South Korea, along with Japan has been a traditional US ally in East Asia since 1945. The alliance grew even stronger with the Korean War. South Korea is still one of those nations where we can see a deep imprint and influence of the US mixed with their Japanese colonial past and their rich heritage. There are a few more important things to note about South Korea today. South Korea is highly dependent on the USA in terms of its security, even though its defence sector is highly developed and advanced. Its biggest security threat is the nuclear rogue state of North Korea. In recent decades, China and South Korea have been increasingly engaging in trade relations. China has always been the closest ally of North Korea, and with Seoul being disproportionately dependent on Beijing – has made it prudent for Seoul to have friendly ties with China, which can come in handy in the process of denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula
{"title":"South Korea’s Approach to the Indo–Pacific","authors":"Y. Panwar","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i6.58","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i6.58","url":null,"abstract":"South Korea, along with Japan has been a traditional US ally in East Asia since 1945. The alliance grew even stronger with the Korean War. South Korea is still one of those nations where we can see a deep imprint and influence of the US mixed with their Japanese colonial past and their rich heritage. There are a few more important things to note about South Korea today. South Korea is highly dependent on the USA in terms of its security, even though its defence sector is highly developed and advanced. Its biggest security threat is the nuclear rogue state of North Korea. In recent decades, China and South Korea have been increasingly engaging in trade relations. China has always been the closest ally of North Korea, and with Seoul being disproportionately dependent on Beijing – has made it prudent for Seoul to have friendly ties with China, which can come in handy in the process of denuclearisation of the Korean Peninsula","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"40 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"121951538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper explores the phenomenon of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS or IS) brides and tries to explain their role in global politics through the International Relations (IR) theories. Further, it argues that the approaches of critical securitization theory would be enriched by accommodating newer agencies into the explanatory models of IR. Historical agency considerations, the emancipation of the Islamic minorities in several countries, and deriving alternatives to the problem are much needed in the 21st century. With all such developments and the rapidly changing geopolitical dynamics, one must re-structure theories in understanding the changed geopolitics. It must answer how the nature and role of ISIS brides is critical in comprehending Middle-Eastern politics, European Islamophobia, etc. The factors mentioned above, even though considered in the traditional approaches, critical securitization theory provides an agency to them. Accordingly, the paper concludes that the critical theories are the product of decades of scientific debates and would be the priority framework to examine the international issues in future
{"title":"Non –Traditional Security Approach in International relations :","authors":"Arun Teja Polcumpally","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i5.73","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i5.73","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores the phenomenon of Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS or IS) brides and tries to explain their role in global politics through the International Relations (IR) theories. Further, it argues that the approaches of critical securitization theory would be enriched by accommodating newer agencies into the explanatory models of IR. Historical agency considerations, the emancipation of the Islamic minorities in several countries, and deriving alternatives to the problem are much needed in the 21st century. With all such developments and the rapidly changing geopolitical dynamics, one must re-structure theories in understanding the changed geopolitics. It must answer how the nature and role of ISIS brides is critical in comprehending Middle-Eastern politics, European Islamophobia, etc. The factors mentioned above, even though considered in the traditional approaches, critical securitization theory provides an agency to them. Accordingly, the paper concludes that the critical theories are the product of decades of scientific debates and would be the priority framework to examine the international issues in future","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"14 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126468000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Chinese expansionism has posed a serious threat to the free maritime region in the South China sea and has also challenged the interests of other regional countries. In such a situation, America, through several policies like FONOP, has tried to challenge the dominance of Beijing in the region. The firmness to adhere to the diplomatic policy of expansionism by China and the rejection of such claims by the US has resulted in a critical situation in the South China sea. Although FONOP is getting successful in sending clear messages about the US and its allies' rejection of Chinese expansionism, it is not capable enough to neutralise Beijing’s intentions. Hence, FONOP had led to a deadlock between both sides in the region and narrowed the scope of success for expansionist propaganda, leaving few alternatives for a ceasefire in the region of the South China sea.
{"title":"Formation of Quad, FONOPS and China’s Expansionist Ambitions.","authors":"A. Patel","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i5.70","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i5.70","url":null,"abstract":"Chinese expansionism has posed a serious threat to the free maritime region in the South China sea and has also challenged the interests of other regional countries. In such a situation, America, through several policies like FONOP, has tried to challenge the dominance of Beijing in the region. The firmness to adhere to the diplomatic policy of expansionism by China and the rejection of such claims by the US has resulted in a critical situation in the South China sea. Although FONOP is getting successful in sending clear messages about the US and its allies' rejection of Chinese expansionism, it is not capable enough to neutralise Beijing’s intentions. Hence, FONOP had led to a deadlock between both sides in the region and narrowed the scope of success for expansionist propaganda, leaving few alternatives for a ceasefire in the region of the South China sea.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"29 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127197842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Just War tradition is used to morally evaluate the warfare which nations wage against each other. This paper aims to employ Just War principles to the 1971 IndiaPakistan war, that witnessed humanitarian intervention by India in East Pakistan which later became Bangladesh. Whether Indian intervention during 1971 Bangladesh liberation war fulfils the criteria of ‘just’ humanitarian intervention? This paper aims to investigate this related question by examining India’s intervention in East Pakistan from the perspective of Just War Theory principles. The paper initially explains the theoretical concept of Just War theory and then explains the notion of humanitarian intervention within the realm of Just War tradition advocated by Michael Walzer. Further the paper provides a brief background of genesis of 1971 war and Pakistan’s claim to sovereignty over East Pakistan citing UN Charter. Paper then delves upon the arguments provided by the Indian side in favour of Just Humanitarian Intervention in the backdrop of increasing brutality by Pakistan. Paper further, broadly assesses India’s intervention in terms of Jus Ad Bellum and six principles associated with it and also Jus in Bello and its subsequent principles. Paper finally concludes that India’s Intervention was in conformity with Just War Principles.
{"title":"India’s 1971 Intervention :","authors":"V. Sharma","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i5.79","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i5.79","url":null,"abstract":"Just War tradition is used to morally evaluate the warfare which nations wage against each other. This paper aims to employ Just War principles to the 1971 IndiaPakistan war, that witnessed humanitarian intervention by India in East Pakistan which later became Bangladesh. Whether Indian intervention during 1971 Bangladesh liberation war fulfils the criteria of ‘just’ humanitarian intervention? This paper aims to investigate this related question by examining India’s intervention in East Pakistan from the perspective of Just War Theory principles. The paper initially explains the theoretical concept of Just War theory and then explains the notion of humanitarian intervention within the realm of Just War tradition advocated by Michael Walzer. Further the paper provides a brief background of genesis of 1971 war and Pakistan’s claim to sovereignty over East Pakistan citing UN Charter. Paper then delves upon the arguments provided by the Indian side in favour of Just Humanitarian Intervention in the backdrop of increasing brutality by Pakistan. Paper further, broadly assesses India’s intervention in terms of Jus Ad Bellum and six principles associated with it and also Jus in Bello and its subsequent principles. Paper finally concludes that India’s Intervention was in conformity with Just War Principles.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124526249","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is one of the major undertakings in China's "peaceful rise" strategy. South Asia has a particularly important position in this plan because it is the confluent area between the two pincers "Silk Road Economic Belt" and "21st Century Maritime Silk Road" of the BRI. The progress of the BRI in South Asia plays a relatively vital role as a model and reference, as well as has encountered many obstacles and challenges. The successful implementation of ambitious BRI projects in South Asia requires China to have a dynamic, development mindset to take the advantages and deal with the challenges posed. The article mentions the advantages and disadvantages of the BRI development trend in South Asia in the coming time and some implications for countermeasures for South Asian countries when they participate in this initiative of China.
{"title":"Development Trends China’s Belt and Road Initiative in South Asia :","authors":"N. T. Thu Ha","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i5.72","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i5.72","url":null,"abstract":"The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is one of the major undertakings in China's \"peaceful rise\" strategy. South Asia has a particularly important position in this plan because it is the confluent area between the two pincers \"Silk Road Economic Belt\" and \"21st Century Maritime Silk Road\" of the BRI. The progress of the BRI in South Asia plays a relatively vital role as a model and reference, as well as has encountered many obstacles and challenges. The successful implementation of ambitious BRI projects in South Asia requires China to have a dynamic, development mindset to take the advantages and deal with the challenges posed. The article mentions the advantages and disadvantages of the BRI development trend in South Asia in the coming time and some implications for countermeasures for South Asian countries when they participate in this initiative of China.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125021090","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Revisiting a book written in 2005 is like reading the report of a Truth Commission. This review is a caution, because on every count Husain Haqqani’s observations 16 years ago were prescient. The work is intellectually durable and morally upright. Two points bear mentioning: the partnership between Islamists and Pakistan’s military remains strong, and Pakistan has not abandoned its asymmetric war against India. Indians don’t have access to Pakistani archives and thus Indian scholarship on Pakistan is like climbing a dark alley. As Pakistani Haqqani proves a credible researcher, using primary sources which makes it difficult to refute his arguments. A former ambassador must be authentically Pakistani but a career in public life may never be retrieved because of the difficult subject he writes about. Even if you embrace only the passion and not the polemics, someone is watching over you. Haqqani’s reasoned support for return to democracy sets him apart as a conscientious doubter. When many western- educated Muslims embrace religious rage, Haqqani, a cleric’s son, who attended religious schools, went in an unlikely direction, becoming a trenchant critic of the role of religion in politics. He works now from the Hudson Institute in the U.S.; a pity that such talent must remain outside a homeland that needs him.
{"title":"Husain Haqqani, Pakistan: Between Mosque and Military, Washington, D.C. :","authors":"Jitendra Nath Misra","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i5.80","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i5.80","url":null,"abstract":"Revisiting a book written in 2005 is like reading the report of a Truth Commission. This review is a caution, because on every count Husain Haqqani’s observations 16 years ago were prescient. The work is intellectually durable and morally upright. Two points bear mentioning: the partnership between Islamists and Pakistan’s military remains strong, and Pakistan has not abandoned its asymmetric war against India. \u0000Indians don’t have access to Pakistani archives and thus Indian scholarship on Pakistan is like climbing a dark alley. As Pakistani Haqqani proves a credible researcher, using primary sources which makes it difficult to refute his arguments. A former ambassador must be authentically Pakistani but a career in public life may never be retrieved because of the difficult subject he writes about. Even if you embrace only the passion and not the polemics, someone is watching over you. \u0000Haqqani’s reasoned support for return to democracy sets him apart as a conscientious doubter. When many western- educated Muslims embrace religious rage, Haqqani, a cleric’s son, who attended religious schools, went in an unlikely direction, becoming a trenchant critic of the role of religion in politics. He works now from the Hudson Institute in the U.S.; a pity that such talent must remain outside a homeland that needs him.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132046000","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sitting on the largest oil reserve, and being the largest oil producer and economy in the Arab world, Saudi Arabia’s role in maintaining regional peace and stability becomes decisive. The global powers such as the US, European countries, China and India also look upon Riyadh to undertake regional responsibilities and work towards stabilizing the region. Over the period, Saudi Arabia has evolved and tested some of the tools and approaches to handle international and intra-regional problems. Partially, this is shaped by its own national objectives and partially by its determination and ambition to play a role in global and regional affairs. However, most of the region experts believe that the Middle East will remain under turmoil till at least three issues remain at the helm; first, the region continues to be the top supplier of modern fuel and keep influencing the hydrocarbons driven lifestyle in the world; second, Israel-Palestine issue remains unsolved; and third, continuation of the non-representative government in the region.
{"title":"Rene Rieger, Saudi Arabian Foreign Relations :","authors":"Z. Hussain","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i5.81","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i5.81","url":null,"abstract":"Sitting on the largest oil reserve, and being the largest oil producer and economy in the Arab world, Saudi Arabia’s role in maintaining regional peace and stability becomes decisive. The global powers such as the US, European countries, China and India also look upon Riyadh to undertake regional responsibilities and work towards stabilizing the region. Over the period, Saudi Arabia has evolved and tested some of the tools and approaches to handle international and intra-regional problems. Partially, this is shaped by its own national objectives and partially by its determination and ambition to play a role in global and regional affairs. However, most of the region experts believe that the Middle East will remain under turmoil till at least three issues remain at the helm; first, the region continues to be the top supplier of modern fuel and keep influencing the hydrocarbons driven lifestyle in the world; second, Israel-Palestine issue remains unsolved; and third, continuation of the non-representative government in the region.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"10 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122339695","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Sports refers to organized skill-based activities taking place at an international level where countries and states compete against each other. Sports can be a basis to achieve the object of strengthening one’s international relations. They can be utilized by geopolitical blocks or states to showcase their superiority or develop a relationship with other states. Governments may want athletic victories to display the power of the political and economic system of the state. For political reasons, sports can also be used on an international scale; by participating (or not) in sports events, states can achieve a number of policy goals. It has to be noticed that professional sports were earlier a neglected activity, and in stereotypical families, especially in India, sports is still not considered to be a viable career option. However, in the past, sports have emerged as a strong source for the development of international relations. Sports are not just influenced by the policies of a country, but sporting events can also influence states on certain occasions. International sports tournaments and events serve the larger purpose of impacting international relations among countries. They help countries in developing a bond with other countries and also help them in fulfilling political motives. The purpose of this article is to analyse the significance of international sporting events and their impact on international relations between countries.
{"title":"Impact of Major Sporting Events on International Relations :","authors":"Nishi Bhamkar, Rounak Doshi","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v2i5.67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v2i5.67","url":null,"abstract":"Sports refers to organized skill-based activities taking place at an international level where countries and states compete against each other. Sports can be a basis to achieve the object of strengthening one’s international relations. They can be utilized by geopolitical blocks or states to showcase their superiority or develop a relationship with other states. Governments may want athletic victories to display the power of the political and economic system of the state. For political reasons, sports can also be used on an international scale; by participating (or not) in sports events, states can achieve a number of policy goals. It has to be noticed that professional sports were earlier a neglected activity, and in stereotypical families, especially in India, sports is still not considered to be a viable career option. However, in the past, sports have emerged as a strong source for the development of international relations. Sports are not just influenced by the policies of a country, but sporting events can also influence states on certain occasions. International sports tournaments and events serve the larger purpose of impacting international relations among countries. They help countries in developing a bond with other countries and also help them in fulfilling political motives. The purpose of this article is to analyse the significance of international sporting events and their impact on international relations between countries.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"59 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116146634","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The geopolitical scenario in the Indo-Pacific2 region is changing rapidly. India, Japan and other oceanic states are facing new multidimensional challenges manifested in the unpeaceful3 rise of China. In this shadow, India-Japan ties have witnessed unprecedented growth in the last decade. Outgoing Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his counterpart in India have been instrumental for India-Japan bilateral relations taking a dramatic leap forward. Abe's visionary approach recognised India's strategic importance, as he worked tirelessly to take the relations to its new heights with his personal chemistry with the Indian Prime Minister. His proactive policy transformed South Block's expectations of Japan as a strong, influential and dependable partner in East Asia. Yoshihide Suga has succeeded Shinzo Abe as Japanese Prime minister. The initial days of Suga's foreign policy began by prioritising Vietnam, the USA and Australia, pointing out a different approach to Japan's foreign policy. Suga's political commitment to foreign affairs is secondary to the focus on domestic issues. The article is a comparative study of the foreign policy approaches of two Japanese Prime Ministers Abe and Suga towards India. In view of Abe's accomplishments, it is natural that India might be concerned about the transition to a new leader. The paper will try to analyse the reliability of Japan in the vulnerable security architecture of the Indo-Pacific region and the Suga government's willingness to engage actively in the Asian order for democratic values and the rule of law. Though India may not be Suga's top priority, India needs to actively leverage the strengths of the Abe-era partnership to keep it relevant.
{"title":"Changing Dynamics of Nihon-Indo Diplomatic Ties :","authors":"Ashutosh Kumar","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i5.54","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i5.54","url":null,"abstract":"The geopolitical scenario in the Indo-Pacific2 region is changing rapidly. India, Japan and other oceanic states are facing new multidimensional challenges manifested in the unpeaceful3 rise of China. In this shadow, India-Japan ties have witnessed unprecedented growth in the last decade. Outgoing Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe and his counterpart in India have been instrumental for India-Japan bilateral relations taking a dramatic leap forward. Abe's visionary approach recognised India's strategic importance, as he worked tirelessly to take the relations to its new heights with his personal chemistry with the Indian Prime Minister. His proactive policy transformed South Block's expectations of Japan as a strong, influential and dependable partner in East Asia. Yoshihide Suga has succeeded Shinzo Abe as Japanese Prime minister. The initial days of Suga's foreign policy began by prioritising Vietnam, the USA and Australia, pointing out a different approach to Japan's foreign policy. Suga's political commitment to foreign affairs is secondary to the focus on domestic issues. The article is a comparative study of the foreign policy approaches of two Japanese Prime Ministers Abe and Suga towards India. In view of Abe's accomplishments, it is natural that India might be concerned about the transition to a new leader. The paper will try to analyse the reliability of Japan in the vulnerable security architecture of the Indo-Pacific region and the Suga government's willingness to engage actively in the Asian order for democratic values and the rule of law. Though India may not be Suga's top priority, India needs to actively leverage the strengths of the Abe-era partnership to keep it relevant.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128704981","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Vo Xuan Vinh, Van Ngoc Thanh, Tran Xuan Hiep, Le Phuong Hoa
After the event of March 2011 in Myanmar, the quasi-civilian government’s suspension of China’s big investment projects was considered as evidence for the decline of China’s influence which had been strongly dominant since 1989. The paper argues that besides the dependence on China in terms of economic development and military relations, Myanmar also needs the Chinese support in its peace negotiations with ethnic armed groups and in dealing with Rohingya problem. The pressure posed by the West after the February coup has made Myanmar move closer to China. China’s outstanding influence in Myanmar has posed challenges to India. By using multidisciplinary discourse analyses, this article shows why China has kept its prominent influence in Myanmar since March 2011, how it impacts on India. The article uses historical methodology, in combination with interdisciplinary methods such as comparative analysis, and generalisation. Major sources for the paper include the texts of statements among states, speeches by political leaders, Myanmar Statistical Yearbooks, published articles and books.
{"title":"China’s Influence in Myanmar and Implications for India","authors":"Vo Xuan Vinh, Van Ngoc Thanh, Tran Xuan Hiep, Le Phuong Hoa","doi":"10.54945/jjia.v1i5.50","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.54945/jjia.v1i5.50","url":null,"abstract":"After the event of March 2011 in Myanmar, the quasi-civilian government’s suspension of China’s big investment projects was considered as evidence for the decline of China’s influence which had been strongly dominant since 1989. The paper argues that besides the dependence on China in terms of economic development and military relations, Myanmar also needs the Chinese support in its peace negotiations with ethnic armed groups and in dealing with Rohingya problem. The pressure posed by the West after the February coup has made Myanmar move closer to China. China’s outstanding influence in Myanmar has posed challenges to India. By using multidisciplinary discourse analyses, this article shows why China has kept its prominent influence in Myanmar since March 2011, how it impacts on India. The article uses historical methodology, in combination with interdisciplinary methods such as comparative analysis, and generalisation. Major sources for the paper include the texts of statements among states, speeches by political leaders, Myanmar Statistical Yearbooks, published articles and books.","PeriodicalId":188565,"journal":{"name":"Jindal Journal of International Affairs","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129319010","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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