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Fierce Mothers: The Cords that Bind Us 凶猛的母亲:束缚我们的绳索
Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0005
Leigh-Anna Hidalgo, Christine Vega, N. Cisneros, JoAnna Michelle Reyes
Abstract:Scholarship concerning mothers in higher education reveals that women who had children during doctoral studies are discriminated against at a much higher rate than men. Beyond PhD attainment, Women of Color continue to face institutional inequity—women who have children within five years of receiving their doctoral degree are 20–25% less likely to receive tenure—thus emerging scholarship on the experiences and activism of mothers in higher education is a necessary counternarrative and catalyst for change. Mothers of Color in Academia (MOCA) began as a student collective aiming to build systemic policies that address the unique needs of Mothers of Color and allies at a university. Our existential refusal to remain unseen informs our on-campus movement to demand and reclaim space as maternal activists. Toward that end, this manuscript delineates our genesis as MOCA and the kinship bonds that grew out of our activism. Finally, we offer reflections on our maternal activism and the tangible successes brought about within the corporate university climate.
摘要:关于高等教育中母亲的研究表明,在攻读博士学位期间生过孩子的女性受到歧视的比例远高于男性。除了获得博士学位之外,有色人种女性继续面临着制度上的不平等——在获得博士学位后五年内生孩子的女性获得终身教职的可能性要低20-25%——因此,关于高等教育中母亲的经历和行动主义的新兴学术研究是一种必要的反叙事和变革的催化剂。学术界有色人种母亲组织(MOCA)最初是一个学生团体,旨在建立系统的政策,以满足有色人种母亲及其盟友在大学里的独特需求。我们的存在主义拒绝被忽视,这促使我们在校园内发起运动,要求并重新获得作为母亲活动家的空间。为了达到这个目的,这份手稿描绘了我们作为MOCA的起源,以及我们的行动主义所产生的亲属关系。最后,我们对我们的母性行动主义以及在企业大学氛围中所带来的切实成功进行了反思。
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引用次数: 0
Complaint! by Sara Ahmed (review) 投诉!萨拉·艾哈迈德(Sara Ahmed)
Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0016
Julia K. Gruber
workers and mental health clinicians, may prevent scholars who struggle with anxiety and depression, for example, from availing themselves of any wellness resources and counseling services available to them on campus. In the age of COVID-19, the long-term effects of the disease for those who have survived it are yet to be fully understood and the impacts of the collective trauma are likely exacerbating for those who are already struggling with isolating physical conditions and mental health challenges. Though Matthew and her authors could not have predicted the pandemic that began in 2020 in 2016, such a perspective would be incredibly useful now. Perhaps a future exploration will consider those who have been adversely impacted during this time.
例如,工作人员和心理健康临床医生可能会阻止那些与焦虑和抑郁作斗争的学者利用校园里为他们提供的任何健康资源和咨询服务。在COVID-19时代,这种疾病对幸存者的长期影响尚未得到充分了解,对于那些已经在孤立的身体状况和精神健康挑战中挣扎的人来说,集体创伤的影响可能会加剧。尽管马修和她的作者无法预测2016年开始于2020年的大流行,但这样的观点现在将非常有用。也许未来的探索将考虑那些在这段时间受到不利影响的人。
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引用次数: 2
Attunement in the Cracks: Feminist Collaboration and the University as Broken Machine 裂缝中的调谐:女权主义合作和大学作为破碎的机器
Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0011
Natalie Loveless, Carrie Smith
Abstract:This essay takes the form of a dialogue between Natalie Loveless and Carrie Smith, both professors at a large western-Canadian research-intensive university undergoing restructuring prompted by budget cuts. Together they ask how feminist collaboration can work to resculpt academic political spaces. Though both agree that large-scale action is needed, they also argue for the value of insurgent, modest, local modes of collaborative resistance that operate in the cracks of the neoliberal university.Beginning from their experience navigating the dual threats of COVID-19 and radical budget cuts as professors in academic leadership positions, they make a claim for an anti-racist, feminist university that is responsive in its capacity to nurture generosity, care, and creativity. Together they invite readers to be attentive to the conditions necessary for any true critical collaboration to take place, listening for and attuning to what Sarah Sharma has called "brokenness" (2020)—those places where things are not working from the perspectives of patriarchal power and where those committed to feminist anti-racist/ableist/speciesist university spaces might want to linger.
摘要:本文以Natalie Loveless和Carrie Smith两位教授之间的对话为形式,她们都是加拿大西部一所大型研究型大学的教授,由于预算削减,这所大学正在进行重组。她们共同探讨了女权主义合作如何能够产生学术政治空间。虽然两人都同意需要大规模的行动,但他们也认为,在新自由主义大学的裂缝中运作的反叛的、温和的、地方的合作抵抗模式的价值。从他们作为学术领导职位的教授应对COVID-19和大幅预算削减的双重威胁的经验出发,他们主张建立一所反种族主义、女权主义的大学,并在其能力上培养慷慨、关怀和创造力。他们一起邀请读者关注任何真正的批判性合作发生的必要条件,倾听并协调莎拉·夏尔马(Sarah Sharma)所说的“破碎”(2020)——那些从父权的角度来看事情没有起作用的地方,以及那些致力于女权主义、反种族主义/残疾主义/物种主义大学空间的人可能想要停留的地方。
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引用次数: 0
Settler-/Colonial Realities: Some Notes on Organizing between Activism and Academia 定居者/殖民地现实:关于行动主义与学术界之间组织的一些注释
Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0008
Anna-Esther Younes, Siihasin-Hope A. Alvarado
Abstract:In December 2019, we participated in an international conference surrounding the Palestinian struggle, settler colonialism, and international solidarity. Our own hopes and frustrations organizing between academia and movements led us to write on how to organize international solidarity events between academia, activism, public intellectuals, and global politics. We address certain topics that we repeatedly find to be of great importance when it comes to issues such as (international) solidarity, "activism and academia," issues of gender, race, and class, but also disinformation campaigns and social media policies and politics in times of techno-colonialism—issues that keep coming up no matter where we are. International solidarity is necessary to the liberation of Indigenous and colonized people all over the world. We encourage comrades and relatives to travel internationally to engage in solidarity delegations, organizing and revolutionary praxis from a queer, Indigenous, feminist perspective. We aim to draw parallels between the struggles in other autonomous communities including those who do not have the means to travel internationally due to their immigration status. This is also important because those who seek to organize in authentic ways get to learn and exchange knowledge with and from people, organizers, and communities that are directly impacted. We aim to outline navigating settler colonial realities within capitalism and offer insights on how to move forward for future international and solidarity events.
摘要:2019年12月,我们参加了一个关于巴勒斯坦斗争、定居者殖民主义和国际团结的国际会议。我们自己在学术界和运动之间组织的希望和挫折促使我们撰写关于如何组织学术界、行动主义、公共知识分子和全球政治之间的国际团结活动的文章。当涉及到(国际)团结、“行动主义和学术”、性别、种族和阶级等问题时,我们会讨论一些我们反复发现非常重要的话题,但也会讨论技术殖民主义时代的虚假信息运动、社交媒体政策和政治——无论我们身在何处,这些问题都会不断出现。国际团结对于解放世界各地的土著和殖民地人民是必要的。我们鼓励同志和亲属到世界各地参加团结代表团,从酷儿、土著和女权主义的角度组织和革命实践。我们的目标是与其他自治区的斗争进行比较,包括那些由于移民身份而无法进行国际旅行的人。这一点也很重要,因为那些寻求以真实方式组织起来的人可以从直接受到影响的人、组织者和社区那里学习和交流知识。我们的目标是概述在资本主义中导航定居者殖民现实,并就如何推进未来的国际和团结活动提供见解。
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引用次数: 0
Non-immigrant Precarity and the Corporate University: Rethinking Limitations of Critical Research and Reimagining Decolonial Possibilities 非移民的不稳定性和企业大学:重新思考批判性研究的局限性和重新想象非殖民化的可能性
Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0009
S. Chatterjee
Abstract:This paper explores the various ways in which organizational structures of the corporate university are imbricated in racial hierarchies underlying global immigration, with particular reference to non-immigrant precarity in US academia. Moving beyond critiques focused on curriculum and pedagogy, I argue that as an epitomizing product of capitalism, the corporate university must be dismantled to decenter global knowledge creation itself. We must view the generation of critical social science research in context of interactions between the colonizing structure of global immigration laws and Global North's academic institutional hierarchies. The paper begins by theoretically framing corporate university, its co-option of diversity and equality as the cornerstone of contemporary neoliberalism and its entanglements with contemporary immigration regimes such that it emerges as a site for non-immigrant precarity. I then discuss how seemingly critical fields of inquiry such as academic feminism are institutionally arranged within corporate universities to sustain racialized precarity for non-immigrants in academia, through hiring, research, and pedagogical practices. I conclude by drawing on two grassroots education models in India as means for (re)imagining decolonial possibilities with subversive philosophies of education and spatial alternatives, which are crucial for feminist research to be meaningful.
摘要:本文探讨了企业大学组织结构在全球移民背后的种族等级结构中的各种方式,并特别提到了美国学术界非移民的不稳定性。抛开对课程和教学法的批评,我认为,作为资本主义的缩影,企业大学必须被拆除,以分散全球知识创造本身。我们必须在全球移民法的殖民结构与全球北方的学术制度等级之间的相互作用的背景下看待批判性社会科学研究的产生。本文首先从理论上构建了企业大学,它将多样性和平等作为当代新自由主义的基石,并与当代移民制度纠缠在一起,使其成为非移民不稳定的场所。然后,我讨论了看似关键的研究领域,如学术女权主义,是如何在企业大学内的制度安排中,通过招聘、研究和教学实践,维持学术界非移民的种族不稳定性。最后,我借鉴了印度的两种基层教育模式,以颠覆性的教育哲学和空间选择作为(重新)想象非殖民化可能性的手段,这对女权主义研究的意义至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
States of Precarity and Pains of Utopic Pedagogy: Methodologies of Hope in Times of Crises 不稳定的状态与乌托邦教育学的痛苦:危机时代的希望方法论
Pub Date : 2022-03-01 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2022.0013
Abeera Khan
Abstract:Drawing on personal teaching experience, this article considers the potentiality and pains of a pedagogic strategy that practises what José Esteban Muñoz calls a "methodology of hope" (2009). How can educators, particularly those located in the "enlightenment-type charade" (Moten and Harney 2013, 39) that is the university, enact a critical yet hopeful pedagogy when the "ghostly aspects" (Gordon 2008) of social life haunt both students and educators before they enter the classroom? Using Gail Lewis' (2014) defense of the reparative position within queer feminist debates on paranoid and reparative readings, I argue that Lewis' emphasis on relationality as a mode of criticality can foreground connection as a reparative mode of pedagogy. Reflecting on my own experience teaching Frantz Fanon's scholarship through a lens that confronts his homophobia and simultaneously refuses his disposal, I argue for the need for connection for both students and educator alike. The reparative stance, in this pedagogic moment, opens students to the analytical modes of Black diaspora studies, Black queer studies and queer of colour critique that thinks insurgently with and through Fanon to imagine otherwise.
摘要:本文结合个人的教学经验,探讨了jos Esteban Muñoz所称的“希望方法论”(2009)的教学策略的潜力和痛苦。当社会生活的“幽灵方面”(Gordon 2008)在学生和教育工作者进入课堂之前就困扰着他们时,教育工作者,特别是那些处于“启蒙式字谜游戏”(Moten and Harney 2013, 39)即大学的教育工作者,如何制定一种批判而又充满希望的教学法?利用盖尔·刘易斯(Gail Lewis, 2014)在关于偏执和修复性阅读的酷儿女权主义辩论中对修复性立场的辩护,我认为刘易斯强调关系作为一种批判性模式,可以将连接作为一种教育学的修复模式。反思我自己在教授弗朗茨·法农(Frantz Fanon)的学术课程时的经历,通过一个镜头来面对他的同性恋恐惧症,同时拒绝他的处理,我认为学生和教育者都需要建立联系。在这个教学的时刻,修复的立场,打开了学生对黑人散居研究的分析模式,黑人酷儿研究和酷儿的颜色批评,与法农一起思考,并通过法农想象不同的情况。
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引用次数: 2
Feminist Vulnerability Politics: Judith Butler on Autonomy and the Pursuit of a "Livable Life" 女性主义脆弱性政治:朱迪思·巴特勒论自主性与对“宜居生活”的追求
Pub Date : 2021-12-23 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2021.0044
Amber Knight
Abstract:This article contributes to ongoing feminist debates about the politics of vulnerability by attempting to clarify vulnerability's relationship to autonomy. Building from Judith Butler's recent work—specifically her precariousness/precarity distinction—I argue that vulnerability can both enable and limit autonomy, depending on the type of vulnerability in question. Specifically, precariousness accentuates the positive and generative dimensions of vulnerability on autonomy, while precarity indicates unjust constraints on one's ability to exercise some degree of self-determination. My hope is that this clarification can be of assistance in discerning whether vulnerability can be of practical value for feminist social justice movements. If we think about respect for persons as autonomous agents as a core feminist value, then the aim of political responses to vulnerability must be developed in a way that enables autonomy, lest the discourse of vulnerability be co-opted to legitimize and sanction reactionary politics.
摘要:本文试图阐明脆弱性与自主性的关系,从而为女性主义关于脆弱性政治的争论做出贡献。根据朱迪思·巴特勒(Judith Butler)最近的作品,特别是她对不稳定性/不稳定性的区分,我认为脆弱性既可以促进自主,也可以限制自主,这取决于脆弱性的类型。具体而言,不稳定性强调了自主性脆弱性的积极和生成方面,而不稳定性则表明对行使某种程度的自决能力的不公正限制。我希望这一澄清能够有助于辨别脆弱性是否对女权主义社会正义运动具有实际价值。如果我们把尊重作为自主主体的人作为女权主义的核心价值,那么对脆弱的政治回应的目标必须以一种允许自主的方式发展,以免脆弱的话语被用来合法化和制裁反动的政治。
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引用次数: 0
"No Women Involved": Settler Colonial Racial Grammars in Black and Indigenous Education “无妇女参与”:黑人和土著教育中的移民殖民种族语法
Pub Date : 2021-12-23 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2021.0042
Bayley J. Marquez
Abstract:Through a discussion of the first Indigenous women students at the Hampton Agricultural and Normal Institute's Indian Program in 1879 and the rhetoric surrounding their enrollment, this essay analyzes how raced and gendered discourses were highlighted in different ways at Hampton after Indigenous women began attending. I argue that settler colonial racial grammars underpin the discussion of race and education by Hampton teachers, administrators, and staff. Settler colonial racial grammars are structures and patterns of meaning that relate racial and ontological discourses to domination of land through settler conquest, hinging on the process of gendering and ungendering. These grammars work through defining Black and Indigenous women in relation to space, time, and ontological condition. Using Christina Sharpe's theorization of anagrammatical Blackness in concert with my own concept of Indigenous hyperpunctuation, I lay out the ways that Black and Indigenous women were at the center of Hampton's industrial education project. I contend that settler colonial racial grammars reveal the process by which educational comparison can contribute to material structures of settler colonialism and anti-Blackness.
摘要:本文通过对1879年汉普顿农业与师范学院印第安项目第一批土著女学生的讨论,以及围绕她们入学的言论,分析了土著妇女开始入学后,种族和性别话语如何以不同的方式在汉普顿得到突出。我认为,移民殖民种族语法是汉普顿教师、管理人员和工作人员讨论种族和教育的基础。定居者殖民种族语法是将种族和本体论话语与定居者征服土地的统治联系起来的意义结构和模式,依赖于性别化和非性别化的过程。这些语法通过定义黑人和土著妇女与空间、时间和本体论条件的关系而起作用。利用克里斯蒂娜·夏普关于黑人的词法异义化的理论,结合我自己对土著标点符号的概念,我阐述了黑人和土著妇女在汉普顿工业教育项目中的核心地位。我认为,移民殖民种族语法揭示了教育比较有助于移民殖民主义和反黑人的物质结构的过程。
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引用次数: 0
#MeToo and Transnational Gender Justice: An Introduction #MeToo与跨国性别正义:导论
Pub Date : 2021-12-23 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2021.0046
Chaitanya Lakkimsetti, Vanita Reddy
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引用次数: 0
"Anyone can be Pussy Riot": Exploring the Possibilities of Transnational Digital Feminism “任何人都可以成为Pussy Riot”:探索跨国数字女权主义的可能性
Pub Date : 2021-12-23 DOI: 10.1353/ff.2021.0041
Jessica Gokhberg
Abstract:This essay examines the digital feminist strategies of the Russian political performance group Pussy Riot. At the same time that I argue that the risks the group takes in creating a digital transnational feminism on YouTube are interesting for how they open up translocal critiques of authoritarianism, I ask a broader question regarding the criteria by which international feminist scholarship evaluates its objects of analysis. I avoid relying on holistic judgements of success or failure, and instead focus on Pussy Riot's legitimate and tangible feminist engagement with police brutality and border regimes between the United States and Russia.
摘要:本文考察了俄罗斯政治表演团体Pussy Riot的数字女权主义策略。与此同时,我认为该组织在YouTube上创建数字跨国女权主义的风险很有趣,因为它们开启了对威权主义的跨地区批评,我提出了一个更广泛的问题,即国际女权主义奖学金评估其分析对象的标准。我避免依赖于对成功或失败的整体判断,而是专注于Pussy Riot在警察暴行和美俄边境制度方面合法而切实的女权主义参与。
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引用次数: 2
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Feminist Formations
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