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Sword and Shield 剑与盾
Pub Date : 2019-07-01 DOI: 10.54945/jjia.v1i3.82
Maria M. Widhi Putri, Anak Agung Banyu Perwita
The security environment surrounding Japan has become more severe as North Korea continued to develop its nuclear arsenal. Additionally, China’s military development within Japan’s surroundings has also increased the security dilemma in East Asia, galvanizing Japan to respond to the contingencies accordingly. As North Korea and China were known to cooperate closely in developing North’s nuclear arsenal, Japan which is geographically close to North Korea and has been one of its missile targets, responded militarily to protect its mainland from future nuclear aggressions. To that end, Japan has endeavored to increase its ballistic missile defense capability through strengthening its alliance with the United States, Japan’s strategic ally since the end of World War II. This research elucidates Japan’s national strategy and defense policy in response to North Korea’s ballistic missile threat, and how Japan cooperates with the United States in building its ballistic missile defense capability under the Japan-U.S. Alliance.
随着北韩继续开发核武器,日本周边的安全环境变得更加严峻。此外,中国在日本周边地区的军事发展也加剧了东亚的安全困境,促使日本对突发事件做出相应的反应。众所周知,朝鲜和中国在发展朝鲜核武库方面密切合作,地理位置接近朝鲜、一直是其导弹目标之一的日本做出了军事回应,以保护其本土免受未来的核侵略。为此,日本一直在努力通过加强与美国的联盟来增强其弹道导弹防御能力。美国是日本自二战结束以来的战略盟友。本研究阐明了日本应对朝鲜弹道导弹威胁的国家战略和防卫政策,以及在日美同盟框架下,日本如何与美国合作建设其弹道导弹防御能力。联盟。
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引用次数: 0
Reimagining India-ASEAN relations : 重塑印度-东盟关系:
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.54945/jjia.v2i2.91
M. Singh
India has shown a special interest towards ASEAN under the overall context of its Act East policy. This relationship is expected to be significant in the development of northeast part of India. It is in this context, an assessment of Northeast India’s perspectives assumes significant, although the actual engagement and role of this area of India are still negligible. We must also not expect a great result in a short period of time as there are multiple impediments facing this area. But, the purpose of this engagement is not unachievable at all. Moreover, some people argue that this policy is unrealistic in Northeast India.
在其“向东行动”政策的总体背景下,印度对东盟表现出了特殊的兴趣。这种关系有望在印度东北部的发展中发挥重要作用。正是在这种背景下,对印度东北部前景的评估具有重要意义,尽管印度该地区的实际参与和作用仍然微不足道。我们也不能期望在短时间内取得巨大成果,因为这一领域面临着多重障碍。但是,这种接触的目的并非根本无法实现。此外,一些人认为这一政策在印度东北部是不现实的。
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引用次数: 0
The Philippines and ASEAN-Building Synergies 菲律宾与东盟共建协同效应
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.54945/jjia.v2i2.90
Y. Kumar
The Philippines has been a founding member of the ASEAN which came into existence in 1967 at the height of the Cold War and US’s deep military engagement in Vietnam. With Philippines history of close ties with the US, and being an ally during the Cold War, this Organization came into existence to meet the external and internal ‘Communist’ threat. It charts the history of Philippines-ASEAN relationship, in the evolving geopolitics up to the current period, and the ups and downs of that relationship. These ups and downs are attributable to both a certain ‘insularity’ due to its unique historical background and also the inadequacies of ASEAN’s economic integration and in the protection of its vital national interests. The article examines the geopolitical pressures, as epitomized by the South China Sea tensions, on the ASEAN as it pursues its objectives of maintaining its ‘centrality’ in the regional strategic framework whilst adhering to the ‘ASEAN Way’ of seeking consensus on issues critical to its geopolitical relevance. In that context, the Philippines role and its expectations from this Organization are examined, especially in regard to the intensifying geo-political rivalry in the region
菲律宾是东盟的创始成员国之一。东盟成立于1967年,当时正值冷战和美国对越南的深度军事介入的高潮。菲律宾历史上与美国关系密切,在冷战期间是盟友,该组织的成立是为了应对外部和内部的“共产主义”威胁。它描绘了菲律宾-东盟关系的历史,在不断演变的地缘政治中,到目前为止,这种关系的起起落落。这些起起伏伏既归因于其独特的历史背景所造成的某种“孤立性”,也归因于东盟在经济一体化和保护其重要国家利益方面的不足。本文考察了以南海紧张局势为代表的地缘政治压力,因为东盟追求其在地区战略框架中的“中心地位”目标,同时坚持“东盟方式”,在与地缘政治相关的关键问题上寻求共识。在这方面,我们审查了菲律宾的作用及其对本组织的期望,特别是在本区域日益加剧的地缘政治竞争方面
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引用次数: 0
Robert P. Barnidge, Jr., Self-Determination, Statehood, and the Law of Negotiation : 小罗伯特·巴尼奇:《自决、国家地位与谈判法》
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.54945/jjia.v2i2.94
Raghunandan M C
The author of the book with his deep knowledge about international law and negotiations under different UN instruments has put his experience on paper. The book is deep and intense, and it provides a first-hand experience with regard to the changes in negotiations for the full statehood of the state of Palestine. The two sides -Israel and Palestine- have put their arguments based on their interpretations of historical facts and the resulting debate has been clearly projected within the book. For many, tracing the Israeli-Palestine conflict has been confusing and various observers and scholars have worked hard to find a solution to this historical conflict. Peace agreement has been the centre of the book discussion and the author Robert P. Barnidge, Jr has done a wonderful research on this book which speaks about the historical context of the conflict that evolves around the question of ‘Self-Determination and Statehood’. This book reflects serious research that is based on primary documents, and the academic rigour is visible in effort put by the author in documenting the process, procedure and at the same time giving a complete historical context of the conflict and the negotiation process. The book will be an essential reading to all those involved in peace studies, international negotiations and Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
这本书的作者对国际法和联合国不同文书下的谈判有着深刻的了解,他把自己的经验写在了纸上。这本书深刻而激烈,它提供了关于巴勒斯坦完全建国谈判变化的第一手经验。双方——以色列和巴勒斯坦——把他们的论点建立在他们对历史事实的解释的基础上,由此产生的辩论已经在书中清楚地反映出来。对许多人来说,巴以冲突的来历一直令人困惑,各种观察家和学者都在努力寻找解决这一历史冲突的办法。和平协议一直是本书讨论的中心,作者小罗伯特·p·巴尼奇(Robert P. Barnidge, Jr)对这本书进行了精彩的研究,讨论了围绕“自决和国家地位”问题演变的冲突的历史背景。这本书反映了基于主要文件的严肃研究,学术严谨性是作者在记录过程、程序和同时给出冲突和谈判过程的完整历史背景的努力中可见的。这本书将是所有参与和平研究、国际谈判和巴以冲突的人的必读书目。
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引用次数: 0
Japan and ASEAN partnership : 日本与东盟伙伴关系:
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.54945/jjia.v2i2.83
Y. Ishida
With the development of ASEAN as a regional institution, Japan-ASEAN relations have matured into a strategic partnership based on friendship and cooperation. The long-standing partnership has developed following Japan’s wellknown diplomatic approach, so-called as the Fukuda Doctrine of 1977, toward a “heart-to-heart” relationship. Japan has steadily provided economic cooperation, ODA and various initiatives and funds for ASEAN’s development and its community building including economic infrastructure building, competitive environment for investment, human resource development, technical assistance, education and health care. Recent cooperation projects have extended to disaster management, people-to-people exchange, maritime safety, and ASEAN connectivity. With growing interdependence, Japan and ASEAN regard each other as indispensable partners. Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has strengthened the Strategic Partnership further following the Five Principles of Japan’s ASEAN Diplomacy in 2013. Facing China’s expansion and majorpowers’ competition, Japan-ASEAN strategic partnership needs further multilayered cooperation on ASEAN’s community building and connectivity in Southeast Asia as well as on its leading role in ASEAN-centered regional institutions in Asia and the Indo-Pacific region.
随着东盟作为地区机构的发展,日本与东盟的关系已发展成为以友好合作为基础的战略伙伴关系。这一长期的伙伴关系是在日本1977年所谓“福田主义”(Fukuda Doctrine)的著名外交方针之后发展起来的,旨在建立一种“心心相印”的关系。日本不断为东盟的发展和共同体建设提供经济合作、官方发展援助和各种倡议和资金,包括经济基础设施建设、竞争投资环境、人力资源开发、技术援助、教育和卫生保健。近期合作项目已拓展至灾害管理、人文交流、海上安全、东盟互联互通等领域。日本与东盟相互依存日益加深,互为不可或缺的伙伴。2013年,日本首相安倍晋三根据日本对东盟外交的五项原则,进一步加强了战略伙伴关系。面对中国的扩张和大国竞争,日本-东盟战略伙伴关系需要在东盟在东南亚的共同体建设和互联互通以及在亚洲和印太地区以东盟为中心的区域机构中发挥主导作用等方面进一步开展多层次合作。
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引用次数: 0
Australia, and ASEAN at Fifty 澳大利亚和东盟五十周年
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.54945/jjia.v2i2.85
A. Bloomfield
In its early documents related to Asianist orientation, Australia looked at engaging its immediate neighbourhood through institution such as ASEAN. ASEAN which was created to bring about synergies within the region and also engage important stakeholders as dialogue partners. Australia has been involved in Vietnam as part of its alliance obligations with US in 1970s and subsequently also. Australia has looked into ASEAN as a vehicle for cooperation, development and building better relations with Indonesia. The author argues that while Australia has aligned itself with the concept of the ASEAN way, there has not been any tectonic shift in the way Australia conducts its foreign policy. Even though Australia was one of the earliest dialogue partner in ASEAN, it has calibrated its policy depending on the national government priorities and the international interests of the country. The article also outlines the narrative from Australian perspective and situates ASEAN in the larger foreign policy discourse in Australia.
在其早期与亚洲主义取向有关的文件中,澳大利亚考虑通过东盟等机构与邻国接触。东盟的成立是为了在区域内发挥协同作用,并使重要的利益攸关方成为对话伙伴。澳大利亚在20世纪70年代参与越南事务,作为其与美国联盟义务的一部分,随后也参与了越南事务。澳大利亚将东盟视为合作、发展和与印度尼西亚建立更好关系的工具。作者认为,虽然澳大利亚与东盟方式的概念保持一致,但澳大利亚执行外交政策的方式并没有发生任何结构性转变。尽管澳大利亚是东盟最早的对话伙伴之一,但它根据国家政府的优先事项和国家的国际利益调整了自己的政策。文章还从澳大利亚的角度概述了这一叙事,并将东盟置于澳大利亚更大的外交政策话语中。
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引用次数: 0
India-Vietnam Strategic Partnership and ASEAN 印越战略伙伴关系与东盟
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.54945/jjia.v2i2.92
S. Sarma
India Vietnam relations have weathered the pre and post-Cold War world order and have remained unaffected with the disintegration of erstwhile Soviet Union and the emergence of unipolar world. The new configuration which is likely to emerge with China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR), Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank(AIIB) and the emergence of an alternate order in the form of BRICS would have an effect on the trajectory of this relations, but given the fact that both countries are balancing their interests between China and the US, it shows that ASEAN centrality would remain core to their interests in the Southeast Asian region for the future. The two countries have joined ASEAN as a member and dialogue partner in 1990s, thereby undermining the Cold War configuration. The two countries have elevated their partnership and are destined to play a more proactive role in ASEAN. This paper outlines the bilateral relationship and argues that ASEAN would be an important platform for interaction and exchange of views between the two nations.
印越关系经受住了冷战前和冷战后世界秩序的考验,并没有受到前苏联解体和单极世界出现的影响。随着中国的“一带一路”(OBOR)、亚洲基础设施投资银行(AIIB)和金砖国家形式的替代秩序的出现,可能出现的新格局将对这种关系的轨迹产生影响,但鉴于两国都在中国和美国之间平衡自己的利益,这表明东盟的中心地位未来仍将是它们在东南亚地区利益的核心。上世纪90年代,两国作为东盟成员国和对话伙伴国加入东盟,打破了冷战格局。两国关系升高,注定要在东盟发挥更积极的作用。本文概述了双边关系,并认为东盟将成为两国互动和交换意见的重要平台。
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引用次数: 0
Eric Liu and Nick Hanauer,The Gardens of Democracy : Eric Liu和Nick Hanauer,《民主花园》:
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.54945/jjia.v2i2.105
Jihan Mohammad
The book encapsulates a new conceptual approach to understanding the interconnected economic, political and social situations and systems, and how they work. Their metaphor- society is a garden- provides a vision of citizenship, democracy, and role of the government. It advocates the need to adapt to meet the prerequisites of economic, political and social evolution. The authors have drawn a comparison between gardeners and statists to highlight the complexities and limits of social policy, and urge free marketers and government to see how the system needs some tending. Gardening requires the right setting: fertile soil, good light, water, fertilizers and nurturing what we seed, and so do government, society and governance. In other words, insert proper inputs to get beneficial outputs. The writers eloquently manage to convey their noble message; that is “we harvest what we plant”.
这本书概括了一种新的概念方法来理解相互关联的经济、政治和社会状况和系统,以及它们是如何运作的。他们的比喻——社会是一个花园——提供了公民身份、民主和政府角色的愿景。它主张需要适应以满足经济、政治和社会发展的先决条件。作者在园丁和统计学家之间进行了比较,以突出社会政策的复杂性和局限性,并敦促自由市场营销者和政府看到这个体系如何需要一些照料。园艺需要合适的环境:肥沃的土壤、良好的光线、水、肥料和培育我们播种的东西,政府、社会和治理也是如此。换句话说,插入适当的投入以获得有益的产出。作家们雄辩地设法传达他们崇高的信息;这就是“种什么收获什么”。
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引用次数: 0
Satoshi Amako, Shunji Matsuoka and Kenji Horiuchi(eds), Regional Integration in East Asia: Theoretical and Historical Perspectives (Tokyo, New York and Paris : 天子聪、松冈俊二、堀内健二编,《东亚区域一体化:理论与历史视角》(东京、纽约、巴黎);
Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.54945/jjia.v2i2.93
M. Moni
This book, which is produced from the Tokyo-based United Nations University Press as the main publisher and distributed to the Washingtonbased Brookings Institution Press as a retail outlet, is actually the result of a five-year long research project completed at the Global Institute for Asian Regional Integration (GIARI) under Waseda University’s Graduate School of Asia-Pacific Studies (GSAPS) (frankly, from where the reviewer earned his highest degree), and largely financed by the so-called Center of Excellence (COE) Program of the Japanese Government Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT). The coeditors invincibly presume that their volume is an apex of onerous and rigorous study, which unfurls the boundary of a state-of-the-art research as a significant component in the field of Asian regional integration at a deadlock now despite the past rash of regional integration groupings for various circumstances (including historical, political, strategic, economic, social and cultural) at the beginning of the 21st century. But the reviewer does not think so highly of it in all of their purposes, contexts and approaches.
这本书由总部位于东京的联合国大学出版社作为主要出版商制作,并作为零售渠道分发给总部位于华盛顿的布鲁金斯学会出版社,它实际上是早稻田大学亚太研究研究生院(GSAPS)下属的亚洲区域一体化全球研究所(GIARI)完成的一项长达五年的研究项目的结果(坦率地说,作者是在那里获得了最高学位)。主要由日本政府教育、文化、体育、科学和技术省(MEXT)所谓的卓越中心(COE)计划资助。共同编者们坚定地认为,他们的著作是繁重而严谨的研究的顶点,它展现了一项最先进的研究的边界,作为亚洲区域一体化领域的重要组成部分,尽管过去在21世纪初出现了各种情况(包括历史、政治、战略、经济、社会和文化)的区域一体化分组,但现在却陷入了僵局。但是审稿人对它的目的、背景和方法评价并不高。
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引用次数: 0
Rise of China and Ethnic Minority in Xinjiang 中国的崛起与新疆少数民族
Pub Date : 2017-06-01 DOI: 10.54945/jjia.v1i2.104
Chittaranjan Senapati
With the rise of China and its increasing exposure to the international media, voices were raised regarding the development and social changes that have been happening in the various provinces of China. The developments in Xinjiang also came under scrutiny and it has been used by the international media to criticise China with regard to the human rights issues and religious freedom in Xinjiang. The Uighurs Muslims being the ethnic minority in China, this article looks into the concept of minority in China, the constitutional provisions, as well as outlines the development that have happened in the province. Taking an objective view of the developments in Xinjiang in terms of education, health, employment and other parameters, the article provides an empirical glimpse into the province.
随着中国的崛起以及中国在国际媒体上的曝光率越来越高,关于中国各省的发展和社会变化的声音越来越高。新疆的事态发展也受到密切关注,国际媒体利用它来批评中国在新疆的人权问题和宗教自由。本文从维吾尔族穆斯林作为中国的少数民族,对中国的少数民族概念、宪法规定以及维吾尔族穆斯林在中国的发展历程进行了探讨。本文从教育、卫生、就业等方面客观看待新疆的发展情况,对新疆进行了实证考察。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Jindal Journal of International Affairs
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