The centenary of the March on Rome has prompted Modern Italy's Contexts and Debates section to focus on the public uses of history in reference to interwar Fascism. We are looking into the ‘Past, Present, and Future of the Italian Memory of Fascism’, to borrow the title of Guido Bartolini's interviews that were published in our issue 27 (4), 2022. While commemorations and anniversaries shouldn't inherently influence academic research agendas, a broader understanding of public memory can help us to understand the current political mood in Italy. For example, it can explain why the centennial and other comparable ‘fascist’ anniversaries now have little meaning for most of the Italian public and are scarcely addressed by politicians. Indeed, most Italians seems to suffer from political amnesia. The condition is so serious that not even a dramatic occurrence such as the victory of the proudly post-fascist Fratelli d'Italia party at the election of September 2022 has proved able to cure it. Happening just a few days before the centenary of the March on Rome, the electoral results were surely expected to elicit a strong reaction by left-wing politicians and intellectuals – perhaps a mass demonstration, like the one that took place in Milan on 25 April 1994, in the aftermath of the first victory of Silvio Berlusconi's right-wing coalition, when another post-fascist party, Alleanza Nazionale, took power. Yet nothing of that sort has happened in 2022. Why?
{"title":"A discussion on Nel cantiere della memoria. Fascismo, Resistenza, Shoah, Foibe, by Filippo Focardi, Rome, Viella, 2020. With Valeria Galimi, Philip Cooke and Filippo Focardi","authors":"Andrea Mammone","doi":"10.1017/mit.2022.59","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.59","url":null,"abstract":"The centenary of the March on Rome has prompted Modern Italy's Contexts and Debates section to focus on the public uses of history in reference to interwar Fascism. We are looking into the ‘Past, Present, and Future of the Italian Memory of Fascism’, to borrow the title of Guido Bartolini's interviews that were published in our issue 27 (4), 2022. While commemorations and anniversaries shouldn't inherently influence academic research agendas, a broader understanding of public memory can help us to understand the current political mood in Italy. For example, it can explain why the centennial and other comparable ‘fascist’ anniversaries now have little meaning for most of the Italian public and are scarcely addressed by politicians. Indeed, most Italians seems to suffer from political amnesia. The condition is so serious that not even a dramatic occurrence such as the victory of the proudly post-fascist Fratelli d'Italia party at the election of September 2022 has proved able to cure it. Happening just a few days before the centenary of the March on Rome, the electoral results were surely expected to elicit a strong reaction by left-wing politicians and intellectuals – perhaps a mass demonstration, like the one that took place in Milan on 25 April 1994, in the aftermath of the first victory of Silvio Berlusconi's right-wing coalition, when another post-fascist party, Alleanza Nazionale, took power. Yet nothing of that sort has happened in 2022. Why?","PeriodicalId":18688,"journal":{"name":"Modern Italy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48325872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Garibaldi in South America: An Exploration by Richard Bourne, London, Hurst, 2020, xx + 240 pp., £25.00 (hardback), ISBN 978-1787383135","authors":"Alessandro Bonvini","doi":"10.1017/mit.2022.52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.52","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":18688,"journal":{"name":"Modern Italy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43105457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
League and the Five Star Movement) in which Salvini assumes the posts of Italian Interior Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, up until the advent of the Covid-19 pandemic in March 2020, which strikes first in the Val Seriana in northern Italy, the historical heart of leghismo. Overall, the book gives most space to external representations of the Lega; unfortunately, activist voices are largely absent. That said, the narrative will be very useful for those who seek a better understanding of a subject in constant evolution. Like a chameleon, the Lega party has changed significantly over the last 40 years. Nonetheless, a watchful reader cannot but notice several elements of continuity. Among these, distrust of the public health sector (which the author links to the collapse of first-line care during the pandemic); and its underlining conservativism. Barcella highlights one aspect of Lega populism that is still barely studied: the strength and prominence of a patriarchal ideology based on a sense of sexual honour that attributes control (and defence) of female bodies to males in the community. If during the 1990s the conservative attitude was expressed through pseudo-ironic slogans – such as ‘Noi della Lega ce l’abbiamo duro’ (‘We of the League have it hard’) – in the recent past this hegemonic masculinity has been adapted to a new era and, in particular, to a new relationship with the Church (and the Catholic faith more generally). The original patriarchal imprinting has been shaped by a neo-conservative and nationalist pattern which could appear so radical as to seem ridiculous and, consequently, harmless. Yet it can be considered truly inoffensive only as long as a right-wing government (led by post-Fascist politicians) does not make it real.
联盟和五星运动），萨尔维尼在该运动中担任意大利内政部长和副总理，直到2020年3月新冠肺炎疫情爆发，这场疫情首先发生在意大利北部的瓦尔塞里亚纳，这是莱吉斯莫的历史心脏。总的来说，这本书为Lega的外部表现提供了大部分空间；不幸的是，激进主义者的声音基本上没有出现。也就是说，对于那些在不断进化中寻求更好理解一个主题的人来说，叙事将非常有用。就像变色龙一样，Lega党在过去40年里发生了重大变化。尽管如此，细心的读者还是会注意到连续性的几个要素。其中，对公共卫生部门的不信任（作者将其与疫情期间一线护理的崩溃联系起来）；以及其强调的保守主义。Barcella强调了Lega民粹主义的一个仍然很少被研究的方面：基于性荣誉感的父权制意识形态的力量和突出性，这种意识形态将对女性身体的控制（和防御）归因于社区中的男性。如果在20世纪90年代，保守主义态度是通过伪讽刺的口号来表达的，比如“Noi della Lega ce l’abbiamo duro”（“我们的联盟很难”），那么在最近的一段时间里，这种霸权的男子气概已经适应了一个新时代，尤其是与教会（以及更广泛的天主教信仰）的新关系。最初的父权制印记是由一种新保守主义和民族主义模式塑造的，这种模式可能显得如此激进，以至于看起来荒谬，因此无害。然而，只有右翼政府（由后法西斯政客领导）不让它成为现实，它才能被认为是真正无害的。
{"title":"Searching for Japan: 20th Century Italy's Fascination with Japanese Culture by Michele Monserrati, Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2020, xi + 246 pp., £29.99 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-78962-107-5.","authors":"Nicola Bassoni","doi":"10.1017/mit.2022.57","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.57","url":null,"abstract":"League and the Five Star Movement) in which Salvini assumes the posts of Italian Interior Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, up until the advent of the Covid-19 pandemic in March 2020, which strikes first in the Val Seriana in northern Italy, the historical heart of leghismo. Overall, the book gives most space to external representations of the Lega; unfortunately, activist voices are largely absent. That said, the narrative will be very useful for those who seek a better understanding of a subject in constant evolution. Like a chameleon, the Lega party has changed significantly over the last 40 years. Nonetheless, a watchful reader cannot but notice several elements of continuity. Among these, distrust of the public health sector (which the author links to the collapse of first-line care during the pandemic); and its underlining conservativism. Barcella highlights one aspect of Lega populism that is still barely studied: the strength and prominence of a patriarchal ideology based on a sense of sexual honour that attributes control (and defence) of female bodies to males in the community. If during the 1990s the conservative attitude was expressed through pseudo-ironic slogans – such as ‘Noi della Lega ce l’abbiamo duro’ (‘We of the League have it hard’) – in the recent past this hegemonic masculinity has been adapted to a new era and, in particular, to a new relationship with the Church (and the Catholic faith more generally). The original patriarchal imprinting has been shaped by a neo-conservative and nationalist pattern which could appear so radical as to seem ridiculous and, consequently, harmless. Yet it can be considered truly inoffensive only as long as a right-wing government (led by post-Fascist politicians) does not make it real.","PeriodicalId":18688,"journal":{"name":"Modern Italy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42064485","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Italy's Sea: Empire and Nation in the Mediterranean, 1895–1945 by Valerie McGuire, Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 2020, xiii + 285 pp., $130.00 (hardback), ISBN 9781800348004","authors":"Jessi A.J. Gilchrist","doi":"10.1017/mit.2022.58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.58","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":18688,"journal":{"name":"Modern Italy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"57005327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article analyses the development of Italian health policies in the post-Second World War period. Shortly after the setting up of the ‘Beveridge model’ and the creation of the British National Health Service, Italy also introduced a new approach to health, which became part of the Constitution. However, the implementation of the necessary reforms was delayed due to resistance from the country's institutions and government parties. The introduction of a radical health reform became possible only in 1978 through pressure generated from social conflicts, trade unions and left-wing parties. The implementation of the National Health Service encountered a number of obstacles due to the specific conditions of Italy, but also owing to changes at the international level. The neoliberal policies started in the 1980s introduced restrictions in health spending, the regionalisation and privatisation of services, and a new selective approach to health. In spite of these limitations and contradictions, the Italian healthcare system has been considerably successful, leading to strong improvements in health and to a life expectancy at birth among the longest in Europe. The recent developments – and the experience of the pandemic – confirm the important impact of a public, universal health service and, at the same time, the persistent policy efforts aimed at weakening its reach.
{"title":"A history of Italy's health policy from the Republic to the new century","authors":"C. Giorgi","doi":"10.1017/mit.2022.50","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.50","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article analyses the development of Italian health policies in the post-Second World War period. Shortly after the setting up of the ‘Beveridge model’ and the creation of the British National Health Service, Italy also introduced a new approach to health, which became part of the Constitution. However, the implementation of the necessary reforms was delayed due to resistance from the country's institutions and government parties. The introduction of a radical health reform became possible only in 1978 through pressure generated from social conflicts, trade unions and left-wing parties. The implementation of the National Health Service encountered a number of obstacles due to the specific conditions of Italy, but also owing to changes at the international level. The neoliberal policies started in the 1980s introduced restrictions in health spending, the regionalisation and privatisation of services, and a new selective approach to health. In spite of these limitations and contradictions, the Italian healthcare system has been considerably successful, leading to strong improvements in health and to a life expectancy at birth among the longest in Europe. The recent developments – and the experience of the pandemic – confirm the important impact of a public, universal health service and, at the same time, the persistent policy efforts aimed at weakening its reach.","PeriodicalId":18688,"journal":{"name":"Modern Italy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44581972","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract On 3 February 2018, in the town of Macerata, an Italian citizen with far-right sympathies deliberately fired several shots from his car at nine African immigrants, injuring six. The article argues that this shooting can be considered an act of lone-actor terrorism, an anomaly in the Italian context. Based on the social science literature on this subject, the paper analyses the profile of the shooter and the dynamics of the attack. Moreover, adopting a relational perspective to radicalisation, it examines the attacker's interactions: on the one hand, he was in contact with different political organisations that could represent ‘echo chambers’ for the tacit validation or even the justification and amplification of radical beliefs, including on the relation between immigration and security; on the other hand, he was not subject to their discipline and social control. This peripheral social position helps explain this case of lone-actor terrorism, in a national context where far-right mobilisation and violence have historically assumed collective forms.
{"title":"Right-wing extremism and lone-actor violence in Italy: the case of the 2018 Macerata shooting","authors":"Francesco Marone","doi":"10.1017/mit.2022.55","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.55","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract On 3 February 2018, in the town of Macerata, an Italian citizen with far-right sympathies deliberately fired several shots from his car at nine African immigrants, injuring six. The article argues that this shooting can be considered an act of lone-actor terrorism, an anomaly in the Italian context. Based on the social science literature on this subject, the paper analyses the profile of the shooter and the dynamics of the attack. Moreover, adopting a relational perspective to radicalisation, it examines the attacker's interactions: on the one hand, he was in contact with different political organisations that could represent ‘echo chambers’ for the tacit validation or even the justification and amplification of radical beliefs, including on the relation between immigration and security; on the other hand, he was not subject to their discipline and social control. This peripheral social position helps explain this case of lone-actor terrorism, in a national context where far-right mobilisation and violence have historically assumed collective forms.","PeriodicalId":18688,"journal":{"name":"Modern Italy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47910444","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"La Lega. Una storia by Paolo Barcella, Rome, Carocci, 2022, 238 pp., €19.00 (paperback), ISBN 9788829013364","authors":"Paola Stelliferi","doi":"10.1017/mit.2022.53","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.53","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":18688,"journal":{"name":"Modern Italy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45922000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article reconstructs the heated – local and national – debate around the consistent and pervasive foreign presence in the border territory of Lake Garda on the eve of the Great War. Here, the growing nationalistic tensions that preceded the conflict intertwined with the emerging hospitality industry. Tourism, seen as a social phenomenon, can thus offer a privileged perspective on the transformations of the general context of the time. Introduced by Austro-Germanic inhabitants of the lake at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the hospitality industry on Lake Garda flourished up to the eve of the Great War. There were, however, also opponents to this model of development. The dispute escalated to the point that, in the perception of the locals, the ‘outsiders’ turned into ‘enemies’ and Lake Garda increasingly became a disputed area: a symbol of the tensions of the time.
{"title":"The disputed lake: Lake Garda between tourism and nationalism on the eve of the Great War","authors":"M. Pasini","doi":"10.1017/mit.2022.51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.51","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article reconstructs the heated – local and national – debate around the consistent and pervasive foreign presence in the border territory of Lake Garda on the eve of the Great War. Here, the growing nationalistic tensions that preceded the conflict intertwined with the emerging hospitality industry. Tourism, seen as a social phenomenon, can thus offer a privileged perspective on the transformations of the general context of the time. Introduced by Austro-Germanic inhabitants of the lake at the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the hospitality industry on Lake Garda flourished up to the eve of the Great War. There were, however, also opponents to this model of development. The dispute escalated to the point that, in the perception of the locals, the ‘outsiders’ turned into ‘enemies’ and Lake Garda increasingly became a disputed area: a symbol of the tensions of the time.","PeriodicalId":18688,"journal":{"name":"Modern Italy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-12-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47776940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This outstanding piece of research once again demonstrates that, with the necessary methodological awareness, a focus on outlying and border areas can help leave behind cemented stereotypes and conformisms. By casting light on what would seem to be marginal situations and dynamics, it can add to and even alter the interpretation of the general historical framework. Zanou’s careful, detailed investigation, based on an extensive bibliography and a vast spectrum of printed and handwritten primary sources found in the archives and libraries of various European countries, achieves both goals. The lens is pointed at the traumatic events in the Ionian islands and on the Dalmatian coast, a traditionally multi-ethnic and multicultural area, in the half century between Napoleon’s demolition of the Republic of Venice (1797) and the Crimean War (1853–6). Marked by the crisis of the Ottoman Empire and the growing British rule in the Mediterranean, it was also a period of overwhelming success for various kinds of liberalism and nationalism, and of tensions triggered by the advancement of the ‘natural’ and superior nation-state ideology. This is precisely what was happening in the Greek area and all over Europe. The book – devised by the author as a ‘historical drama in four acts’ (p. 47), opened by a Prelude and rounded off by an Epilogue – specifies right from the start its intention to read the events of the transformation of the south-eastern Adriatic from a ‘Venetian lake’ to a ‘battlefield between old and new imperial powers’ (Napoleonic, Russian, British and Habsburgian) and ‘emerging nationalisms and nation-states’ (p. 21) using biographies and writings from the group of intellectuals and persons of Veneto-Italian language and culture. For the main part also active in politics, these people were driven by the tempestuous times they lived in to play a particularly important role, while reinventing themselves and remoulding their identity as well as their political, cultural and ideological opinions. There is good reason that the book hinges around the widespread difficulty of these politicians and intellectuals to express a single national idea and language, in line with the new semantic and political significance that the word/concept was gaining. This difficulty is clearly conveyed in both the original (Transnational Patriotism in the Mediterranean, 1800–1850: Stammering the Nation, published in 2018 by Oxford University Press) and the Italian title by the expression ‘Stammering the Nation’ and the emphasis on the
{"title":"Dopo la Serenissima. Balbettare la nazione nell'Adriatico, 1800–1850 by Konstantina Zanou, translation by Silvia Rosa, preface by Eric Dursteler, Rome, Società Dalmata di Storia Patria, La Musa Talìa, 2021, 343 pp., €25.00 (paperback), ISBN 9791280384027","authors":"S. Soldani, Karen E. Whittle","doi":"10.1017/mit.2022.47","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.47","url":null,"abstract":"This outstanding piece of research once again demonstrates that, with the necessary methodological awareness, a focus on outlying and border areas can help leave behind cemented stereotypes and conformisms. By casting light on what would seem to be marginal situations and dynamics, it can add to and even alter the interpretation of the general historical framework. Zanou’s careful, detailed investigation, based on an extensive bibliography and a vast spectrum of printed and handwritten primary sources found in the archives and libraries of various European countries, achieves both goals. The lens is pointed at the traumatic events in the Ionian islands and on the Dalmatian coast, a traditionally multi-ethnic and multicultural area, in the half century between Napoleon’s demolition of the Republic of Venice (1797) and the Crimean War (1853–6). Marked by the crisis of the Ottoman Empire and the growing British rule in the Mediterranean, it was also a period of overwhelming success for various kinds of liberalism and nationalism, and of tensions triggered by the advancement of the ‘natural’ and superior nation-state ideology. This is precisely what was happening in the Greek area and all over Europe. The book – devised by the author as a ‘historical drama in four acts’ (p. 47), opened by a Prelude and rounded off by an Epilogue – specifies right from the start its intention to read the events of the transformation of the south-eastern Adriatic from a ‘Venetian lake’ to a ‘battlefield between old and new imperial powers’ (Napoleonic, Russian, British and Habsburgian) and ‘emerging nationalisms and nation-states’ (p. 21) using biographies and writings from the group of intellectuals and persons of Veneto-Italian language and culture. For the main part also active in politics, these people were driven by the tempestuous times they lived in to play a particularly important role, while reinventing themselves and remoulding their identity as well as their political, cultural and ideological opinions. There is good reason that the book hinges around the widespread difficulty of these politicians and intellectuals to express a single national idea and language, in line with the new semantic and political significance that the word/concept was gaining. This difficulty is clearly conveyed in both the original (Transnational Patriotism in the Mediterranean, 1800–1850: Stammering the Nation, published in 2018 by Oxford University Press) and the Italian title by the expression ‘Stammering the Nation’ and the emphasis on the","PeriodicalId":18688,"journal":{"name":"Modern Italy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48298461","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In 1881, Giovanni Verga defined Milan as ‘la città più città d'Italia’ (‘Italy's most urban city’). A statement of some significance, as at that time Rome and Turin could each legitimately claim to have much greater political if not economic clout. Almost one and a half centuries later, the role of the capitale morale as the pulsing heart of a country incessantly searching for both a modern national identity and a city-centred narrative remains unchallenged, as proved by two books straddling cultural history, personal memoir and current affairs.
{"title":"Culture in contemporary Milan: shedding tears on a glorious past, or surfing on global opportunities?","authors":"A. Goldstein","doi":"10.1017/mit.2022.49","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/mit.2022.49","url":null,"abstract":"In 1881, Giovanni Verga defined Milan as ‘la città più città d'Italia’ (‘Italy's most urban city’). A statement of some significance, as at that time Rome and Turin could each legitimately claim to have much greater political if not economic clout. Almost one and a half centuries later, the role of the capitale morale as the pulsing heart of a country incessantly searching for both a modern national identity and a city-centred narrative remains unchallenged, as proved by two books straddling cultural history, personal memoir and current affairs.","PeriodicalId":18688,"journal":{"name":"Modern Italy","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48605066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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