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Problems with Nature-Based Solutions 基于自然的解决方案的问题
Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v13i.6141
Ria Perrault
There is growing recognition of the fundamental dependence of our urban systems on natural ecosystems. In this context, nature-based solutions (NBS) are gaining traction. NBS can help mitigate flood and heat risks, provide ecosystem services, and offer new or better green living spaces for humans and wildlife alike. While NBS offer a valuable method of urban climate adaptation, as a relatively novel form of infrastructure, they face a much wider variety of barriers to implementation than traditional ‘grey’ infrastructure. A key step to strategically overcoming such barriers is understanding them. This review is intended to establish a broad overview of existing literature about the barriers to implementing NBS in urban areas.
人们日益认识到我们的城市系统从根本上依赖于自然生态系统。在这种背景下,基于自然的解决方案(NBS)正获得越来越多的关注。国家统计局可以帮助减轻洪水和高温风险,提供生态系统服务,并为人类和野生动物提供新的或更好的绿色生活空间。虽然NBS提供了一种有价值的城市气候适应方法,但作为一种相对新颖的基础设施形式,它们在实施过程中面临的障碍比传统的“灰色”基础设施要多得多。从战略上克服这些障碍的关键一步是理解它们。这篇综述旨在建立一个关于在城市地区实施国家统计局障碍的现有文献的广泛概述。
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引用次数: 0
Table of Contents | Table des matières 目录丨资料表
Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v13i.6514
Max Touchette, Maryam Mughal
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引用次数: 0
An Insecure North? 不安全的北方?
Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v13i.6336
Julian Mattachione
State actors are becoming increasingly interested in the economic potential and security dynamics of the Arctic space as the effects of global climatic change rapidly shape the world’s polar spaces. National governments have responded to these changing dynamics by tailoring their defence policies to reflect what they believe to be the most pressing challenges to their presence in the region. This article asks; how is the north framed and whose voices are reflected in Canadian defence policy? It concludes that the conventional framing of Canada’s north remains deeply influenced by the idealized and imagined narratives of Canadian governance with little inclusion of disparate voices. By examining the defence white papers of prime ministers Chretien, Martin, Harper, and Trudeau, this article determines that Canadian Arctic security discourse has increased significantly in the post-Cold War era while the region’s Inuit population remain external to its dialogue. This absence of Indigenous voice in Canadian defence policy reflects an unsustainable Eurocentric viewing of the North that is unable to adequately address the region’s changing dynamics. As such, Canada’s future defence policy must acknowledge the distinct and transnational value of Inuit traditional knowledge to overcome the limitations of conventional trans-Atlantic policy frameworks.
随着全球气候变化的影响迅速塑造世界极地空间,国家行为体对北极空间的经济潜力和安全动态越来越感兴趣。各国政府对这些不断变化的动态做出了回应,调整了国防政策,以反映他们认为自己在该地区存在的最紧迫挑战。这篇文章问;加拿大的国防政策反映了北方是怎样的?它的结论是,加拿大北部的传统框架仍然深受加拿大治理理想化和想象叙事的影响,几乎没有包括不同的声音。通过研究克雷蒂安、马丁、哈珀和特鲁多总理的国防白皮书,本文确定,在后冷战时代,加拿大的北极安全话语显著增加,而该地区的因纽特人仍然置身于对话之外。加拿大国防政策中缺乏本土声音反映了一种不可持续的以欧洲为中心的北方观点,这种观点无法充分应对该地区不断变化的动态。因此,加拿大未来的国防政策必须承认因纽特人传统知识的独特和跨国价值,以克服传统的跨大西洋政策框架的局限性。
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引用次数: 0
Normative Evolution of Gender-Based Crimes Against Humanity 基于性别的危害人类罪的规范演变
Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v13i.6343
Ali Seyed Norani
This article traces the history of gender-based crimes against humanity, examining the process by which the International Criminal Court came to recognize this specific category as differentiating from existing sexual crimes. Focusing on the prominent case of former Lord’s Resistance Army commander Dominic Ongwen, various perspectives across international law are explored in order to understand the justification for creating new charges addressing gender-based crimes, such as forced marriage. Considering the recent conviction of Mr. Ongwen in 2021, this 2020 article provides excellent insight into the current paradigm shift occurring within international law concerning the prosecution of gender-based crimes against humanity. 
本文追溯了基于性别的危害人类罪的历史,审查了国际刑事法院认识到这一特定类别有别于现有的性犯罪的过程。以前圣主抵抗军指挥官多米尼克·翁格文(Dominic Ongwen)的著名案件为重点,探讨了国际法的各种观点,以理解为解决基于性别的犯罪(如强迫婚姻)设立新指控的理由。考虑到翁文先生最近于2021年被定罪,这篇2020年的文章很好地洞察了当前国际法中关于起诉基于性别的危害人类罪的范式转变。
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引用次数: 0
Editorial Team | Équipe éditoriale 编辑团队|éditoriale团队
Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v13i.6516
Max Touchette, Maryam Mughal
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引用次数: 0
Redefining Violence against Women and Framing Issues 重新定义暴力侵害妇女行为和框架问题
Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v13i.6213
Dilse Kaygisiz
Previous studies have highlighted the importance of attitudinal and social change in making laws effective in their implementation. Moreover, scholarship on social movements found that one of the drivers of getting demands across the right platforms and being appropriately represented was by framing movements’ goals into collective identities. How can framing issues and the socio-political context explain the progress of women’s movements regarding violence against women? I argue that in Turkey and the Philippines, women’s movements redefined violence against women as a public issue by contesting the state rhetoric that domestic violence was an ungendered family matter, which led to the passing of protective laws against violence against women and more specifically on domestic violence. However, these movements’ attempts in the two countries to affect policy saw different consequences given the unified agenda that they could follow and the political climate in which they could operate.
以前的研究强调了态度和社会变化在使法律有效执行方面的重要性。此外,关于社会运动的学术研究发现,在正确的平台上获得要求并得到适当代表的驱动因素之一是将运动的目标纳入集体身份。框架问题和社会政治背景如何解释妇女运动在反对对妇女的暴力行为方面取得的进展?我认为,在土耳其和菲律宾,妇女运动通过挑战国家关于家庭暴力是不分性别的家庭问题的言论,将对妇女的暴力行为重新定义为一个公共问题,这导致通过了反对对妇女的暴力行为的保护法,更具体地说,是关于家庭暴力的法律。然而,考虑到他们可以遵循的统一议程和他们可以运作的政治气候,这些运动在两国影响政策的尝试产生了不同的后果。
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引用次数: 0
Forward | Avant-propos 前瞻|前卫提议
Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v13i.6515
Max Touchette, Maryam Mughal
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引用次数: 0
REDD+ But Not Ready REDD+但还没准备好
Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v13i.6341
Sawyer Junger
The ratification of Article 6 of the Paris Agreement allows countries to engage in compliance-based carbon markets which will allow countries to offset their own carbon emissions by investing in emissions reductions elsewhere. Given this recent development, it bears considering whether the international system is prepared to adopt existing voluntary carbon markets into a compliance system. Accordingly, this paper examines the nationally determined contributions (NDCs) of major REDD+ host countries to determine whether they are prepared to adopt this program under the compliance-based system. Given the well-documented risks of carbon offset markets to indirectly increase emission (via non-additionality, leakage, or incentivizing weak governance from host states), this paper argues that host states need to set clear guidelines towards the roles internal decarbonization policy and what is additional contributions from carbon markets. This paper ultimately argues that REDD+ is ill-equipped to function under a carbon market as host states appear reliant on REDD+ to achieve their own internal climate goals and suggests that better accountability is needed for REDD+ to be adopted under article 6.  
《巴黎协定》第6条的批准允许各国参与基于合规性的碳市场,这将允许各国通过投资于其他地方的减排来抵消自己的碳排放。鉴于最近的事态发展,有必要考虑国际体系是否准备将现有的自愿碳市场纳入合规体系。因此,本文考察了主要REDD+东道国的国家自主贡献(NDCs),以确定它们是否准备在基于合规性的体系下采用该计划。鉴于碳抵消市场间接增加排放(通过非附加性、泄漏或激励东道国治理不力)的风险,本文认为,东道国需要就国内脱碳政策的作用以及碳市场的额外贡献制定明确的指导方针。本文最终认为,REDD+在碳市场下的运作能力不足,因为东道国似乎依赖REDD+来实现它们自己的内部气候目标,并建议需要更好的问责制,以便根据第6条采用REDD+。
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引用次数: 1
Serval et Barkhane : des interventions aux multiples conséquences Serval和Barkhane:多重后果的干预
Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v13i.6307
Gabrielle Goyet
En février 2022, la France a officiellement retiré ses forces armées du territoire malien. Cette annonce est survenue un peu plus de 9 ans après le coup d’envoi de la mission Serval au Mali, elle-même suivie de l’opération Barkhane dans le grand Sahel un an plus tard. Ces deux initiatives avaient pour but de lutter contre le terrorisme, notamment en s’attaquant à des groupes djihadistes, dont Al-Qaïda au Maghreb islamique (AQMI) et Ansar Dine. Si l’arrivée de l’armée française était initialement applaudie, le narratif a connu un revirement important au fil des ans : les soldats français sont rapidement devenus des symboles d’un post-colonialisme, représentant l’ancienne métropole coloniale infiltrée dans les affaires nationales d’une ancienne colonie. Au lendemain du retrait des troupes, il est d’autant plus important de se pencher sur les effets de l’intervention militaire française au Mali, et plus généralement dans la région sahélienne. Les interventions militaires apportent leur lot de conséquences sur le pays hôte, mais également sur les populations locales. On constate donc parmi les grands impacts l’affaiblissement de l’État malien et l’expansion de la crise sécuritaire à l’échelle régionale, mais aussi une restructuration du paysage djihadiste et une dégradation des conditions socio-économiques pour la population. Le retrait des forces françaises laisse donc planer une question particulière : le bilan de Serval et Barkhane s’avère-t-il positif ou négatif pour le Mali?
2022年2月,法国正式从马里领土撤出武装部队。这一声明是在马里启动Serval任务9年多之后宣布的,随后是一年后在大萨赫勒地区的Barkhane行动。这两项倡议旨在打击恐怖主义,特别是通过打击圣战组织,包括伊斯兰马格里布基地组织(aqim)和伊斯兰后卫组织。虽然法国军队的到来最初受到欢迎,但随着时间的推移,故事发生了重大变化:法国士兵迅速成为后殖民主义的象征,代表着前殖民大都市渗透到前殖民地的国家事务中。在撤军之后,更重要的是考虑法国军事干预对马里乃至更广泛的萨赫勒地区的影响。军事干预不仅会对东道国产生影响,也会对当地居民产生影响。因此,主要影响包括马里国家的削弱和区域一级安全危机的扩大,但也包括圣战格局的重组和人民社会经济条件的恶化。因此,法国军队的撤出引发了一个特别的问题:Serval和Barkhane的结果对马里是积极的还是消极的?
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引用次数: 0
L’autodétermination : de la difficile naissance à l’impossible application du droit par les Nations Unies ? 自决:从艰难的诞生到联合国不可能适用法律?
Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.18192/potentia.v13i.6370
Akonassou Fleury Ouendo
Cette recherche fait une analyse historique de l’exercice du droit à l’autodétermination des peuples qui peut susciter moult réflexions au regard de certains cas d’expériences concrètes. Créées pour promouvoir la paix et le règlement pacifique des conflits entre États, les Nations Unies se retrouvent bien souvent impuissantes face aux conflits internes et tiraillés entre des principes contradictoires : le respect des droits de l’homme et la non-ingérence dans les affaires internes des États. Sans oublier l’opposition des États membres au sein de l’organisation qui empêche son action. Ces conflits internes entre un État et une partie de sa population qui revendique sa libre détermination débouchent alors bien souvent sur des guerres fratricides au bilan humain lourd.    
本研究对各国人民行使自决权的历史进行了分析,这可能会引起一些具体经验案例的思考。联合国的成立是为了促进和平与和平解决国家间的冲突,但面对内部冲突,联合国往往无能为力,在尊重人权和不干涉国家内政等相互矛盾的原则之间挣扎。此外,本组织各会员国的反对阻碍了它的行动。一个国家与其部分要求自决的人口之间的这些内部冲突往往导致自相残杀的战争,造成大量人员伤亡。
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Potentia: Journal of International Affairs
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