; it subsequently analyses the Italian response to the pandemic from an internal, practitioner-led perspective. By offering both a dialectic and an immanent perspective, it aims to develop new ways of understanding the detention system and enhance the social credibility of the penitentiary system in Italy beyond the constraints of COVID and the emergency logic.

2020 年 3 月初,COVID-19 的爆发引发了全国监狱的骚乱,造成 13 名囚犯死亡,意大利监狱人满为患的问题成为世界新闻。作为一种危机叙事,COVID-19疫情让人们看到了意大利监狱系统深刻而持续的危机,并为批判性思考监狱系统的恢复潜力提供了新的条件。本文首先描述了 COVID-19 对阿德里亚诺-索弗里的 "无监狱 "著作的影响,从他在《Il Foglio》上发表的专栏开始,讲述了反 COVID 措施宣布后 3 月份的监狱起义;随后从内部、实践者主导的角度分析了意大利对这一流行病的反应。通过提供辩证和内在的视角,本书旨在开发理解拘留系统的新方法,并超越 COVID 和紧急逻辑的限制,提高意大利监狱系统的社会可信度。
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引用次数: 0
From Cadarese to Morasco: the creation of a Fascist hydroscape in alpine space after 1928 从卡达雷塞到莫拉斯科:1928 年后在阿尔卑斯山空间创造法西斯水景
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-09-19 DOI: 10.1017/mit.2024.34
Sebastian De Pretto

This article explores the socio-ecological impacts of Fascist hydropower extraction in the Alpine valleys of Italy, focusing on the Toce river basin during the interwar period. It investigates the conflicts between local communities and hydropower initiatives by private energy companies under Fascism, thereby revealing the regime's communication strategies rooted in its political ecology. By analysing newspaper articles, propaganda outlets and communal archival documents, the study uncovers statal and local perspectives on infrastructure development and its enduring consequences. How the political ecology of Fascism in a high-altitude hydropower construction site became an expression of Fascist modernity will thereby be shown. Despite objections from valley inhabitants, Fascist hydropower projects persisted, perpetuating socio-ecological inequalities after 1945. Even postwar efforts for compensation failed to address the long-lasting impacts on mountain communities. This research reveals the intersection of political ecology and modernist infrastructure development in Mussolini's Italy, and thus also highlights the legacies of Fascist resource extraction policies on the country's peripheral Alpine regions.

本文探讨了法西斯主义在意大利阿尔卑斯山谷开采水电对社会生态的影响,重点关注战时托塞河流域。它调查了法西斯时期当地社区与私营能源公司水电计划之间的冲突,从而揭示了该政权植根于其政治生态的传播策略。通过分析报纸文章、宣传渠道和社区档案文件,本研究揭示了国家和地方对基础设施发展及其持久后果的看法。由此,我们将了解法西斯主义在高海拔水电建设工地的政治生态是如何成为法西斯主义现代性的一种表现形式的。尽管遭到山谷居民的反对,法西斯主义的水电项目仍在继续,使 1945 年后的社会生态不平等永久化。即使是战后的补偿努力也未能解决对山区社区造成的长期影响。这项研究揭示了墨索里尼统治下的意大利政治生态学与现代主义基础设施发展的交集,从而也凸显了法西斯资源开采政策对该国阿尔卑斯山周边地区的影响。
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引用次数: 0
‘Palermo is a mosaic’: cosmopolitan rhetoric in the capital of Sicily 巴勒莫是一幅马赛克画":西西里首府的世界性辞藻
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-05-23 DOI: 10.1017/mit.2024.13
Sean Wyer

The political messaging of Leoluca Orlando, who served five terms as mayor of Sicily's capital, Palermo (most recently, until 2022), articulates a cosmopolitan vision of local identity. Orlando seeks to emphasise Palermo's ‘tolerant’ values, invoking the city's history to foster this image, as well as using a variety of rhetorical strategies. He portrays Palermo as having a true ‘essence’, which is necessarily multicultural. I analyse Orlando's pronouncements on his official Facebook page, as well as observing his audience's reactions to his messaging, both supportive and critical. I examine how Orlando articulates the narrative that Palermo has historically been a ‘mosaic’ of various cultural influences, proposing that the contemporary city is the ‘true’, welcoming face of the Mediterranean. As well as exploring the political utility Orlando sees in such arguments, I analyse the risks inherent in this essentialising project.

莱奥卢卡-奥兰多(Leoluca Orlando)曾五次担任西西里岛首府巴勒莫的市长(最近一次任期至 2022 年),他的政治信息表达了一种世界性的地方认同。奥兰多试图强调巴勒莫 "宽容 "的价值观,他援引城市的历史来塑造这一形象,并使用了多种修辞策略。他将巴勒莫描绘成具有真正 "本质 "的城市,而这种 "本质 "必然是多元文化的。我分析了奥兰多在其官方 Facebook 页面上发表的言论,并观察了受众对其信息的反应,其中既有支持也有批评。我研究了奥兰多如何阐述巴勒莫在历史上是各种文化影响的 "马赛克",并提出这座当代城市是 "真正的"、热情好客的地中海城市。在探讨奥兰多认为此类论点的政治效用的同时,我还分析了这种本质化项目的内在风险。
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引用次数: 0
Buffalo Bill's Wild West, cowboys, and the fate of the western in Italy 水牛比尔的狂野西部、牛仔和意大利西部片的命运
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-05-08 DOI: 10.1017/mit.2024.10
Paola Bonifazio

This article examines the first tour of Buffalo Bill's Wild West in Italy and the so-called ‘sfida dei butteri’ (the challenge of the Italian cowboys of the Pontine marshes), which took place in Rome in March 1890. Analysing nineteenth-century Italian newspapers and photographs, I demonstrate that populist, anti-capitalist, and anti-American sentiments marked the Italian media's responses to the American show. In the historical context of Italy's socioeconomic crisis and of the first phase of colonial expansion in Africa (1870–1922), the mixed reception of Buffalo Bill's Wild West, amplified by the media event of the sfida, shaped the fate of the western genre in Italy.

本文研究了水牛比尔的《狂野西部》在意大利的首次巡演,以及 1890 年 3 月在罗马举行的所谓 "sfida dei butteri"(意大利蓬廷沼泽牛仔的挑战)。通过分析十九世纪的意大利报纸和照片,我证明了民粹主义、反资本主义和反美情绪标志着意大利媒体对美国表演的反应。在意大利社会经济危机和非洲殖民扩张第一阶段(1870-1922 年)的历史背景下,水牛比尔的《狂野西部》受到了褒贬不一的评价,而 "sfida "这一媒体事件则放大了这一评价,从而决定了西部片在意大利的命运。
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引用次数: 0
Imaginary work: media representations of work and gender in Italy from the economic miracle to the present day 想象中的工作:从经济奇迹至今意大利媒体对工作和性别的描述
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-04-15 DOI: 10.1017/mit.2024.6
Andrea Sangiovanni

The article explores media depictions of industrial labour in Italy, with a special focus on visual, film and television portrayals, spanning from the 1960s to the first two decades of the twenty-first century. Rather than delving into an analysis of labour processes, the primary objective of the article is to scrutinise the gendered representations of work and whether and how the representation of work, including all professions, has played a pivotal role in shaping narratives about Italian society and its inherent contradictions. In this context, the article also emphasises the significance of what remains unrepresented, highlighting the absence of work as equally consequential as its presence. Of particular importance within this exploration is the examination of women's work, a realm less frequently depicted than that of men. The article dedicates specific attention to unravelling the nuances of women's role in the workforce, recognising their portrayal as a key element in understanding broader narratives about Italian society and its complexities.

这篇文章探讨了意大利媒体对工业劳动的描述,特别关注从二十世纪六十年代到二十一世纪头二十年的视觉、电影和电视描述。文章的主要目的不是深入分析劳动过程,而是仔细研究工作的性别表述,以及工作(包括所有职业)的表述是否以及如何在塑造意大利社会及其内在矛盾的叙事中发挥了关键作用。在此背景下,文章还强调了未被表述的内容的重要性,强调了工作的缺失与工作的存在同样重要。在这一探讨中,尤为重要的是对女性工作的研究,因为与男性相比,女性工作领域的描写较少。文章特别关注揭示妇女在劳动力中的角色的细微差别,认为对她们的描绘是理解意大利社会及其复杂性的更广泛叙事的关键因素。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Gender and work in twentieth-century Italy: new approaches 导言:二十世纪意大利的性别与工作:新方法
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-04-02 DOI: 10.1017/mit.2024.7
Maud Anne Bracke, Ilaria Favretto, Nicola Pizzolato
This introduction to the special issue ‘Gender and Work in Twentieth-Century Italy’ draws on key strands of historical scholarship on gender and work, including women workers’ experiences, labour market discrimination, domestic work, the impact of gender norms, and ideas of masculinity and femininity on work identities. It traces the development of feminist influence within this scholarship, from making women workers’ experiences visible to challenging essentialist notions of gender identities. Drawing on post-structuralist and intersectional perspectives, particularly influenced by Joan Wallach Scott and Judith Butler, the scholarship on which this special issue is based understands gender as a system of power signified through language and social constructions, and builds on the critique of the dichotomies and essentialisations of traditional labour history, proposing a systemic and structural approach to understanding gendered experiences of work. By exploring the intersections of gender, work and power, this collection offers insights into wider European developments and challenges established historical concepts and narratives. It highlights the importance of understanding gender dynamics in shaping labour relations and social structures, ultimately contributing to a more nuanced understanding of labour and power dynamics in twentieth-century Italy and beyond.
本特刊 "二十世纪意大利的性别与工作 "的导言借鉴了有关性别与工作的历史学术研究的主要内容,包括女工的经历、劳动力市场的歧视、家政工作、性别规范的影响以及男性和女性对工作身份的观念。该书追溯了女权主义在这一学术领域的影响,从关注女工的经历到挑战性别身份的本质主义观念。借鉴后结构主义和交叉视角,尤其是受琼-瓦拉奇-斯科特(Joan Wallach Scott)和朱迪斯-巴特勒(Judith Butler)的影响,本特刊所依据的学术研究将性别理解为一种通过语言和社会建构来体现的权力体系,并建立在对传统劳工史的二分法和本质主义的批判之上,提出了一种系统性和结构性的方法来理解工作中的性别体验。通过探索性别、工作和权力的交叉点,这本文集为更广泛的欧洲发展提供了见解,并对既定的历史概念和叙事提出了挑战。它强调了理解性别动态在塑造劳动关系和社会结构中的重要性,最终有助于更细致地理解二十世纪意大利及其他国家的劳动和权力动态。
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引用次数: 0
‘Entirely white’? Female immigrants and domestic work in Italy (1960s–1970s) 完全是白人"?意大利的女性移民和家政工作(1960-1970 年代)
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-04-02 DOI: 10.1017/mit.2024.5
Alessandra Gissi
Recently, a renewed history of foreign immigration in Italy, focusing on the very first migration flows after the Second World War, has offered a more appropriate periodisation of the phenomenon. Women have been at the forefront of these flows, which were initially determined by the new postcolonial setting of the former Italian colonies (Eritrea, Somalia and Ethiopia). Subsequently, the immigrants came from various other countries (Spain, Cape Verde, Portugal, El Salvador, Peru, Philippines, Sri Lanka, Ceylon, India, Bangladesh, Pakistan). At the same time, the majority of them were employed in a specific sector of the labour market: domestic work. This article focuses on female immigrants who were employed as domestic workers, their presence in public discourse in Italy in the 1960s and 1970s, and government policies in this area. Drawing on statistical data and surveys, press and audiovisual materials, and feminist theory and practices, it aims to analyse the construction of paradigms – visibility, invisibility, subalternity, rights and racialisation – associated with female immigration and domestic work as a specific sector of employment.
最近,意大利外国移民史的更新,侧重于第二次世界大战后的第一批移民潮,为这一 现象提供了更恰当的时期划分。在这些移民潮中,妇女一直走在前列,这最初是由前意大利殖民地(厄立特里亚、索马里和埃塞俄比亚)新的后殖民环境决定的。随后,移民来自其他不同国家(西班牙、佛得角、葡萄牙、萨尔瓦多、秘鲁、菲律 宾、斯里兰卡、锡兰、印度、孟加拉国、巴基斯坦)。同时,她们中的大多数人都受雇于劳动力市场的一个特殊部门:家政工作。本文重点关注受雇从事家政工作的女性移民、她们在二十世纪六七十年代意大利公共话语中的存在以及政府在这一领域的政策。文章利用统计数据和调查、新闻和视听材料以及女权主义理论和实践,旨在分析与女性移民和作为特定就业部门的家政工作相关的范式构建--可见性、不可见性、次等性、权利和种族化。
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引用次数: 0
Working in the dream factory: gendering women's film labour under Fascism 在梦工厂工作:法西斯主义统治下女性电影劳动的性别化
IF 0.5 3区 历史学 Q3 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2024-03-25 DOI: 10.1017/mit.2024.3
Carla Mereu Keating

This article draws on a broad range of under-explored historical sources to document the career trajectories of the women who worked in the Italian film industry between 1930 and 1944. Challenging established histories that normalise male dominance in Italian cinema during and after Mussolini's regime, the article sheds light on women's overlooked contribution to Italy's sound film industry and explores the multilayered, shifting dimension of their precarious and gendered labour. Engaging with key questions raised by historians of Italian Fascism and by feminist research in film and media history, the article delineates intersectional barriers to film employment faced by women in the years of the dictatorship and points to their historical legacy.

本文利用大量未被充分发掘的历史资料,记录了 1930 年至 1944 年间在意大利电影业工作的女性的职业轨迹。墨索里尼执政期间和之后,意大利电影界的男性主导地位被正常化,这篇文章对这种既有的历史提出了挑战,揭示了女性对意大利有声电影业所做的被忽视的贡献,并探讨了她们不稳定的、性别化的劳动的多层次、不断变化的层面。文章结合意大利法西斯主义历史学家以及电影和媒体史方面的女权主义研究提出的关键问题,描述了独裁统治时期妇女在电影就业方面面临的交叉障碍,并指出了这些障碍的历史遗留问题。
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引用次数: 0
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Modern Italy
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