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Editorial Team and Reviewers | L'équipe éditoriale et relecteurs 编辑团队与审稿人:L' samquipe samitoriale et relecurs
Pub Date : 2020-10-12 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4873
F. Lessard
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引用次数: 0
Recension du livre Timepass: Youth, Class, and the Politics of Waiting in India de Craig Jeffrey 《生活的衰退:印度的青年、阶级和等待的政治》克雷格·杰弗里著
Pub Date : 2020-10-12 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4704
Étienne Tardif-Paradis
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引用次数: 0
Book Review of Canadian Justice, Indigenous Injustice by Kent Roach 肯特·罗奇的《加拿大司法书评:土著不公正》
Pub Date : 2020-10-12 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4692
Dalia Zahreddine
Kent Roach’s Canadian Justice, Indigenous Injustice (2019) analyzes the highly divisive and contested acquittal of fifty-six-year-old white cattle farmer, Gerald Stanley, in the 2018 case involving the death of twenty-two-year-old Cree man, Colton Boushie. The book argues that this particular case highlights the striking disadvantages that Indigenous Peoples continue to face within the criminal justice system. However, though well intentioned, Roach’s book is not without its problems, and ultimately, fails to sufficiently prove that the root of Gerald Stanley’s acquittal was solely attributed to systemic racism or Indigenous victimization. The arguments, lacking Indigenous opinions and consultation, essentially devolved into a demonstration of Roach’s confirmation bias.
肯特·罗奇的《加拿大的正义,土著的不公正》(2019)分析了在2018年涉及22岁克里族男子科尔顿·布希死亡的案件中,56岁的白人养牛户杰拉尔德·斯坦利被判无罪,这一案件引起了高度分歧和争议。这本书认为,这个特殊的案件突出了土著人民在刑事司法系统中继续面临的惊人劣势。然而,尽管罗奇的意图是好的,但他的书也不是没有问题,最终,他未能充分证明杰拉尔德·斯坦利被无罪释放的根源仅仅是系统性的种族主义或土著受害者。这些缺乏本土意见和咨询的论点,本质上演变成了罗奇确认偏见的证明。
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引用次数: 0
Foreword/Avant-Propos Foreword / Avant-Propos
Pub Date : 2019-10-15 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v10i0.4507
Amelia H. Arsenault, M. Murphy
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Direct Investment and Extractive Institutions 外国直接投资和采掘机构
Pub Date : 2019-10-15 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v10i0.4510
J. Bowness
There is a significant debate underway regarding the risks and rewards of foreign direct investment (FDI) for countries in the Global South. These discussions are particularly relevant to the people of Latin America, where the use of inward FDI as a mechanism to support economic development has had dramatic results, both positive and negative. One of the key works in the study of FDI is Robert I. Rotberg’s argument that FDI is critical to support the development of weak states; however, the applicability of this theory faces difficulty in the context of Latin America, where middle-income countries have extractive institutions (Rotberg, 2002). I use the cases of Mexico and Peru to demonstrate that for middle-income countries, extractive institutions can hamper the rewards of FDI and even exacerbate development problems or create new ones. In this regard, the sector of FDI will determine the nature of the impact. In states with extractive institutions, FDI in the natural resource sector is prone to stimulating social conflict. In states with extractive institutions, FDI in the manufacturing sector begets a situation of stagnated development, as the jobs that are introduced are of poor quality and low wages.
关于外国直接投资(FDI)对全球南方国家的风险和回报,目前正在进行一场重大辩论。这些讨论对拉丁美洲人民特别重要,在那里,利用外来外国直接投资作为支持经济发展的一种机制已经产生了积极和消极的显著结果。研究FDI的关键著作之一是罗伯特·罗特伯格(Robert I. Rotberg)的观点,即FDI对于支持弱国的发展至关重要;然而,这一理论的适用性在拉丁美洲的背景下面临困难,那里的中等收入国家有采掘制度(Rotberg, 2002)。我用墨西哥和秘鲁的例子来证明,对于中等收入国家来说,采掘机构可能会阻碍外国直接投资的回报,甚至会加剧发展问题或产生新的问题。在这方面,外国直接投资部门将决定影响的性质。在拥有采掘机构的国家,自然资源部门的外国直接投资容易引发社会冲突。在拥有采掘机构的邦,制造业的外国直接投资导致发展停滞,因为引进的工作质量差,工资低。
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引用次数: 1
A Source of Our Strength 我们力量的源泉
Pub Date : 2019-10-15 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v10i0.4512
N. Millot
Eighteen years after the first American drone strike, the US drone program now operates in a record-setting number of countries across the Middle East and Africa. This paper examines the Obama administration’s expansion of the US drone program through the lens of Ontological Security Theory, wherein states fulfill their need for security as a sense of being by engaging in uncertainty-reducing and identity-building international relationships, including dilemmatic conflicts. This paper argues that President Obama and his administration failed to adequately address the drone program’s domestic, constitutional, and international legal brokenness due to an ontological attachment to the morality behind the conduct of drone operations. In their public statements, administration officials rationalized the program as a medical tool eliminating “the cancerous tumor called an al Qaida terrorist” and presented drones as a morally superior alternative to the use of torture and of indefinite detention in Guantanamo Bay. As such, the Obama-era drone program existed both as an uncertainty reduction routine vis a vis the dilemmatic conflict of terrorism, as well as a reflexive, identity-building international relationship that established the program as a key element of the ‘forever war’ against al-Qaeda and set the stage for Trump-era program expansion. As this expansion proceeds, the program will only become further at odds with America’s long-term rational interests.
在美国首次无人机袭击18年之后,美国无人机项目现在在中东和非洲的国家开展活动,数量创下了纪录。本文通过本体论安全理论的视角考察了奥巴马政府对美国无人机计划的扩张,其中国家通过参与减少不确定性和建立身份的国际关系,包括困境冲突,来满足他们对安全的需求,作为一种存在感。本文认为,奥巴马总统及其政府未能充分解决无人机项目在国内、宪法和国际法律上的违规问题,原因是他们对无人机行动背后的道德存在本体论上的依恋。在公开声明中,政府官员将该项目合理化为一种医疗工具,可以消除“被称为基地组织恐怖分子的癌症肿瘤”,并将无人机作为一种道德上优越的选择,而不是使用酷刑和在关塔那摩湾无限期拘留。因此,奥巴马时代的无人机项目既是一种针对两难的恐怖主义冲突的减少不确定性的常规,也是一种反射性的、建立身份的国际关系,这种关系使该项目成为打击基地组织的“永远的战争”的关键要素,并为特朗普时代的项目扩张奠定了基础。随着这种扩张的进行,该计划只会进一步与美国的长期理性利益相冲突。
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引用次数: 0
Closing the Gap 缩小差距
Pub Date : 2019-10-15 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v10i0.4513
D. Ribi
Rising income inequality is a pressing political issue in Canada and internationally. Yet, policymakers in advanced economies have thus far failed to meaningfully address the issue. Tax policy is one of the primary tools available for governments to structure local distributive realities, but there is uncertainty regarding the ability of governments to take effective action in a globalized world economy. This policy brief puts forward viable reforms. The Canadian federal government can mitigate income inequality in Canada through targeted corporate and personal income tax reforms and a new approach to compliance enforcement.
日益加剧的收入不平等在加拿大和国际上都是一个紧迫的政治问题。然而,发达经济体的政策制定者迄今未能切实解决这一问题。税收政策是政府构建地方分配现实的主要工具之一,但在全球化的世界经济中,政府采取有效行动的能力存在不确定性。这份政策简报提出了可行的改革方案。加拿大联邦政府可以通过有针对性的企业和个人所得税改革以及合规执行的新方法来缓解加拿大的收入不平等。
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引用次数: 0
Anders Breivik 安德斯-布雷维克
Pub Date : 2019-10-15 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v10i0.4511
Alexandre Madore
This analysis considers the importance of general strain theory (GST) in understanding contemporary far-right movements and violence involving white heterosexual men. General strain theory describes how objective and subjective strains can contribute to antisocial behaviours including terrorism. The mass murder committed by Anders Breivik in July 2011 in Norway will be considered as an application of this theory to terrorism. The analysis remains relevant, as evidenced by the most recent 2019 New Zealand mosque terrorism incidents. It begins with an overview of Breivik’s turbulent childhood and adulthood, marked by isolation and failed business ventures. Next, an outline of the July 2011 Norway attacks provides further context. After providing a detailed exploration of these attacks, this analysis will consider general strain theory in relation to the situation outlined above and it will be argued that perceived subjective and objective strain contributed to Breivik’s actions. More specifically, the subjective strains he experienced included social isolation and poor parental relationships. Conversely, objective strains provide an analysis of how Anders Breivik and others like him perceive their privileged position as being strained by migration and increasingly liberal gender norms. This analysis concludes with suggesting a role for social work in deescalating far right movements in Western liberal democracies.
这一分析考虑了一般应变理论(GST)在理解当代极右翼运动和涉及白人异性恋男性的暴力中的重要性。一般压力理论描述了客观和主观压力如何导致包括恐怖主义在内的反社会行为。2011年7月由安德斯·布雷维克(Anders Breivik)在挪威犯下的大屠杀将被视为这一理论在恐怖主义中的应用。正如2019年新西兰最近发生的清真寺恐怖主义事件所证明的那样,这一分析仍然具有相关性。书的开头是对布雷维克动荡的童年和成年的概述,以孤独和失败的商业冒险为标志。接下来,对2011年7月挪威袭击事件的概述提供了进一步的背景。在提供这些攻击的详细探索之后,本分析将考虑与上述情况相关的一般应变理论,并将认为感知到的主观和客观应变促成了布雷维克的行动。更具体地说,他所经历的主观压力包括社会孤立和糟糕的父母关系。相反,客观张力提供了安德斯·布雷维克和其他像他一样的人如何看待他们的特权地位,因为移民和日益自由的性别规范而受到压力的分析。这一分析的结论是,社会工作在西方自由民主国家削弱极右翼运动中的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review - Robert Kagan's The Jungle Grows Back: America and Our Imperiled World 书评-罗伯特·卡根的《丛林重新生长:美国和我们危险的世界》
Pub Date : 2019-10-15 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v10i0.4514
D. Steinert
In his latest book, The Jungle Grows Back: America and Our Imperiled World, Robert Kagan writes about the role that America’s global military engagement has played in forging and protecting this order. In short, he portrays such engagement as necessary to promote prosperity and calls for its continuation to ensure that liberal values are preserved. The book provides a significant contribution to the analysis of international politics by outlining the historical perspective of America’s role in global politics. Nevertheless, when defending America’s military undertaking, Kagan’s analysis fails to recognize the shortcomings it has had in recent years.
罗伯特·卡根在他的新书《丛林又长回来了:美国和我们危险的世界》中写道,美国的全球军事参与在建立和保护这一秩序方面发挥了作用。简而言之,他将这种接触描述为促进繁荣的必要条件,并呼吁继续这种接触,以确保自由价值观得到维护。这本书通过概述美国在全球政治中所扮演角色的历史视角,对国际政治的分析做出了重大贡献。然而,在为美国的军事事业辩护时,卡根的分析没有认识到美国近年来所存在的缺陷。
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引用次数: 0
Examining Alternative Knowledge Production 检视另类知识生产
Pub Date : 2018-10-01 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v9i0.4443
S. Shehwar
Transnational alternative policy groups (TAPGs) are alternative think tanks that mobilize knowledge into social movements and community action. These social movement actors may hold vast potential in correcting inequalities that have, arguably, been prominent during the recent wave of neoliberalism. However, the study of TAPGs is new and thus they are only recently emerging within academic literature. Here, the author contributes to literature on TAPGs, by comparing two TAPGs, from the Global North and South respectively, in order to explore their potential as social movement actors situated within a neoliberal hegemonic global system.
跨国另类政策团体(TAPGs)是一种另类智库,将知识动员到社会运动和社区行动中。这些社会运动参与者可能在纠正不平等方面拥有巨大的潜力,可以说,在最近的新自由主义浪潮中,不平等一直很突出。然而,对TAPGs的研究是新的,因此它们只是最近才出现在学术文献中。在这里,作者通过比较来自全球北方和南方的两个tapg,为tapg的文献做出贡献,以探索它们作为新自由主义霸权全球体系中社会运动参与者的潜力。
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Potentia: Journal of International Affairs
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