Sharing economy is a term that has been discussed a lot on e-commerce forums in Vietnam recently. This is a new business model that can bring super profits along with general benefits to society on the digital economy platform. The sharing economy is a new opportunity to change the way of doing business from owning assets to using assets without owning. In the past, the possession of physical-production materials or consumption materials was the most important factor in assessing the efficiency of enterprises or the quality of life, but the trend nowadays has changed. Throughout the industrial revolutions from the first to the fourth ones, the production force has had a remarkable development from mechanics, electrification, electronics, computers, artificial intelligence, and cloud computing... The influence of the fourth industrial revolution and the emergence of the sharing economy leads to the appearance of a new generation who prefer the consuming experience of possessing material. Along with that trend, the production relationship, including the ownership, also has certain changes such as the subjects and objects of the ownership, the new perception of ownership... Changes in ownership, when the sharing economy is formed and developed in Vietnam, has raised many problems such as changes in ownership objects in sharing economies require a complete institutional foundation of management; property rights, especially intellectual property; means and ways to evaluate and measure the efficiency and profitability of enterprises pursuing the form of "sharing economy". Henceforth, the article proposes several implications for solving problems that arise in ownership when developing the sharing economy in Vietnam, that is: completing the institution; providing a full and flexible legal environment; creating conditions for the effective development and management of subjects participating in the sharing economic model, consistent with the rapid change of science and technology platform; renewing the intellectual property regime in the direction of encouraging creativity and protecting property rights in all fields; building a system of means and methods for economic accounting and information transparency in the sharing economy; enhancing understanding of subjects when participating in the sharing economy; having a management mechanism to protect legal rights and interests as well as personal property.
{"title":"Ownership Relations in the Development Trend of Sharing Economy in Vietnam","authors":"Hoang Ngoc Hai, Ho Thi Thanh Thuy","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i5.61","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i5.61","url":null,"abstract":"Sharing economy is a term that has been discussed a lot on e-commerce forums in Vietnam recently. This is a new business model that can bring super profits along with general benefits to society on the digital economy platform. The sharing economy is a new opportunity to change the way of doing business from owning assets to using assets without owning. In the past, the possession of physical-production materials or consumption materials was the most important factor in assessing the efficiency of enterprises or the quality of life, but the trend nowadays has changed. Throughout the industrial revolutions from the first to the fourth ones, the production force has had a remarkable development from mechanics, electrification, electronics, computers, artificial intelligence, and cloud computing... The influence of the fourth industrial revolution and the emergence of the sharing economy leads to the appearance of a new generation who prefer the consuming experience of possessing material. Along with that trend, the production relationship, including the ownership, also has certain changes such as the subjects and objects of the ownership, the new perception of ownership... Changes in ownership, when the sharing economy is formed and developed in Vietnam, has raised many problems such as changes in ownership objects in sharing economies require a complete institutional foundation of management; property rights, especially intellectual property; means and ways to evaluate and measure the efficiency and profitability of enterprises pursuing the form of \"sharing economy\". Henceforth, the article proposes several implications for solving problems that arise in ownership when developing the sharing economy in Vietnam, that is: completing the institution; providing a full and flexible legal environment; creating conditions for the effective development and management of subjects participating in the sharing economic model, consistent with the rapid change of science and technology platform; renewing the intellectual property regime in the direction of encouraging creativity and protecting property rights in all fields; building a system of means and methods for economic accounting and information transparency in the sharing economy; enhancing understanding of subjects when participating in the sharing economy; having a management mechanism to protect legal rights and interests as well as personal property.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"65 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129556575","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Professor Mary-Ellen O’Connell, in her new book, The Art of Law in the International Community, packs the tale of an extra-positive approach to law-making back at the centre of the stage. The book attempts to consider the of the community to explain the rise of two pillars of contemporary international law, namely the legal regulation of the use of force and the rules (or more precisely the meta-rules) on jus cogens. The book shifts steadily towards the intersection between natural law, jus cogens, and the ban of unilateral use of force. Methodologically speaking, the two regimes intersect since both are off springs of the UN Charter and the 1969 Vienna Convention. Perhaps not in the same trend of state practice, both principles formulate the general principle of international law. In sum, they add a small group of rules which feature the new world order in the aftermath of World War II.
{"title":"Mary Ellen O'Connell, The Art of Law in the International Community, Cambridge University Press, May 2019","authors":"Ankita Malhotra","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i5.66","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i5.66","url":null,"abstract":"Professor Mary-Ellen O’Connell, in her new book, The Art of Law in the International Community, packs the tale of an extra-positive approach to law-making back at the centre of the stage. The book attempts to consider the of the community to explain the rise of two pillars of contemporary international law, namely the legal regulation of the use of force and the rules (or more precisely the meta-rules) on jus cogens. The book shifts steadily towards the intersection between natural law, jus cogens, and the ban of unilateral use of force. Methodologically speaking, the two regimes intersect since both are off springs of the UN Charter and the 1969 Vienna Convention. Perhaps not in the same trend of state practice, both principles formulate the general principle of international law. In sum, they add a small group of rules which feature the new world order in the aftermath of World War II.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"33 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122218663","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There is a good number of books dwelling on the impact of AI. Not many books are written on the concept of power. Rajiv Malhotra has eloquently written his insights into how AI would change the social fabric which in turn revolutionizes the understanding of the term power. At the onset, this book is meant for general reading and not specifically designed for the social science experts of technology scientists. Accordingly, this work should not be compared with the works of Nick Bostrom, Andrew NG, or KaiFu Lee. This book is structured on the five battlegrounds which are not to be confused with the geopolitical tussles. They represent the Economy and Jobs; Psychology; Global Power, Metaphysics, and India's future. This book appears to have emerged from the authors own philosophical debate between constructivism and material determinism. The author does not explicitly bring the western Science, Technology, and Society (STS) scholarship but builds his constructivism on Indian traditional knowledge systems. Books like Mahabharata, Gita and scholars like Sant Ramdas, Tukaram were frequently quoted. He espouses that the development and deployment of AI must be in congruence with the Indian traditional knowledge. This reminds the new book of Indian External Affairs Minister, Subramanian Jaishankar, in his book also has a similar take when it comes to the designing of foreign policy (Jaishankar, 2020, p. 112).
{"title":"Malhotra, R. (2021). Artificial Intelligence and the Future of Power. New Delhi: Rupa Publications","authors":"Arun Teja Polcumpally","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i5.63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i5.63","url":null,"abstract":"There is a good number of books dwelling on the impact of AI. Not many books are written on the concept of power. Rajiv Malhotra has eloquently written his insights into how AI would change the social fabric which in turn revolutionizes the understanding of the term power. At the onset, this book is meant for general reading and not specifically designed for the social science experts of technology scientists. Accordingly, this work should not be compared with the works of Nick Bostrom, Andrew NG, or KaiFu Lee. This book is structured on the five battlegrounds which are not to be confused with the geopolitical tussles. They represent the Economy and Jobs; Psychology; Global Power, Metaphysics, and India's future. This book appears to have emerged from the authors own philosophical debate between constructivism and material determinism. The author does not explicitly bring the western Science, Technology, and Society (STS) scholarship but builds his constructivism on Indian traditional knowledge systems. Books like Mahabharata, Gita and scholars like Sant Ramdas, Tukaram were frequently quoted. He espouses that the development and deployment of AI must be in congruence with the Indian traditional knowledge. This reminds the new book of Indian External Affairs Minister, Subramanian Jaishankar, in his book also has a similar take when it comes to the designing of foreign policy (Jaishankar, 2020, p. 112).","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130205217","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Countering the Radical Narrative is both timely, topical and invaluable book based on comprehensive research on the conceptual underpinnings of narratives, countering the radical narratives and indoctrination with respect to the extremists, terrorists groups and organisations. Radicalisation has emerged as a significant challenge across the South Asian region over the past decade and it cannot be countered by kinetic measures alone, therefore the book is an apt reading and response mechanism in proposing not only deep insights but also proposing ways, methods and techniques for reversing or rather countering radicalisation with a particular focus on the threats posed by the global jihadists groups. Though the definition is given by the author, ‘The indoctrination of extremists ideologies lead to the transformation of law-abiding citizens into violent extremists’1 is perhaps too simplistic a definition for such a complex and complicated phenomenon called radicalisation. In today's context, one can rightly argue that radicalisation is targeting our future generation i.e. the youth. The very notion that only madrasa educated youth are vulnerable to becoming radicalised and terrorist might not give a complete picture, therefore there is a need to revisit radicalisation with a new prism especially with concerning youth. The book examines the need to fight this by understanding the ideological and psychological domain of the terrorists.
{"title":"Adil Rasheed, Countering the Radical Narrative, Knowledge World Publishers. New Delhi 2020, ISBN 978-93-89137-71-2.","authors":"Jyoti Pathania","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i5.64","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i5.64","url":null,"abstract":"Countering the Radical Narrative is both timely, topical and invaluable book based on comprehensive research on the conceptual underpinnings of narratives, countering the radical narratives and indoctrination with respect to the extremists, terrorists groups and organisations. Radicalisation has emerged as a significant challenge across the South Asian region over the past decade and it cannot be countered by kinetic measures alone, therefore the book is an apt reading and response mechanism in proposing not only deep insights but also proposing ways, methods and techniques for reversing or rather countering radicalisation with a particular focus on the threats posed by the global jihadists groups. Though the definition is given by the author, ‘The indoctrination of extremists ideologies lead to the transformation of law-abiding citizens into violent extremists’1 is perhaps too simplistic a definition for such a complex and complicated phenomenon called radicalisation. In today's context, one can rightly argue that radicalisation is targeting our future generation i.e. the youth. The very notion that only madrasa educated youth are vulnerable to becoming radicalised and terrorist might not give a complete picture, therefore there is a need to revisit radicalisation with a new prism especially with concerning youth. The book examines the need to fight this by understanding the ideological and psychological domain of the terrorists.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130279408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
China’s expansionist vision has led to the violation of its neighbouring countries’ territories, antagonising many Indo-Pacific member states. Beijing’s resolution to unilaterally change the physical status quo in the South China Sea (SCS), and in the Himalayan plains has resulted in military stand-offs and clashes, while exacerbating China’s bilateral relations. China’s belligerent adventurism in the SCS has triggered several flashpoints and consequently, tensions have escalated in the region. China’s highhandedness as well as aggressive posturing in the Galwan Valley in Ladakh has led to the culmination of one of the biggest bloody military clashes between India and China since 1962. India has responded to China’s belligerence in a befitting manner that has rattled its adversary by using various tools of statecraft to stage its strong displeasure and signalled that it will no longer cow down to any sort of pressure.
{"title":"Chinese Military Adventurism and Assertive Behaviour","authors":"Arjun","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i5.60","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i5.60","url":null,"abstract":"China’s expansionist vision has led to the violation of its neighbouring countries’ territories, antagonising many Indo-Pacific member states. Beijing’s resolution to unilaterally change the physical status quo in the South China Sea (SCS), and in the Himalayan plains has resulted in military stand-offs and clashes, while exacerbating China’s bilateral relations. China’s belligerent adventurism in the SCS has triggered several flashpoints and consequently, tensions have escalated in the region. China’s highhandedness as well as aggressive posturing in the Galwan Valley in Ladakh has led to the culmination of one of the biggest bloody military clashes between India and China since 1962. India has responded to China’s belligerence in a befitting manner that has rattled its adversary by using various tools of statecraft to stage its strong displeasure and signalled that it will no longer cow down to any sort of pressure.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116031053","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article seeks to explain the importance of the broader Red Sea arena and what national interests China particularly owns within that specific region. China has been making its presence felt in the region, in the past few years, especially after Beijing decided to establish its very first foreign naval base in Djibouti. This research paper shows that the specific region holds significance in economic, security, and political dimensions. That being said, China’s national interests in this study are further classified into geoeconomic, geo-security, and geo-political dimensions. Through the theoretical framework of national interest, maritime security, and foreign policy, this study will explain what makes this broader Red Sea arena important and how it is related with China’s expanding national interests surrounding the said region. The paper concludes that China’s global presence in the broader Red Sea arena can be justified based on the importance that the mentioned region holds as well as China’s expanding global interests which already exceed Beijing’s national territory itself. In that sense, maritime security has also become an important aspect to identify China’s behaviour in the region. The confirmation of such a conclusion is drawn from China’s several foreign policy initiatives, executed to protect and secure its own interests.
{"title":"China’s expanding national interests in the broader Red Sea arena","authors":"F. Pertiwi, Anak Agung Banyu Perwita","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i4.52","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i4.52","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to explain the importance of the broader Red Sea arena and what national interests China particularly owns within that specific region. China has been making its presence felt in the region, in the past few years, especially after Beijing decided to establish its very first foreign naval base in Djibouti. This research paper shows that the specific region holds significance in economic, security, and political dimensions. That being said, China’s national interests in this study are further classified into geoeconomic, geo-security, and geo-political dimensions. Through the theoretical framework of national interest, maritime security, and foreign policy, this study will explain what makes this broader Red Sea arena important and how it is related with China’s expanding national interests surrounding the said region. The paper concludes that China’s global presence in the broader Red Sea arena can be justified based on the importance that the mentioned region holds as well as China’s expanding global interests which already exceed Beijing’s national territory itself. In that sense, maritime security has also become an important aspect to identify China’s behaviour in the region. The confirmation of such a conclusion is drawn from China’s several foreign policy initiatives, executed to protect and secure its own interests.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"5 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131863332","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the early 1930s, a Jewish man gleefully staring at Der Stürmer, a Nazi propaganda rag baffled his friends. His friends inquired: “Why are you enjoying it so much?” He answers, “if you read Jewish papers, the news is terrible. But, according to this, the news is all good. We control the banks, we control the country and we run the whole world!” Such has been the fate of the Jewish community and especially of the Rothschild Family. A fate which has been marred with hate and envy, which perpetuated itself as a point of discourse and corny theory. Deciphering and de-bunking these theories, Niall Ferguson, through his writings allows readers an alternative and academic perspective. One can string a common thread in the masterful writing of Nial Ferguson as he covers expansive ground citing examples to evidence that networks have existed ever since humanity has. From the structure of the brain to the food chain, from the family tree to freemasonry
20世纪30年代初，一名犹太男子兴高采烈地盯着纳粹宣传报纸《德国日报》(Der st rmer)，让他的朋友们感到困惑。他的朋友问他:“你为什么这么喜欢呢?”他回答说，“如果你读犹太人的报纸，你会发现新闻很可怕。但是，根据这个，一切都是好消息。我们控制银行，我们控制国家，我们控制整个世界!”这就是犹太社区，尤其是罗斯柴尔德家族的命运。一种被仇恨和嫉妒所玷污的命运，它作为话语和陈腐理论的一个点而永存。尼尔·弗格森通过他的著作，解读和拆解这些理论，为读者提供了一种另类的学术视角。我们可以在尼尔·弗格森(Nial Ferguson)精湛的写作中找到一条共同点，他涵盖了广阔的领域，引用了一些例子来证明，自人类诞生以来，网络就存在了。从大脑结构到食物链，从家谱到共济会
{"title":"Niall Ferguson, The Square and the Tower: Networks and Power, From the Freemasons to Facebook, Penguin Books Limited, Delhi, 2017 , pp 608.","authors":"Ankita Malhotra","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i4.75","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i4.75","url":null,"abstract":"In the early 1930s, a Jewish man gleefully staring at Der Stürmer, a Nazi propaganda rag baffled his friends. His friends inquired: “Why are you enjoying it so much?” He answers, “if you read Jewish papers, the news is terrible. But, according to this, the news is all good. We control the banks, we control the country and we run the whole world!” Such has been the fate of the Jewish community and especially of the Rothschild Family. A fate which has been marred with hate and envy, which perpetuated itself as a point of discourse and corny theory. Deciphering and de-bunking these theories, Niall Ferguson, through his writings allows readers an alternative and academic perspective. One can string a common thread in the masterful writing of Nial Ferguson as he covers expansive ground citing examples to evidence that networks have existed ever since humanity has. From the structure of the brain to the food chain, from the family tree to freemasonry","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129995644","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Language and language policy is one of the basic issues and an important foundation for social development. Language policy is related to a series of issues such as ethnicity, religion, culture, media, education, national security, etc. and becomes a strategic content for each country, especially for nation building and development by the government. The development of a language policy that is appropriate to the language situation will contribute to promoting the overall economic and social development, which is essential for maintaining stability and integration. The research topic of the article is the bilingual situation and policy of Singapore, thereby giving policy implications for Vietnam in the context of international integration.
{"title":"Bilingual Policy of Singapore and Policy Implications for Vietnam in the Context of National Integration","authors":"Nguyen Thi Hai Anh, N. Hanh","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i4.68","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i4.68","url":null,"abstract":"Language and language policy is one of the basic issues and an important foundation for social development. Language policy is related to a series of issues such as ethnicity, religion, culture, media, education, national security, etc. and becomes a strategic content for each country, especially for nation building and development by the government. The development of a language policy that is appropriate to the language situation will contribute to promoting the overall economic and social development, which is essential for maintaining stability and integration. The research topic of the article is the bilingual situation and policy of Singapore, thereby giving policy implications for Vietnam in the context of international integration.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"91 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128016844","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years, China has been steadily expanding its non-military footprint in the Pacific region in an unprecedented manner. The multi-dimensional expansion of Chinese presence in the Pacific has arguably, made the region a microcosm of power politics amongst regional and established powers. Part of the explanation for the Chinese fastpace growth in the Blue Pacific is the presence of the Taiwanese who have been one of the biggest providers of aid for diplomatic recognition. The aid-dependent Pacific Island Countries (PICs) by being active creators of the Sino-Taiwan chequebook diplomacy have time and again switched their diplomatic allegiance in order to secure more foreign aid for their social development and economic growth. Despite such an “unreliable” behaviour, Beijing has widened and deepened its presence in the region by providing concessional loans with “no strings attached.” The latter element has been conveniently alluring to all the PICs so much so that they have borrowed more than 50 percent of their GDP from China. This has alarmed the traditional donors such as US, Japan and Australia which are revisiting their policies and re-engaging in the Pacific politics actively, all aimed at preventing the Island nations sinking in Chinese debt and consequently losing their strategic leverage to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). As for Taipei, it had managed to ally itself with six PICs in return for provision of foreign aid and foreign direct investments. However, in September 2019, two of its diplomatic allies ditched it in favour of Beijing. There has also been a paradigm shift in Beijing’s earlier policy vis-à-vis the PICs. In the past, PRC would not allocate aid to Taiwan’s (ROC) allies, however, after a shift in policy, ROC’s diplomatic allies currently get more aid from Beijing than from Taipei. The other worrying factor for the local population is a steady growth of the Chinese diaspora. Despite anti-Chinese riots in many countries, the new wave of Chinese immigrants do not seem deterred by the negative repercussion of their presence in the region. These Chinese new arrivals invest heavily in real estate in a bid to legitimise their presence in the island nations. This development has caused massive trepidation among regional powers, as they believe, would pave the way for Chinese military presence in the region under a legitimate claim to protect its overseas nationals.
{"title":"China","authors":"S. Salem","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i4.51","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i4.51","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, China has been steadily expanding its non-military footprint in the Pacific region in an unprecedented manner. The multi-dimensional expansion of Chinese presence in the Pacific has arguably, made the region a microcosm of power politics amongst regional and established powers. Part of the explanation for the Chinese fastpace growth in the Blue Pacific is the presence of the Taiwanese who have been one of the biggest providers of aid for diplomatic recognition. The aid-dependent Pacific Island Countries (PICs) by being active creators of the Sino-Taiwan chequebook diplomacy have time and again switched their diplomatic allegiance in order to secure more foreign aid for their social development and economic growth. Despite such an “unreliable” behaviour, Beijing has widened and deepened its presence in the region by providing concessional loans with “no strings attached.” The latter element has been conveniently alluring to all the PICs so much so that they have borrowed more than 50 percent of their GDP from China. This has alarmed the traditional donors such as US, Japan and Australia which are revisiting their policies and re-engaging in the Pacific politics actively, all aimed at preventing the Island nations sinking in Chinese debt and consequently losing their strategic leverage to the People’s Republic of China (PRC). As for Taipei, it had managed to ally itself with six PICs in return for provision of foreign aid and foreign direct investments. However, in September 2019, two of its diplomatic allies ditched it in favour of Beijing. There has also been a paradigm shift in Beijing’s earlier policy vis-à-vis the PICs. In the past, PRC would not allocate aid to Taiwan’s (ROC) allies, however, after a shift in policy, ROC’s diplomatic allies currently get more aid from Beijing than from Taipei. The other worrying factor for the local population is a steady growth of the Chinese diaspora. Despite anti-Chinese riots in many countries, the new wave of Chinese immigrants do not seem deterred by the negative repercussion of their presence in the region. These Chinese new arrivals invest heavily in real estate in a bid to legitimise their presence in the island nations. This development has caused massive trepidation among regional powers, as they believe, would pave the way for Chinese military presence in the region under a legitimate claim to protect its overseas nationals.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"66 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115527353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
State-owned enterprises (SOEs), particularly large corporations and economic groups, play a core role in the Vietnamese economy. Thus, their corporate governance is likely to exert a substantial impact on the efficiency and competitiveness of the whole economy. In this paper, we review the past reform efforts and current state of corporate governance at Vietnamese SOEs and identify key challenges they face. In doing so, we make a reference to the OECD Guidelines on Corporate Governance of SOEs, and make a comparison with the evolution of corporate governance at Chinese and Korean SOEs. We note that Vietnamese SOEs have a long way to go for improving their corporate governance. Line ministries are advised to phase out their role of exercising state ownership rights by dominating the SOE boards of directors. Separate accounting is needed for sociopolitically motivated services provided by SOEs, which is a prerequisite for better evaluation of CEO performance and holding them more accountable. Recent push for better transparency and disclosure at SOEs should be kept on. And, high priority should be given to strengthening board independence and professionalism at both SOEs and equitized, exchange-listed enterprises.
{"title":"Strengthening Corporate Governance of Vietnamese SOEs","authors":"Nam Sang-woo, Phan Thi Song Thuong","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i4.69","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i4.69","url":null,"abstract":"State-owned enterprises (SOEs), particularly large corporations and economic groups, play a core role in the Vietnamese economy. Thus, their corporate governance is likely to exert a substantial impact on the efficiency and competitiveness of the whole economy. In this paper, we review the past reform efforts and current state of corporate governance at Vietnamese SOEs and identify key challenges they face. In doing so, we make a reference to the OECD Guidelines on Corporate Governance of SOEs, and make a comparison with the evolution of corporate governance at Chinese and Korean SOEs. We note that Vietnamese SOEs have a long way to go for improving their corporate governance. Line ministries are advised to phase out their role of exercising state ownership rights by dominating the SOE boards of directors. Separate accounting is needed for sociopolitically motivated services provided by SOEs, which is a prerequisite for better evaluation of CEO performance and holding them more accountable. Recent push for better transparency and disclosure at SOEs should be kept on. And, high priority should be given to strengthening board independence and professionalism at both SOEs and equitized, exchange-listed enterprises.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127170918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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