Pub Date : 2021-10-25DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v12i0.5947
Carmella Munyuzangabo
Despite the abundance of energy sources that Nigeria has, the population is still experiencing energy poverty. Access to clean and reliable energy is critical for sustainable economic development and the wellbeing of Nigerians. With the global low-carbon energy transition currently underway, the issue of energy poverty must be tackled by the international community. The community must make a concerted effort to mobilize international capital flows towards sustainable energy development projects. The purpose of this paper is to analyze key climate finance instruments and how they can improve access to energy and contribute to sustainable development in Nigeria.
{"title":"Catalyzing International Climate Finance: Tackling Energy Poverty in Nigeria","authors":"Carmella Munyuzangabo","doi":"10.18192/potentia.v12i0.5947","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v12i0.5947","url":null,"abstract":"Despite the abundance of energy sources that Nigeria has, the population is still experiencing energy poverty. Access to clean and reliable energy is critical for sustainable economic development and the wellbeing of Nigerians. With the global low-carbon energy transition currently underway, the issue of energy poverty must be tackled by the international community. The community must make a concerted effort to mobilize international capital flows towards sustainable energy development projects. The purpose of this paper is to analyze key climate finance instruments and how they can improve access to energy and contribute to sustainable development in Nigeria.","PeriodicalId":223759,"journal":{"name":"Potentia: Journal of International Affairs","volume":"510 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132559747","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-10-25DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v12i0.5799
S. Bakumenko
Colombia’s civil war, the longest war in modern history, finds itself at an inflection point in which either peace can slowly be attained or war can consume the country again. This article lays out a plan for a peace deal between the Colombian government and the agrarian Marxist ELN, taking the 2015 peace deal between the government and the leftist FARC as a point of reference. Despite a conservative administration that is hostile to peace currently in power, there are several tangible opportunities that make the next few months ripe for peace. The election of Joe Biden, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the growing unpopularity of the conservative approach to war can all facilitate the ELN coming to the negotiation table. This article lays out an ELN peace deal focused on agrarianism, inclusiveness, illegal drugs, and victims’ rights, and concludes with short-, mid-, and long-term goals to achieve peace.
{"title":"A Framework for Unity","authors":"S. Bakumenko","doi":"10.18192/potentia.v12i0.5799","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v12i0.5799","url":null,"abstract":"Colombia’s civil war, the longest war in modern history, finds itself at an inflection point in which either peace can slowly be attained or war can consume the country again. This article lays out a plan for a peace deal between the Colombian government and the agrarian Marxist ELN, taking the 2015 peace deal between the government and the leftist FARC as a point of reference. Despite a conservative administration that is hostile to peace currently in power, there are several tangible opportunities that make the next few months ripe for peace. The election of Joe Biden, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the growing unpopularity of the conservative approach to war can all facilitate the ELN coming to the negotiation table. This article lays out an ELN peace deal focused on agrarianism, inclusiveness, illegal drugs, and victims’ rights, and concludes with short-, mid-, and long-term goals to achieve peace.","PeriodicalId":223759,"journal":{"name":"Potentia: Journal of International Affairs","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124706739","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-14DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4875
Florence Lessard, A. Heffernan
{"title":"Foreword | Avant-propos","authors":"Florence Lessard, A. Heffernan","doi":"10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4875","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4875","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":223759,"journal":{"name":"Potentia: Journal of International Affairs","volume":"4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130361883","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-12DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4568
Riley Black
Despite a long history of cooperation, Russia's energy policy towards the European Union has recently been the subject of great consternation amongst scholars and policymakers due to the gas disputes of 2006 and 2009. In addition to European efforts aimed at liberalizing its internal energy market, the looming expiry of the latest Russia-Ukraine gas transit agreement has raised concerns about Russia's potential use of the 'energy weapon,' or more simply its ability to compel European policymakers to acquiesce to various Russian demands through the threat of shutting off gas exports to Europe. Ultimately, I find that this scenario is highly unlikely in the near future, as Russia's foreign energy policy towards the European Union is characterized by a diverse range of interests that largely revolve around achieving security of demand. As such, both the Russian state and Gazprom are significantly limited in their ability to exercise influence over the European Union through natural gas exports, as attempting to do so would jeopardize their domestic political and commercial interests. Moreover, market liberalization in both EU and Russian natural gas markets have weakened the overtly geopolitical aspects of Russia’s energy policy towards the European Union.
{"title":"Russian Foreign Energy Policy Towards the European Union","authors":"Riley Black","doi":"10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4568","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4568","url":null,"abstract":"Despite a long history of cooperation, Russia's energy policy towards the European Union has recently been the subject of great consternation amongst scholars and policymakers due to the gas disputes of 2006 and 2009. In addition to European efforts aimed at liberalizing its internal energy market, the looming expiry of the latest Russia-Ukraine gas transit agreement has raised concerns about Russia's potential use of the 'energy weapon,' or more simply its ability to compel European policymakers to acquiesce to various Russian demands through the threat of shutting off gas exports to Europe. Ultimately, I find that this scenario is highly unlikely in the near future, as Russia's foreign energy policy towards the European Union is characterized by a diverse range of interests that largely revolve around achieving security of demand. As such, both the Russian state and Gazprom are significantly limited in their ability to exercise influence over the European Union through natural gas exports, as attempting to do so would jeopardize their domestic political and commercial interests. Moreover, market liberalization in both EU and Russian natural gas markets have weakened the overtly geopolitical aspects of Russia’s energy policy towards the European Union.","PeriodicalId":223759,"journal":{"name":"Potentia: Journal of International Affairs","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124764939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-12DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4643
Michael P. A. Murphy
In recent decades, scholars of International Relations have paid increasing attention to the pedagogical development of the discipline. The latest landmark contribution to this discussion is the collection Pedagogical Journeys through World Politics, edited by Jamie Frueh, which brings together 23 authors from a variety of institutions to discuss their teaching and learning experiences. Employing a unique autobiographical form, reading the collected essays is an intensely personal experience. Whether we are confronting urgency through the lively prose of Naeem Inayatullah’s polemic against teaching, or following Eric Leonard’s unexpected journey to a professorship (and the important lessons about teaching to be gained along the way), the unique style of this volume offers a kaleidoscope of teaching experiences.
近几十年来，国际关系学者越来越关注这一学科的教学发展。对这一讨论的最新里程碑式贡献是Jamie Frueh编辑的《世界政治教学之旅》(Pedagogical Journeys through World Politics)，该书汇集了来自不同机构的23位作者，讨论了他们的教学和学习经验。采用独特的自传体形式，阅读文集是一种强烈的个人体验。无论我们是通过纳伊姆·伊纳亚图拉(Naeem Inayatullah)反对教学的生动散文来面对紧迫性，还是跟随埃里克·伦纳德(Eric Leonard)意外的教授之旅(以及在此过程中获得的关于教学的重要教训)，这本书的独特风格都提供了教学经验的万花海。
{"title":"Jamie Frueh (ed). 2020. Pedagogical Journeys through World Politics. London: Palgrave Macmillan.","authors":"Michael P. A. Murphy","doi":"10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4643","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4643","url":null,"abstract":"In recent decades, scholars of International Relations have paid increasing attention to the pedagogical development of the discipline. The latest landmark contribution to this discussion is the collection Pedagogical Journeys through World Politics, edited by Jamie Frueh, which brings together 23 authors from a variety of institutions to discuss their teaching and learning experiences. Employing a unique autobiographical form, reading the collected essays is an intensely personal experience. Whether we are confronting urgency through the lively prose of Naeem Inayatullah’s polemic against teaching, or following Eric Leonard’s unexpected journey to a professorship (and the important lessons about teaching to be gained along the way), the unique style of this volume offers a kaleidoscope of teaching experiences.","PeriodicalId":223759,"journal":{"name":"Potentia: Journal of International Affairs","volume":"79 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132657173","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-12DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4871
Florence Lessard
{"title":"Table of Contents | Table des matières","authors":"Florence Lessard","doi":"10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4871","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4871","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":223759,"journal":{"name":"Potentia: Journal of International Affairs","volume":"12 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125419301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-12DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4694
A. Caruso
In both Libya and Syria, an uprising of civilians against their rulers resulted in intra-state conflicts. Despite comparable circumstances, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has approached these situations in different ways. The existing literature tends to consider both conflicts in the context of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. Rather than compare and contrast the two conflicts in terms of assessing the effectiveness of R2P, the purpose of this paper is to examine why the UNSC authorized a military intervention in Libya, but not in Syria. This question arises out of the notion that similar conditions should elicit the same response. This research will present three main arguments to explain why the UNSC did not authorize the use of force in Syria as they did in Libya. The first is that the variety of actors fighting in Syria makes it difficult for intervention. The second is that the individual interactions between the permanent Security Council members and Syria further complicate intervention. The final argument is that the Security Council is upholding the foundation of the UN in preventing World War III.
{"title":"Why Libya, but not Syria?","authors":"A. Caruso","doi":"10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4694","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4694","url":null,"abstract":"In both Libya and Syria, an uprising of civilians against their rulers resulted in intra-state conflicts. Despite comparable circumstances, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has approached these situations in different ways. The existing literature tends to consider both conflicts in the context of the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine. Rather than compare and contrast the two conflicts in terms of assessing the effectiveness of R2P, the purpose of this paper is to examine why the UNSC authorized a military intervention in Libya, but not in Syria. This question arises out of the notion that similar conditions should elicit the same response. This research will present three main arguments to explain why the UNSC did not authorize the use of force in Syria as they did in Libya. The first is that the variety of actors fighting in Syria makes it difficult for intervention. The second is that the individual interactions between the permanent Security Council members and Syria further complicate intervention. The final argument is that the Security Council is upholding the foundation of the UN in preventing World War III.","PeriodicalId":223759,"journal":{"name":"Potentia: Journal of International Affairs","volume":"51 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127261911","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-12DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4611
P. A. Dufour
The purpose of NATO’s strategic communications is to inform and influence key audiences into supporting its decisions and operations. High levels of public opposition in contributing nations to NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan has led many to blame strategic communications for failing to explain the objectives and the importance of the mission. This paper seeks to evaluate where strategic communications succeeded and where they failed using Quebec as a case study, as it is the Canadian province that had the highest levels of opposition to the mission. The first part of this study uses NATO internal communications products to establish the core messages of the ISAF narrative in different phases of the mission. The second part surveys the main themes in the coverage of ISAF in Quebec’s main newspapers and TV shows. The major finding of this paper is that there was an effective dissemination of the NATO narrative in Quebec media, yet the narrative had little impact on opinion polls. The fact that the strategic communication campaign was successful in informing but not in influencing the Quebec audience carries important implications for the crafting of future NATO strategic narratives. This study concludes that efforts to improve military strategic communications in should focus developing communication products specific to minority cultures.
{"title":"“We are not getting the good stories out”: revisiting Quebec media coverage and NATO’s strategic narrative for the International Assistance and Security Force (ISAF)","authors":"P. A. Dufour","doi":"10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4611","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4611","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of NATO’s strategic communications is to inform and influence key audiences into supporting its decisions and operations. High levels of public opposition in contributing nations to NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan has led many to blame strategic communications for failing to explain the objectives and the importance of the mission. This paper seeks to evaluate where strategic communications succeeded and where they failed using Quebec as a case study, as it is the Canadian province that had the highest levels of opposition to the mission. The first part of this study uses NATO internal communications products to establish the core messages of the ISAF narrative in different phases of the mission. The second part surveys the main themes in the coverage of ISAF in Quebec’s main newspapers and TV shows. The major finding of this paper is that there was an effective dissemination of the NATO narrative in Quebec media, yet the narrative had little impact on opinion polls. The fact that the strategic communication campaign was successful in informing but not in influencing the Quebec audience carries important implications for the crafting of future NATO strategic narratives. This study concludes that efforts to improve military strategic communications in should focus developing communication products specific to minority cultures.","PeriodicalId":223759,"journal":{"name":"Potentia: Journal of International Affairs","volume":"148 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122390095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-12DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4577
Thierry Santime
Ce travail s’interroge sur le caractère « gagnant-gagnant » de la coopération entre l’Inde et les pays africains. Pour ce faire, il aborde multiples facettes de ces relations, à savoir les relations politiques, économiques, militaires et l’aide au développement de l’Inde en Afrique. Alors que la coopération Sud-Sud est souvent vantée par d’aucuns comme modèle de partenariat horizontal, moins intéressé et plus solidaire que la coopération dite Nord-Sud, notre analyse nous amène à soutenir que les relations indo-africaines ne sont pas « gagnant-gagnant » mais plutôt essentiellement en faveur des intérêts de l’Inde. Ceci dit, le travail apporte quelques nuances, en montrant par exemple que la coopération sur le plan militaire semble être mutuellement bénéfique. Somme toute, il ressort de notre analyse que la rhétorique « gagnant-gagnant » tant serinée par les dirigeants indiens (s’inspirant notamment de ceux de la Chine) dans le cadre de la coopération indo-africaine s’avère limitée en termes d’application concrète ou de matérialisation dans les relations. Il est donc nécessaire d’opérer une refonte desdites relations pour les rendre véritablement et équitablement bénéfiques aux deux entités.
{"title":"Inde-Afrique: un partenariat gagnant-gagnant?","authors":"Thierry Santime","doi":"10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4577","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4577","url":null,"abstract":"Ce travail s’interroge sur le caractère « gagnant-gagnant » de la coopération entre l’Inde et les pays africains. Pour ce faire, il aborde multiples facettes de ces relations, à savoir les relations politiques, économiques, militaires et l’aide au développement de l’Inde en Afrique. Alors que la coopération Sud-Sud est souvent vantée par d’aucuns comme modèle de partenariat horizontal, moins intéressé et plus solidaire que la coopération dite Nord-Sud, notre analyse nous amène à soutenir que les relations indo-africaines ne sont pas « gagnant-gagnant » mais plutôt essentiellement en faveur des intérêts de l’Inde. Ceci dit, le travail apporte quelques nuances, en montrant par exemple que la coopération sur le plan militaire semble être mutuellement bénéfique. Somme toute, il ressort de notre analyse que la rhétorique « gagnant-gagnant » tant serinée par les dirigeants indiens (s’inspirant notamment de ceux de la Chine) dans le cadre de la coopération indo-africaine s’avère limitée en termes d’application concrète ou de matérialisation dans les relations. Il est donc nécessaire d’opérer une refonte desdites relations pour les rendre véritablement et équitablement bénéfiques aux deux entités.","PeriodicalId":223759,"journal":{"name":"Potentia: Journal of International Affairs","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133919515","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2020-10-12DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4686
Alexa Kirkey
The Canada-US border has seen a significant spike in irregular crossings from the US into Canada since 2016. As tens of thousands of migrants have crossed into Canada outside official entry points, Canadian officials have had to grapple with how to manage these irregular asylum claims that have put enormous strain on the Canadian immigration system. In response, the Canadian government has developed an approach that sees officials conduct comprehensive security screenings to process these claims. However, the existence of the Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) between Canada and the US has also created a challenge in dealing with this issue. In response, three approaches have emerged. The first involves completely eliminating the STCA. The second would see serious restriction of asylum claims and patrolling of borders, while the third would seek to maintain the status quo. However, the ideal solution is likely one that finds a middle ground, expediting the processing while also closing loopholes in the agreement.
{"title":"The Canada-US Border: Approaches to Managing Irregular Crossings","authors":"Alexa Kirkey","doi":"10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18192/potentia.v11i0.4686","url":null,"abstract":"The Canada-US border has seen a significant spike in irregular crossings from the US into Canada since 2016. As tens of thousands of migrants have crossed into Canada outside official entry points, Canadian officials have had to grapple with how to manage these irregular asylum claims that have put enormous strain on the Canadian immigration system. In response, the Canadian government has developed an approach that sees officials conduct comprehensive security screenings to process these claims. However, the existence of the Safe Third Country Agreement (STCA) between Canada and the US has also created a challenge in dealing with this issue. In response, three approaches have emerged. The first involves completely eliminating the STCA. The second would see serious restriction of asylum claims and patrolling of borders, while the third would seek to maintain the status quo. However, the ideal solution is likely one that finds a middle ground, expediting the processing while also closing loopholes in the agreement.","PeriodicalId":223759,"journal":{"name":"Potentia: Journal of International Affairs","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133997822","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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