Discussions of the Indian-Russian partnership in policy circles are too often shrouded in nostalgia for the close diplomatic, military, commercial, and cultural ties of the Cold War years. They contain few pragmatic prescriptions for re-energizing a relationship that, while truly privileged, is showing signs of structural problems and inertial thinking. The bilateral relationship’s raisons d’être can be traced to the defense industry, where approximately 70% of the installed base of Indian equipment is still Russianmade—a situation rife with problems—and to the energy sphere, where Russia’s dominant position intersects with India’s growing appetite for oil, gas, and nuclear power. Despite some joint successes such as the BrahMos supersonic missile system and the Fifth-Generation fighter aircraft, the two countries have rarely broken new ground in their interactions since the fall of the USSR. Bilateral trade is still below the level of Indo-Soviet trade in 1990. The deficiencies in the pillars of the India-Russia relationship lie in the overly heavy involvement of the state, which accounts for more than two-thirds of the economy in both countries. The state sector alone cannot influence the development of trade, defense, energy, science and technology, or soft power in a globalizing, increasingly competitive market. The stimulation of the private sector, given ample incentives and privileges by both governments, is an essential part of revitalizing the strategic relationship. What’s needed is a new paradigm that will make private sector activity paramount while reinforcing and building on existing state mechanisms. While helping Russia overcome its resource-based economic disability by spurring on other sectors like trade and technology, India can solve its own problems, such as feeding its energy hunger and advancing in science with the help of Russian know-how. This mutually beneficial relationship in which the two up-and-coming powers join forces for stability and mutual profit and gain would be a worthwhile modern take on the “hindirusi bhai bhai” shibboleth.
{"title":"Re-Energizing the Indian-Russian Relationship :","authors":"Katherine Foshko Tsan","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i1.34","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.34","url":null,"abstract":"Discussions of the Indian-Russian partnership in policy circles are too often shrouded in nostalgia for the close diplomatic, military, commercial, and cultural ties of the Cold War years. They contain few pragmatic prescriptions for re-energizing a relationship that, while truly privileged, is showing signs of structural problems and inertial thinking. The bilateral relationship’s raisons d’être can be traced to the defense industry, where approximately 70% of the installed base of Indian equipment is still Russianmade—a situation rife with problems—and to the energy sphere, where Russia’s dominant position intersects with India’s growing appetite for oil, gas, and nuclear power. Despite some joint successes such as the BrahMos supersonic missile system and the Fifth-Generation fighter aircraft, the two countries have rarely broken new ground in their interactions since the fall of the USSR. Bilateral trade is still below the level of Indo-Soviet trade in 1990. The deficiencies in the pillars of the India-Russia relationship lie in the overly heavy involvement of the state, which accounts for more than two-thirds of the economy in both countries. The state sector alone cannot influence the development of trade, defense, energy, science and technology, or soft power in a globalizing, increasingly competitive market. The stimulation of the private sector, given ample incentives and privileges by both governments, is an essential part of revitalizing the strategic relationship. What’s needed is a new paradigm that will make private sector activity paramount while reinforcing and building on existing state mechanisms. While helping Russia overcome its resource-based economic disability by spurring on other sectors like trade and technology, India can solve its own problems, such as feeding its energy hunger and advancing in science with the help of Russian know-how. This mutually beneficial relationship in which the two up-and-coming powers join forces for stability and mutual profit and gain would be a worthwhile modern take on the “hindirusi bhai bhai” shibboleth.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"131 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115758408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the Lisbon Treaty came into effect in December 2009, concerns have been expressed that the European Union (EU) policies in the field of crisis management are still not coherent, effective and visible. Aiming to identify the possible role, capacities and potential of the EU in managing the crisis in Europe and it periphery, the paper explores the next commitments and directions of the EU following its stated aspirations for more competitive and leading role in the field of security and defense since the Lisbon Treaty. The paper addresses as well as the issue of positioning of the European Union within the new European security architecture following the new developments with the Lisbon Treaty of 2009.
{"title":"The Post- Lisbon Scene: the European Union’s Aspirations and Commitments in Managing Crisis in Europe and its Periphery","authors":"Veton Latif","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i1.30","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.30","url":null,"abstract":"Since the Lisbon Treaty came into effect in December 2009, concerns have been expressed that the European Union (EU) policies in the field of crisis management are still not coherent, effective and visible. Aiming to identify the possible role, capacities and potential of the EU in managing the crisis in Europe and it periphery, the paper explores the next commitments and directions of the EU following its stated aspirations for more competitive and leading role in the field of security and defense since the Lisbon Treaty. The paper addresses as well as the issue of positioning of the European Union within the new European security architecture following the new developments with the Lisbon Treaty of 2009.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"191 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122119210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this article is to define the phenomenon of political subjectivity of EU member states in the system of European integration. The article examines basic factors influencing the scale of the above-mentioned attribute. Moreover it discusses the characteristic of the system of European integration and the process of “Europeanization.” The crucial part of this article is the description of the centre, semi-periphery and periphery of the system of European integration and the presentation of the process of appropriation of interdependences by EU member states within the united Europe. This paper argues that political subjectivity entitles EU member state to model the structures of European integration. It allows the participants in the system of European Union to perform the fusion of norms from national to supranational level. The scale of political subjectivity determines the place of EU member state within one of the concentric circles of European integration. One can observe the transfer of regulations from the centre (Western Europe) to the periphery (European Neighbourhood Policy) of the European project.
{"title":"Is the Division between Centre and Periphery of European Integration Inevitable?","authors":"Artur Niedźwiecki","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i1.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.29","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this article is to define the phenomenon of political subjectivity of EU member states in the system of European integration. The article examines basic factors influencing the scale of the above-mentioned attribute. Moreover it discusses the characteristic of the system of European integration and the process of “Europeanization.” The crucial part of this article is the description of the centre, semi-periphery and periphery of the system of European integration and the presentation of the process of appropriation of interdependences by EU member states within the united Europe. This paper argues that political subjectivity entitles EU member state to model the structures of European integration. It allows the participants in the system of European Union to perform the fusion of norms from national to supranational level. The scale of political subjectivity determines the place of EU member state within one of the concentric circles of European integration. One can observe the transfer of regulations from the centre (Western Europe) to the periphery (European Neighbourhood Policy) of the European project.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"270 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134012661","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At a time when historical institutionalism and multilevel policy making of the EU are at critical junctures calling for implementation of austerity measures and public policy reforms all leading to grim belt-tightening, it is clear that the future of the eurozone is more likely to be decided by the real economies. Over the last four years, the transformative potential of the EU has shifted from the margins to the centre prompting an examination of the process by which it has acquired specificity and substance of its increasingly complex political structures, legislative initiatives, national and cosmopolitan forms of citizenship. Whether the eurozone will survive is dependent on the European Council’s capacity to establish transitional arrangements like integration of energy, transport, communications, and services, together with higher infrastructure investment which may impede the crisis and restore trust among its members.
{"title":"Editor’s Introduction","authors":"Rohee Dasgupta","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i1.26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.26","url":null,"abstract":"At a time when historical institutionalism and multilevel policy making of the EU are at critical junctures calling for implementation of austerity measures and public policy reforms all leading to grim belt-tightening, it is clear that the future of the eurozone is more likely to be decided by the real economies. Over the last four years, the transformative potential of the EU has shifted from the margins to the centre prompting an examination of the process by which it has acquired specificity and substance of its increasingly complex political structures, legislative initiatives, national and cosmopolitan forms of citizenship. Whether the eurozone will survive is dependent on the European Council’s capacity to establish transitional arrangements like integration of energy, transport, communications, and services, together with higher infrastructure investment which may impede the crisis and restore trust among its members.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124267443","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Diversity is a fact of life which is reflected in all states and all societies. Diversity of European states is in a sense both foundational and recent or ongoing. The foundational differences especially in West European states were accommodated in the national imaginings through citizenship, a civic understanding of the nation and devolution of power. Other than that migration results in ongoing and fresh diversity, in terms of language, culture, religion and customs. In Eastern Europe the trajectory of nation state development has been different with its complex ethnic patchwork, ethnic understanding of the nation and the concomitant minority issues and potential conflicts. This paper focuses on how today as a consequence of migration the presence of new, especially nonwhite, ethnic and religious groups is a reality for most European states. It specifically looks at the lived experience of Muslims in European states and argues that their lived experience has been complex. In settling identity claims multiculturalism came up in a big way drawing attention to the fact how ‘individual centric’ liberalism failed to take note the role of community in individuals’ life and also disadvantaged minority cultural communities. Following 9/11 and subsequent terror attacks while the need for dialogue between communities has gained greater urgency it has also reduced the space for dialogue, negotiations and meaningful accommodation of differences. Attacks and criticism against multiculturalism which created grounds for greater recognition of the rights of cultural communities has intensified. In state after state the mounting thrust is now on, rising above particularities and nurturing commonality and integration.
{"title":"Negotiating Minority Identities in Democracies :","authors":"Bhaswati Sarkar","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i1.32","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.32","url":null,"abstract":"Diversity is a fact of life which is reflected in all states and all societies. Diversity of European states is in a sense both foundational and recent or ongoing. The foundational differences especially in West European states were accommodated in the national imaginings through citizenship, a civic understanding of the nation and devolution of power. Other than that migration results in ongoing and fresh diversity, in terms of language, culture, religion and customs. In Eastern Europe the trajectory of nation state development has been different with its complex ethnic patchwork, ethnic understanding of the nation and the concomitant minority issues and potential conflicts. This paper focuses on how today as a consequence of migration the presence of new, especially nonwhite, ethnic and religious groups is a reality for most European states. It specifically looks at the lived experience of Muslims in European states and argues that their lived experience has been complex. In settling identity claims multiculturalism came up in a big way drawing attention to the fact how ‘individual centric’ liberalism failed to take note the role of community in individuals’ life and also disadvantaged minority cultural communities. Following 9/11 and subsequent terror attacks while the need for dialogue between communities has gained greater urgency it has also reduced the space for dialogue, negotiations and meaningful accommodation of differences. Attacks and criticism against multiculturalism which created grounds for greater recognition of the rights of cultural communities has intensified. In state after state the mounting thrust is now on, rising above particularities and nurturing commonality and integration.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129916431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Treaty of Maastricht must be considered as a political compromise in the process of European Integration. Integration plainly does not mean wider Union, but a Union which share closer ties with each other. This article analyses countries which benefited economically, while some other benefited politically. This article also focuses the political dominance of certain member states which were integral in keeping the application of Turkey on hold for long time. This article also puts light on the changes made in the Treaty of Maastricht so that integration of Central and Eastern European Countries would be easier.
{"title":"Treaty of Maastricht :","authors":"Shravan G Shenoy","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i1.27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i1.27","url":null,"abstract":"The Treaty of Maastricht must be considered as a political compromise in the process of European Integration. Integration plainly does not mean wider Union, but a Union which share closer ties with each other. This article analyses countries which benefited economically, while some other benefited politically. This article also focuses the political dominance of certain member states which were integral in keeping the application of Turkey on hold for long time. This article also puts light on the changes made in the Treaty of Maastricht so that integration of Central and Eastern European Countries would be easier.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125545059","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
European geopolitics cast a long shadow in North Africa. Due to its political, economic and strategic interests in a ‘stable’ neighbourhood, Europe has for long discouraged a process of uncontrolled political change in North African countries. However, in the spring of 2011, mass demonstrations by Arab youths broke the prevailing deadlock in the region and swept away a number of long standing Arab dictators. The question that remains unanswered is to what extent the ‘Arab Spring’ will affect geo-political relations among Europeans and Europe’s standing as a whole in the global pecking order. Will Europe’s belated support for the Arab revolutions renew its geopolitical importance and international mission, or will it precipitate its interminable decline? In this article, this question is being scrutinised by looking at the historical development of European relations with North Africa and how Europe is trying to preserve some of its former influence despite domestic challenges and competition from new, non-Western actors.
{"title":"Europe in North Africa :","authors":"Timo Behr, Saskia van Genugten","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.10","url":null,"abstract":"European geopolitics cast a long shadow in North Africa. Due to its political, economic and strategic interests in a ‘stable’ neighbourhood, Europe has for long discouraged a process of uncontrolled political change in North African countries. However, in the spring of 2011, mass demonstrations by Arab youths broke the prevailing deadlock in the region and swept away a number of long standing Arab dictators. The question that remains unanswered is to what extent the ‘Arab Spring’ will affect geo-political relations among Europeans and Europe’s standing as a whole in the global pecking order. Will Europe’s belated support for the Arab revolutions renew its geopolitical importance and international mission, or will it precipitate its interminable decline? In this article, this question is being scrutinised by looking at the historical development of European relations with North Africa and how Europe is trying to preserve some of its former influence despite domestic challenges and competition from new, non-Western actors.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123786812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Public diplomacy is going through perplexing changes and challenges due to technological innovations and renewed interest in the ‘soft power’ approach. This article analyses the methods and tactics of US public diplomacy regarding Iran. It discusses the close relationship between propaganda and public diplomacy and how different tactics and initiatives have been employed by the US in order to assist pro-democracy campaigns within Iran. The history of US broadcasting in Iran is also discussed to shed light on the changing dimensions of public diplomacy. However, the article argues that the intricacies of contemporary methods of communications and the diversities of the audiences in Iran can offset American propaganda techniques. It suggests from contemporary history that Cold War-style public diplomacy may not work in the case of Iran, since younger Persians have access to alternative viewpoints that neutralise or refract the effects of Western propaganda.
{"title":"Taming the Persians :","authors":"M. S. Rahman, Saimum Parvez","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i1.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.6","url":null,"abstract":"Public diplomacy is going through perplexing changes and challenges due to technological innovations and renewed interest in the ‘soft power’ approach. This article analyses the methods and tactics of US public diplomacy regarding Iran. It discusses the close relationship between propaganda and public diplomacy and how different tactics and initiatives have been employed by the US in order to assist pro-democracy campaigns within Iran. The history of US broadcasting in Iran is also discussed to shed light on the changing dimensions of public diplomacy. However, the article argues that the intricacies of contemporary methods of communications and the diversities of the audiences in Iran can offset American propaganda techniques. It suggests from contemporary history that Cold War-style public diplomacy may not work in the case of Iran, since younger Persians have access to alternative viewpoints that neutralise or refract the effects of Western propaganda.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126659072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite the reputed ‘clash of civilizations’, the international dialogue is far too collegial,at least where African development is concerned. The African state of affairs, neither to be pitied nor deplored, is nonetheless in need of a lengthy and meaningful debate. Questions that discussants should ask – what constitutes development, to whom do Africa’s resources really belong, and when, if ever, would the ‘West’ suspend its project of managing Africa with only the thought of extracting its resources? This article offers a radical critique of the World Bank-led ‘development’ paradigm. It is a call not to bear arms against development agencies, but to reach into the minds as well as the hearts of those who would be preparing to work in such organisations. The main argument here is that Africa cannot cultivate its resources, its people and its environment, if it must contend with another century of imperialism dressed up as ‘development’.
{"title":"Discourses on Development and the Realities of Exploitation :","authors":"H. Campbell","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i1.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.9","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the reputed ‘clash of civilizations’, the international dialogue is far too collegial,at least where African development is concerned. The African state of affairs, neither to be pitied nor deplored, is nonetheless in need of a lengthy and meaningful debate. Questions that discussants should ask – what constitutes development, to whom do Africa’s resources really belong, and when, if ever, would the ‘West’ suspend its project of managing Africa with only the thought of extracting its resources? This article offers a radical critique of the World Bank-led ‘development’ paradigm. It is a call not to bear arms against development agencies, but to reach into the minds as well as the hearts of those who would be preparing to work in such organisations. The main argument here is that Africa cannot cultivate its resources, its people and its environment, if it must contend with another century of imperialism dressed up as ‘development’.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"49 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128230335","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
During the last decade, China and India along with other emerging market economies have repeatedly assumed identical postures in international negotiations on major economic issues like trade and climate change. This paper reviews the reasons behind such posturing. Arguing that similar domestic concerns have led to common negotiating agendas, the paper interprets the Sino-Indian collaboration as an example of contemporary South-South cooperation between emerging market economies. While the collaboration is expected to continue in the foreseeable future, the paper warns against possible cracks surfacing within the South from the increasing economic gap between China and India and other developing countries, and distorted domestic perceptions on trade and climate preventing both countries from being more flexible in global negotiations. _____________________________
{"title":"China-India Collaboration on Global Economic Issues :","authors":"Amitendu Palit","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i1.19","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i1.19","url":null,"abstract":"During the last decade, China and India along with other emerging market economies have repeatedly assumed identical postures in international negotiations on major economic issues like trade and climate change. This paper reviews the reasons behind such posturing. Arguing that similar domestic concerns have led to common negotiating agendas, the paper interprets the Sino-Indian collaboration as an example of contemporary South-South cooperation between emerging market economies. While the collaboration is expected to continue in the foreseeable future, the paper warns against possible cracks surfacing within the South from the increasing economic gap between China and India and other developing countries, and distorted domestic perceptions on trade and climate preventing both countries from being more flexible in global negotiations. _____________________________","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2011-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132502917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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