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Utopia’s Discontents: Émigrés and the Quest for Freedom 乌托邦的不满:Émigrés和对自由的追求
Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/03612759.2023.2221529
J. Brooks
odization. Most works indicate that the Great Famine stretched from 1845 when the staple potato crop precipitously declined to 1852 when potato crops returned to a stable level based on the reduced level of population in Ireland. McMahon extends this timeframe to 1855 when the number of Irish migrants declined to pre-1845 levels. All told, the Great Famine would kill over one million Irish and cause almost two million to flee the Emerald Isle. The sudden reduction of three million from a total population of approximately eight million within a single decade represents one of the largest population movements in global history. McMahon’s work is told from the perspective of the emigrants themselves using many diaries and personal accounts to balance and personalize the archival sources. McMahon focuses on the 1.5 million approximate emigrants who journeyed to the United States, but he does not forget the roughly 300,000 who traveled to each Canadian or Great Britain destination, nor the 75,000 who made the long journey to Australia. Very few of the emigrants left directly from Irish shores to their destination and the majority crossed the Irish Sea to the great British seaport of Liverpool before departing on the final leg of their journey. Most of the Irish emigrants who decided to remain in Great Britain occurred before 1848 when a head tax was levied on arriving Irish emigrants. From 1848 on, the Irish diaspora away from the English isles began in earnest. McMahon begins by explaining how nearly two million people found the means to leave Ireland during the collapse of the Irish economy. Some emigrants were granted passage money or received paid tickets from the very landlords in whose fields they had previously labored. This was done to reduce the cost of the tax burden incurred by the landlords from the abandoned tenant farms. Most received money from family and friends, either within the British Isles or from abroad, to make the journey. McMahon’s next section, and the heart of the work, is the long ocean voyage these emigrants endured to reach whatever destination to which they were bound. McMahon does this by viewing events through the eyes of the passengers themselves from embarkation to life in steerage on a passage boat, and the inevitable occurrence of death that some emigrants experienced on the voyage. The title Coffin Ship refers to the high death rate on some of the earliest ships used for Irish emigrants. McMahon is quick to argue, however, the term coffin ship had been used for many years prior to the Great Famine and that ship owners were quick to replace the early cramped vessels with ones that afforded better accommodations to compete more effectively for the increased passenger trade the emigrants represented. Throughout his work, McMahon highlights the sense of community in which these emigrants shared. The initial surge of emigrant travel ruptured the existing community of tenant farmers and their neighbors, while a dangerou
odization。大多数研究表明,大饥荒从1845年开始,当时主要的马铃薯产量急剧下降,直到1852年马铃薯产量恢复到稳定水平,这是由于爱尔兰人口的减少。麦克马洪将这个时间框架延长到了1855年,当时爱尔兰移民的数量下降到了1845年之前的水平。总而言之,大饥荒导致100多万爱尔兰人死亡,近200万人逃离翡翠岛。在短短十年内,人口总数从大约800万突然减少了300万,这是全球历史上最大的人口流动之一。麦克马洪的作品从移民本身的角度讲述,使用许多日记和个人账户来平衡和个性化档案来源。麦克马洪关注的是前往美国的大约150万移民,但他没有忘记前往加拿大或英国目的地的大约30万人,也没有忘记长途跋涉前往澳大利亚的7.5万人。很少有移民直接从爱尔兰海岸出发到达目的地,大多数人穿过爱尔兰海到达英国的海港利物浦,然后才开始他们旅程的最后一段。大多数决定留在英国的爱尔兰移民发生在1848年之前,当时对抵达的爱尔兰移民征收人头税。从1848年起,爱尔兰人开始真正地离开英伦三岛。麦克马洪首先解释了在爱尔兰经济崩溃期间,近200万人是如何找到离开爱尔兰的方法的。一些移民得到了路费,或者从他们以前在自己的土地上劳动的地主那里得到了有偿的船票。这样做是为了减少地主从被遗弃的佃农农场中产生的税收负担。大多数人从家人和朋友那里得到钱,要么在不列颠群岛,要么在国外,来完成这次旅行。麦克马洪的下一部分,也是这部作品的核心,是这些移民为了到达他们注定要去的目的地所经历的漫长的海洋航行。麦克马洪通过乘客自己的眼睛来观察事件,从登船到在一艘过境船上的舵手生活,以及一些移民在航行中经历的不可避免的死亡。“棺材船”这个称号指的是最早用于爱尔兰移民的一些船只的高死亡率。然而,麦克马洪很快指出,“棺材船”这个词在大饥荒之前就已经使用了很多年,船主们很快就把早期狭窄的船换成了提供更好住宿的船,以便更有效地竞争移民所代表的日益增长的客运量。在他的作品中,麦克马洪强调了这些移民所共有的社区意识。最初移民旅行的激增打破了现有的佃农社区和他们的邻居,而危险的海上航行为基于共同生活经历而不是共同家庭关系的社区建设创造了新的机会。抵达目的地后,新建成的社区被打乱了,但之前失散的家庭成员可能与先前航行的亲戚重新联系上了。麦克马洪认为,这些社区创造了一个更大的、全球化的爱尔兰社区,尽管之前的关系随着时间和距离的推移而破裂和重建,基于可怕的经济危机的共同经历,充满危险的海上航行,以及抵达外国海岸时不确定的接待。关于爱尔兰大饥荒的影响已经写了很多,更多的是关于爱尔兰移民在他们最终到达的地方的生活。麦克马洪的作品填补了爱尔兰移民前往这些目的地的重要中间步骤。虽然麦克马洪没有说他们是愉快的航行,但他说明了这次航行并不是一个持续的疾病和死亡,同时也没有回避这些不幸事件发生的实例。麦克马洪作品的核心是在从爱尔兰到新土地的过程中幸存下来的爱尔兰身份,沿途建立和分裂的社区,以及整个经历如何创造了身份和爱尔兰侨民社区的基础,无论他们身在何处,我们今天都非常熟悉。
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引用次数: 0
Queen Victoria: This Thorny Crown 维多利亚女王:这顶荆棘王冠
Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/03612759.2023.2221542
Miles Taylor
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引用次数: 0
Soviets in Space: Russia’s Cosmonauts and the Space Frontier 《太空中的苏联人:俄罗斯宇航员和太空前沿》
Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/03612759.2023.2221544
Ian Varga
themselves played determinative roles merely by being themselves. When they faced off for the first and final time, it was not by ‘chance’ or ‘fate’—rather, they were both exactly where they were supposed to be” (74). Despite our agency and free will as humans, perhaps no amount of planning, manipulation, and conspiring can stop historical events from eventually taking on a life of their own. Now wouldn’t that be the ultimate irony.
他们仅仅因为是他们自己而起决定作用。当他们第一次也是最后一次面对时,这不是“偶然”或“命运”——相反,他们都在他们应该在的地方。尽管我们有作为人类的能动性和自由意志,也许再多的计划、操纵和阴谋也无法阻止历史事件最终呈现出自己的生命。这难道不是最大的讽刺吗。
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引用次数: 0
Defying Hitler: The White Rose Pamphlets 《反抗希特勒:白玫瑰小册子
Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/03612759.2023.2221540
H. Potter
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引用次数: 0
The Coffin Ship: Life and Death at Sea during the Great Irish Famine 《棺材船:爱尔兰大饥荒期间海上的生与死
Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/03612759.2023.2221546
David Ward
the seventeenth century than he presents in Global Trade and Commercial Networks. Blood, Sweat and Earth also provides a range of statistics that explore the nature of labor and the productivity (or lack of) of various regions, including production in the Congo at various points in the twentieth century. Charts are also provided that visualize official numbers for both slaves used in the diamond district and carats mined in Brazil for the period between 1740 and 1785 and 1740 to 1806, respectively, and the official numbers of carats mined in West Africa, which are amalgamated into five-year blocks for the years between 1920 and 1979. The numerous images included in the book provide visuals on the nature of diamond extraction and accentuate the segregation and de-humanization of African laborers. Vanneste was able to secure some of the more graphic images that Marcia Pointon (2018) also used to show the cavity searches that stripped Africans were subjected to at the De Beers Kimberley Mine circa 1884. The discussion of blood diamonds presented within Blood, Sweat and Earth can also be used to connect with a broader discussion of conflict minerals that has plagued the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Although Vanneste provides extensive examples and research on the diamond industry, areas for further investigation include German involvement in the diamond industry before the First World War and diamond production in the Northwest Territories in Canada. There is some German content as Blood, Sweat and Earth explores how the Holocaust affected the diamond cutting industry in Nazi-occupied Europe and briefly discusses German involvement in the diamond industry through its South West Africa colony prior to the First World War. Although Vanneste cites Steven Press (2018) in his endnotes, Press’s work Blood and Diamonds: Germany’s Imperial Ambitions in Africa (2021) elucidates the German policies adopted for diamond production in its South West Africa colony and the effects it had on the German economy. This book, which was published the same year as Blood, Sweat and Earth, also connects with some of the themes Vanneste explores regarding the control of diamond deposits and issues related to labor, and would be a nice supplemental book for Vanneste’s broader study. Furthermore, the section in the sixth chapter pertaining to Canada charts the development of diamond production in the Northwest Territories, although a discussion of the impacts that mining has had in the Canadian north and its Indigenous population is largely absent from the chapter. That said, Vanneste briefly probes this issue in his epilogue, and it is expected that this will be a topic of further exploration if he is to write a book exploring the consequences diamond mining has had on the environment and control over indigenous lands (21). Although Blood, Sweat and Earth is not the first examination to shed light on the “dark” history of diamonds, it is one of the more comprehensive exa
比他在《全球贸易和商业网络》一书中所描述的更早《血汗与大地》还提供了一系列统计数据,探讨了不同地区的劳动性质和生产力(或缺乏),包括20世纪不同时期刚果的生产。还提供了图表,分别显示了1740年至1785年和1740年至1806年期间在钻石区使用的奴隶和在巴西开采的克拉数的官方数字,以及在西非开采的克拉数的官方数字,这些数字合并成五年块,用于1920年至1979年之间。书中包含的大量图像为钻石开采的本质提供了视觉效果,并强调了非洲劳工的隔离和非人性化。Vanneste能够获得一些更生动的图像,Marcia Pointon(2018)也使用这些图像来显示大约1884年在戴比尔斯金伯利矿,被剥光的非洲人遭受的洞穴搜查。《血、汗与地球》中关于血钻的讨论也可以用来与更广泛的关于冲突矿产的讨论联系起来,冲突矿产一直困扰着刚果民主共和国。虽然Vanneste提供了大量关于钻石行业的例子和研究,但进一步调查的领域包括德国在第一次世界大战之前参与钻石行业和加拿大西北地区的钻石生产。《血、汗与地球》探讨了大屠杀如何影响纳粹占领的欧洲的钻石切割行业,并简要讨论了德国在第一次世界大战前通过其西南非洲殖民地参与钻石行业。尽管Vanneste在他的尾注中引用了Steven Press(2018),但Press的作品《血与钻石:德国在非洲的帝国野心》(2021)阐明了德国在其西南非洲殖民地采用的钻石生产政策及其对德国经济的影响。这本书与《血、汗和地球》同一年出版,也与Vanneste探讨的一些关于钻石矿床控制和与劳动力相关的问题有关,这将是Vanneste更广泛研究的一个很好的补充。此外,第六章中有关加拿大的一节描述了西北地区钻石生产的发展情况,尽管本章基本上没有讨论采矿对加拿大北部及其土著居民的影响。也就是说,Vanneste在他的结语中简要地探讨了这个问题,如果他要写一本探讨钻石开采对环境和对土著土地控制的后果的书,预计这将是一个进一步探索的话题(21)。虽然《血汗与大地》不是第一部揭示钻石“黑暗”历史的作品,但就其地理和时间范围而言,它是比较全面的研究之一。也就是说,Vanneste意识到,对于这段历史,还有一些更深层次的调查领域,他的书没有提供深入的分析,比如走私和盗窃(331页)。范尼斯特的档案研究和对原始资料的使用使这本书以学术为导向,然而,写作风格和内容使它易于理解,适合大众读者。尽管Vanneste探索的一些钻石生产和加工地点已经被其他学者(包括Karin Hofmeester)探索过,但《血、汗和地球》是一本引人入胜的读物,它很好地补充和阐述了该领域的一些研究。
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引用次数: 0
Pogroms: A Documentary History 大屠杀:一部历史纪录片
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03612759.2023.2214007
Hillel J. Kieval
Ferry was forced to defend his overseas activities, and with it provided one of the most trenchant rationales for republican empire to date, citing the spread of civilization and racial superiority as justifications for overseas expansion. As Ferry and his allies explained, this civilizing mission was the basis for France’s politique coloniale, a policy aimed at promoting human progress that theoretically differed markedly from the colonial conquest of the past. It wasn’t simply that republicans were obfuscating the racist logic and militarist implications of their own politique coloniale that makes these debates significant. Nor that the Tonkin Affair compelled republican ideologues to clarify their position on empire. For Carroll, the significance of these disputes is in the arguments that framed the controversy, with opponents levying accusations of Bonapartism against republicans committed to proving the contrary. “The specter of Napoleon III... ,” as Carroll writes, “continued to loom over conversations about republican colonialism across France” (161). Yet if the Tonkin Affair marked the culmination of efforts to define a republican brand of empire, it was also the last salvo in these battles. As the 1890s dawned, contentions over the Bonapartist past began to fade from public memory, and with it competing views of colonial conquest. Colonial expansion was criticized on matters of strategy and military competence in the press or before the assembly, but allusions to Bonapartism were notably muted. According to Carroll, by the 1890s, political elites had reached a consensus regarding the meaning and import of empire. In distancing themselves from Bonapartism, republicans had successful shaped their own model of colonial empire. Advocacy groups and lobbies supported the politique coloniale and politicians frequently nationalized the overseas imperial project, presenting it as a collective effort of national rejuvenation that eschewed political factionalism. Most importantly, empire abroad no longer translate into empire at home, and the term “colonial empire” touted by republicans embodied this mental shift. “Empire” had been freed from its Bonapartist trappings, making republican colonial empire imaginable and even desirable. Carroll has offered a compelling argument that draws attention to the ways in which political culture and discourse combined with historical memory to influence the evolution of republican empire in France. Yet even as she is sensitive to the dialogic nature of this evolution and treats competing visions and memories in detail, there is one voice that seems absent, and this becomes apparent in the concluding remarks of the book. Carroll repeatedly insists that native colonial subjects never had opportunities to participate in these debates and that the conversation was dominated by metropolitans and settlers. This is no doubt true to an extent. Yet the conclusion offers a possible alternative to this claim with the rela
费里被迫为自己的海外活动辩护,并由此为共和帝国的建立提供了迄今为止最有力的理由之一,他以文明的传播和种族优越感为海外扩张辩护。正如费里和他的盟友所解释的那样,这一文明使命是法国“殖民政治”(politique coloniale)的基础,这一政策旨在促进人类进步,在理论上与过去的殖民征服明显不同。共和党人混淆了他们自己的殖民政治的种族主义逻辑和军国主义含义,这不仅仅是使这些辩论变得重要的原因。东京事件也没有迫使共和派理论家澄清他们在帝国问题上的立场。对卡罗尔来说,这些争论的意义在于争论的框架,反对者对共和党人提出波拿巴主义的指控,并致力于证明相反的观点。“拿破仑三世的幽灵……正如卡罗尔所写的那样,“在关于法国共和殖民主义的讨论中,它仍然若隐若现”(161页)。然而,如果说东京事变标志着界定共和帝国的努力达到了顶峰,那么它也是这些战斗的最后一次齐射。随着19世纪90年代的到来,关于波拿巴主义过去的争论开始从公众的记忆中消失,随之而来的是对殖民征服的不同看法。殖民扩张在战略和军事能力问题上受到了媒体或议会的批评,但对波拿巴主义的影射却明显被淡化了。根据卡罗尔的说法,到19世纪90年代,政治精英们就帝国的意义和重要性达成了共识。在远离波拿巴主义的过程中,共和党人成功地塑造了自己的殖民帝国模式。倡导团体和游说团体支持殖民政治,政治家们经常将海外帝国项目国有化,将其呈现为民族复兴的集体努力,避免了政治派系主义。最重要的是,国外的帝国不再转化为国内的帝国,共和党人吹捧的“殖民帝国”一词体现了这种心理转变。“帝国”已经摆脱了波拿巴主义的束缚,使共和殖民帝国成为可以想象的,甚至是可取的。卡罗尔提出了一个令人信服的论点,将人们的注意力吸引到政治文化和话语与历史记忆相结合的方式,以影响法国共和帝国的演变。然而,尽管她对这种演变的对话本质很敏感,并详细地对待了相互竞争的愿景和记忆,但有一种声音似乎缺席了,这在书的结语中变得很明显。卡罗尔反复强调,当地的殖民地居民从来没有机会参与这些辩论,而且对话是由大都市和定居者主导的。这在一定程度上无疑是正确的。然而,结论提供了一种可能的替代说法,即相对简短地提到本·阿里·弗卡尔和青年阿尔及利亚人。像青年突尼斯人和后来的青年阿尔及利亚人这样的团体确实为关于帝国的辩论做出了贡献,到第一次世界大战前夕,他们会找到大城市的盟友,即使不提出国家帝国政体的替代愿景,也会对其进行修正。像以笔名命名的Esp ede Metz这样站在亲印度阵营的作家强调了帝国公民权和联邦的概念,这些概念偏离了共和模式,主要集中在我的卡罗尔身上。(例如,参见Ezp e de Metz, G. 1913的文章。)这些想法是否被认真对待是另一回事。他们足以考虑到这样一个事实,即像年轻的突尼斯人和年轻的阿尔及利亚人这样的活动家并不一定是被动的,即使他们的许多想法被殖民国家忽视或无视,他们也会被某些大都市所倾听。这一遗漏丝毫无损于卡罗尔引人入胜的论点。如果说有什么区别的话,那就是它展示了卡罗尔所假设的帝国的多重特征,并提出了其他可能的背景,在这些背景下,关于帝国的辩论可以被想象出来。
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引用次数: 1
Gloves: An Intimate History 手套:一段亲密的历史
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03612759.2023.2214015
B. Orzada
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引用次数: 1
Islam and Nationalism in Modern Greece, 1821–1940 现代希腊的伊斯兰教和民族主义,1821-1940
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03612759.2023.2213987
D. Antoniou
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引用次数: 0
The Four Ages of American Foreign Policy: Weak Power, Great Power, Superpower, Hyperpower 美国外交政策的四个时代:弱国、大国、超级大国、超级大国
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03612759.2023.2214006
J. Kaufman
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引用次数: 1
The Tudor Sheriff: A Study in Early Modern Administration 都铎郡长:近代早期行政研究
Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1080/03612759.2023.2214008
Simon Lambe
community, which helps us understand the conventions of past societies, and in its potential to explain “the negotiation of social hierarchies, the circulation and reception of ideas, and the formation of popular movements” (161). Carla Roth’s book is a fluent and pleasant read, which gives no cause for complaint. It is unclear why she favored the name Basle for the city, given that Basel is the preferred name for English works, and not only. I understand that this was the French form of the name, used until the eighteenth century, but the work appeared in 2022! Even some of the books cited in the work are listed in the notes or bibliography as having appeared in Basle, although their covers say Basel (Geschichtsschreibung der Schweiz, by Feller and Bonjour is just one example)! But this is absolutely a minor matter and probably has to do with some Oxford norms. The audience to which the book is addressed is an academic one, with historians, anthropologists, and sociologists being among those potentially interested in this subject. Even though it contains only 164 pages of text, the book captures the essence of R€ utiner’s era, the way people thought and communicated, how they transmitted information and how they related to the great transformations happening around them. I appreciate the publication of this book and the contribution it brings by capitalizing on a seemingly minor, but informative source.
共同体,它帮助我们理解过去社会的习俗,并有可能解释“社会等级的协商,思想的流通和接受,以及大众运动的形成”(161)。卡拉·罗斯的书读起来流畅而愉快,没有理由抱怨。目前尚不清楚她为什么喜欢用“巴塞尔”来命名这座城市,因为巴塞尔是英语作品的首选名称,而且不仅如此。我知道这是这个名字的法语形式,一直使用到18世纪,但这个作品出现在2022年!甚至书中引用的一些书在注释或参考书目中都被列为在巴塞尔出版,尽管它们的封面上写着巴塞尔(Geschichtsschreibung der Schweiz, by Feller和Bonjour只是一个例子)!但这绝对是一件小事,可能与牛津的一些规范有关。这本书的读者是学术界的,历史学家、人类学家和社会学家可能对这个主题感兴趣。尽管只有164页的篇幅,这本书却抓住了鲁蒂纳所处时代的精髓:人们思考和交流的方式,他们如何传递信息,以及他们与周围发生的巨大变革之间的关系。我很感谢这本书的出版,以及它利用一个看似微不足道但信息丰富的来源所带来的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
History: Reviews of New Books
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