In international law, diplomatic protection involves the process by which a state protects its nationals or citizens whose rights have been violated by another state. Generally, this applies to its nationals or citizens abroad. It is important to note that diplomatic protection so described differs from protection of diplomats abroad, while the former deals with protection of all their citizens abroad, the later is restricted to only their citizens who are on state official assignment while abroad. Dual nationality on the other hand connotes a person having the nationality of two different states, i.e. a citizen of two states. This article focuses on Nnamdi Kanu, a citizen of both the United Kingdom and Nigeria, and the concerns raised by international law scholars alike on the diplomatic issues surrounding his recent arrest. Nnamdi Kanu lived for the better part of his adult years in the United Kingdom with his family from where he led a movement for self-determination of the eastern region in Nigeria, occasionally making appearances in Nigeria to foster the cause of the movement known as the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). In 2015, he was arrested for perceived acts of terrorism in Nigeria and while facing trial, he was granted bail but thereafter departed Nigeria to the United Kingdom in 2017. On the 27th of June 2021, he was again rearrested with the circumstances of his arrest shrouded in mystery. Some conspiracies say he was arrested while in Kenya and repatriated back to Nigeria, however, a statement by the Kenyan government has debunked the stories stating that they were never involved in any acts of repatriation. Again, others have argued that he was abducted from Kenya without the knowledge of Kenyan government. No issues may arise when a citizen of a particular state is arrested abroad on suspicions of crime in a state where he is not a citizen; in such situation, the state can offer diplomatic protection to such citizens. In this article, by international law standards, we attempt to answer the question whether a state can exercise diplomatic protection over a citizen who is in another state where he holds a citizenship or in cases of a third state, what state would be recognized, where the person involved has dual nationality.
{"title":"State Diplomatic Protection for Citizens With Dual Nationality (Case Study of Nnamdi Kanu, Nigerian and British National)","authors":"Oshoma Aduku","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3880777","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3880777","url":null,"abstract":"In international law, diplomatic protection involves the process by which a state protects its nationals or citizens whose rights have been violated by another state. Generally, this applies to its nationals or citizens abroad. It is important to note that diplomatic protection so described differs from protection of diplomats abroad, while the former deals with protection of all their citizens abroad, the later is restricted to only their citizens who are on state official assignment while abroad. Dual nationality on the other hand connotes a person having the nationality of two different states, i.e. a citizen of two states. This article focuses on Nnamdi Kanu, a citizen of both the United Kingdom and Nigeria, and the concerns raised by international law scholars alike on the diplomatic issues surrounding his recent arrest. Nnamdi Kanu lived for the better part of his adult years in the United Kingdom with his family from where he led a movement for self-determination of the eastern region in Nigeria, occasionally making appearances in Nigeria to foster the cause of the movement known as the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). In 2015, he was arrested for perceived acts of terrorism in Nigeria and while facing trial, he was granted bail but thereafter departed Nigeria to the United Kingdom in 2017. On the 27th of June 2021, he was again rearrested with the circumstances of his arrest shrouded in mystery. Some conspiracies say he was arrested while in Kenya and repatriated back to Nigeria, however, a statement by the Kenyan government has debunked the stories stating that they were never involved in any acts of repatriation. Again, others have argued that he was abducted from Kenya without the knowledge of Kenyan government. No issues may arise when a citizen of a particular state is arrested abroad on suspicions of crime in a state where he is not a citizen; in such situation, the state can offer diplomatic protection to such citizens. In this article, by international law standards, we attempt to answer the question whether a state can exercise diplomatic protection over a citizen who is in another state where he holds a citizenship or in cases of a third state, what state would be recognized, where the person involved has dual nationality.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125857530","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Republic Act (R.A.) 10349, otherwise known as the Revised Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Modernization Program, is a recapturing of the AFP’s initial efforts at modernizing. Successor to R.A. 7898, the document reorients the priorities and the fiscal responsibilities of the Philippine government in ensuring the modernization of the armed forces into the 21st century. The concept of modernization 25 years onward has matured but it has barely deepened much to the detriment of AFP itself. Despite warnings of external security threats, the study has found nominal evidence hinting at the defense budget’s continuous prioritization of internal security threats. The study has likewise found nominal indicators that modernization funds set forth by R.A. 10349 are not utilized to ‘modernize’ the armed forces in the truest sense of the word. The study recommends addressing these issues of prioritization before any further attempt at military modernization.
{"title":"Philippine Defense Budget 2010-2020: Meeting the Challenge of Military Modernization\u2028","authors":"Julio Amador III, D. Baladjay","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.3756116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.3756116","url":null,"abstract":"The Republic Act (R.A.) 10349, otherwise known as the Revised Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) Modernization Program, is a recapturing of the AFP’s initial efforts at modernizing. Successor to R.A. 7898, the document reorients the priorities and the fiscal responsibilities of the Philippine government in ensuring the modernization of the armed forces into the 21st century. The concept of modernization 25 years onward has matured but it has barely deepened much to the detriment of AFP itself. Despite warnings of external security threats, the study has found nominal evidence hinting at the defense budget’s continuous prioritization of internal security threats. The study has likewise found nominal indicators that modernization funds set forth by R.A. 10349 are not utilized to ‘modernize’ the armed forces in the truest sense of the word. The study recommends addressing these issues of prioritization before any further attempt at military modernization.<br>","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124861075","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Using spatial variation in World War I military fatalities in France, we show that the scarcity of men due to the war generated an upward shift in female labor force participation that persisted throughout the interwar period. Available data suggest that increased female labor supply accounts for this result. In particular, deteriorated marriage market conditions for single women and negative income shocks to war widows induced many of these women to enter the labor force after the war. In contrast, demand factors such as substitution toward female labor to compensate for the scarcity of male labor were of second-order importance.
{"title":"The Missing Men: World War I and Female Labor Force Participation","authors":"J. Boehnke, Victor Gay","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2931970","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2931970","url":null,"abstract":"Using spatial variation in World War I military fatalities in France, we show that the scarcity of men due to the war generated an upward shift in female labor force participation that persisted throughout the interwar period. Available data suggest that increased female labor supply accounts for this result. In particular, deteriorated marriage market conditions for single women and negative income shocks to war widows induced many of these women to enter the labor force after the war. In contrast, demand factors such as substitution toward female labor to compensate for the scarcity of male labor were of second-order importance.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-06-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129044709","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This comparative historical analysis investigates the intersections among economic liberty and styles of defense expenditure during The Second Hundred Years War between Britain and France (c.1689 – c.1815). It will be argued that the presence of institutionalized economic liberty amid market-based open-bid contracting in defense spending and procurement in Britain during the Second Hundred Years War, and the absence of said in its’ long 18th century adversary, France, led to starkly different economic and political outcomes among the two nations. Amid historically colossal and equivalent military expenditure across the entire long 18th century, Britain spawned the Industrial Revolution while the French state collapsed under the weight of military expenditure. The case is made that the presence of economic liberty throughout British markets and British systems of defense expenditure, and the lack thereof in France, is the fulcrum upon which these two starkly alternative national outcomes turned.
{"title":"Synergies of Liberty: Defense Expenditure and Industrial Take-Off During the Second Hundred Years War","authors":"Joshua Kane","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3529693","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3529693","url":null,"abstract":"This comparative historical analysis investigates the intersections among economic liberty and styles of defense expenditure during The Second Hundred Years War between Britain and France (c.1689 – c.1815). It will be argued that the presence of institutionalized economic liberty amid market-based open-bid contracting in defense spending and procurement in Britain during the Second Hundred Years War, and the absence of said in its’ long 18th century adversary, France, led to starkly different economic and political outcomes among the two nations. Amid historically colossal and equivalent military expenditure across the entire long 18th century, Britain spawned the Industrial Revolution while the French state collapsed under the weight of military expenditure. The case is made that the presence of economic liberty throughout British markets and British systems of defense expenditure, and the lack thereof in France, is the fulcrum upon which these two starkly alternative national outcomes turned.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2020-01-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130480327","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Strikes by unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones, have been the primary weapon used by the United States to combat the Taliban and Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This paper examines the dynamics of violence involving drone strikes and the Taliban/Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan from January 2007 to December 2010. We find that drone strikes do not have any significant impact on terrorist violence in Afghanistan but that drone strikes do have a significant impact on Taliban/Al-Qaeda violence in Pakistan. We find that our results are robust to examining different time periods and lag structures. We also examine the impact of successful and unsuccessful drone strikes (which did or did not succeed in targeted killing of a militant leader) on terrorist attacks by the Taliban. We find strong negative impacts of unsuccessful drone strikes on Taliban violence in Pakistan, showing the deterrent effects are quite strong, while the incapacitation effects appear to be weak or non-existent.
{"title":"Are Drone Strikes Effective in Afghanistan and Pakistan? On the Dynamics of Violence between the United States and the Taliban","authors":"David A. Jaeger, Zahra Siddique","doi":"10.1093/CESIFO/IFY011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/CESIFO/IFY011","url":null,"abstract":"Strikes by unmanned aerial vehicles, or drones, have been the primary weapon used by the United States to combat the Taliban and Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan. This paper examines the dynamics of violence involving drone strikes and the Taliban/Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan from January 2007 to December 2010. We find that drone strikes do not have any significant impact on terrorist violence in Afghanistan but that drone strikes do have a significant impact on Taliban/Al-Qaeda violence in Pakistan. We find that our results are robust to examining different time periods and lag structures. We also examine the impact of successful and unsuccessful drone strikes (which did or did not succeed in targeted killing of a militant leader) on terrorist attacks by the Taliban. We find strong negative impacts of unsuccessful drone strikes on Taliban violence in Pakistan, showing the deterrent effects are quite strong, while the incapacitation effects appear to be weak or non-existent.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124950241","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The rapid development of science and technology has led to the emergence of a crisis in society. Science "pushes" religion, but does not offer a new moral code in its place. The definitions of "security" are almost as many and as controversial as postmodernism. For the purposes of this study, however, it will be sufficient to define security as "the functional state of a system that provides for the neutralization and counteraction of external and internal factors affecting or potentially damaging the system." This scientific article presents a study, which seeks to answer the question why the paradigm "security" is so important in the postmodern society, what are the roots of its influence and meaning, and to seek conclusions and guidelines for its increase. The main features of the postmodern society, some prerequisites and their implications, as well as their impact on the security of all its levels are examined. The subject of the study is the postmodern society with its specific features, and the subject - the security as an indissoluble element of the social relations in the contemporary world.
{"title":"The Understanding of Security in the Postmodern Society","authors":"S. Stefanov, V. Terziev, V. Banabakova","doi":"10.18769/IJASOS.476555","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18769/IJASOS.476555","url":null,"abstract":"The rapid development of science and technology has led to the emergence of a crisis in society. Science \"pushes\" religion, but does not offer a new moral code in its place. The definitions of \"security\" are almost as many and as controversial as postmodernism. For the purposes of this study, however, it will be sufficient to define security as \"the functional state of a system that provides for the neutralization and counteraction of external and internal factors affecting or potentially damaging the system.\" This scientific article presents a study, which seeks to answer the question why the paradigm \"security\" is so important in the postmodern society, what are the roots of its influence and meaning, and to seek conclusions and guidelines for its increase. The main features of the postmodern society, some prerequisites and their implications, as well as their impact on the security of all its levels are examined. The subject of the study is the postmodern society with its specific features, and the subject - the security as an indissoluble element of the social relations in the contemporary world.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"42 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-10-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125962919","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russian Abstract: В публикации автор раскрывает понятие экономической защищенности как составной части безопасности страны и общества в целом, которое неразрывно связано с финансовой эффективностью функционирования хозяйствующих субъектов. В целях обеспечивания защищенности на уровне хозяйствующего субъекта предложено внедрение основ и способов логистики, которые дают возможность за счет оптимизации и интеграции потоковых процессов увеличить эффективность применения имеющихся ресурсов (материальных, денежных, информационных и др.). Основной научный результат, полученный автором: рационализация и использование логистических подходов считаются обязательной частью становления хозяйствующего субъекта, стремящегося к реализации всех запросов потребителя, получению выгоды, и, как следствие, обеспечивания его экономической защищенности. English Abstract: In the publication the author reveals the concept of economic security as an integral part of the security of the country and society as a whole, which is inextricably linked with the financial efficiency of economic entities. In order to ensure security at the level of the economic entity, it is proposed to introduce the basics and methods of logistics, which make it possible to optimize and integrate the flow processes to increase the efficiency of the use of available resources (material, money, information, etc.). The main scientific result obtained by the author: rationalization and use of logistic approaches are considered to be a mandatory part of the formation of an economic entity seeking to implement all consumer requests, gain, and, as a result, ensure its economic security.
{"title":"Безопасность Хозяйствующего Субъекта: Логистический Подход (Security of the Business Entity: Logistic Approach)","authors":"Dzmitry Shvaiba","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3198047","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3198047","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Russian Abstract:</b> В публикации автор раскрывает понятие экономической защищенности как составной части безопасности страны и общества в целом, которое неразрывно связано с финансовой эффективностью функционирования хозяйствующих субъектов. В целях обеспечивания защищенности на уровне хозяйствующего субъекта предложено внедрение основ и способов логистики, которые дают возможность за счет оптимизации и интеграции потоковых процессов увеличить эффективность применения имеющихся ресурсов (материальных, денежных, информационных и др.). Основной научный результат, полученный автором: рационализация и использование логистических подходов считаются обязательной частью становления хозяйствующего субъекта, стремящегося к реализации всех запросов потребителя, получению выгоды, и, как следствие, обеспечивания его экономической защищенности. <b>English Abstract:</b> In the publication the author reveals the concept of economic security as an integral part of the security of the country and society as a whole, which is inextricably linked with the financial efficiency of economic entities. In order to ensure security at the level of the economic entity, it is proposed to introduce the basics and methods of logistics, which make it possible to optimize and integrate the flow processes to increase the efficiency of the use of available resources (material, money, information, etc.). The main scientific result obtained by the author: rationalization and use of logistic approaches are considered to be a mandatory part of the formation of an economic entity seeking to implement all consumer requests, gain, and, as a result, ensure its economic security.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"27 4 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-06-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126933775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In studying the diversity of international warfare, it’s easy to overlook the fundamental constant: people, mostly young men, facing the possibility of death on the battlefield as they try to kill one another. Building on existing literature, I argue that effective training can increase battlefield participation by making soldiers calculate that their odds of surviving and achieving the mission are higher on the battlefield than they were without training. By uniting the analysis of training and combat motivation into the framework of battlefield participation, we can better understand individual and collective propensities to engage in the dangerous work of combat or to shirk in the face of danger. This article tests this theory battlefield participation through a survey of 2,301 Peshmerga (Kurdish soldiers) at bases inside the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in the summer of 2017, after three years of combat against the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Around a third of the Peshmerga had been trained in basic tactics and marksmanship by the anti-ISIS coalition of Western countries. Coalition-trained Peshmerga reported higher levels of battlefield participation and confidence than their untrained counterparts but did not vary in their self-reported cognitions during combat or their assessment of social cohesion in their unit. These results support the proposed theory and offer a new paradigm for understanding an age-old question.
{"title":"Peshmerga Battlefield Participation","authors":"Matthew F. Cancian","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3168682","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3168682","url":null,"abstract":"In studying the diversity of international warfare, it’s easy to overlook the fundamental constant: people, mostly young men, facing the possibility of death on the battlefield as they try to kill one another. Building on existing literature, I argue that effective training can increase battlefield participation by making soldiers calculate that their odds of surviving and achieving the mission are higher on the battlefield than they were without training. By uniting the analysis of training and combat motivation into the framework of battlefield participation, we can better understand individual and collective propensities to engage in the dangerous work of combat or to shirk in the face of danger. This article tests this theory battlefield participation through a survey of 2,301 Peshmerga (Kurdish soldiers) at bases inside the Kurdistan Region of Iraq in the summer of 2017, after three years of combat against the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). Around a third of the Peshmerga had been trained in basic tactics and marksmanship by the anti-ISIS coalition of Western countries. Coalition-trained Peshmerga reported higher levels of battlefield participation and confidence than their untrained counterparts but did not vary in their self-reported cognitions during combat or their assessment of social cohesion in their unit. These results support the proposed theory and offer a new paradigm for understanding an age-old question.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"16 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116131692","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract During the U.S. Civil War, the Confederate Congress adopted three currency reforms that were intended to reduce the quantity of Treasury notes in circulation by inducing the money-holding public to exchange their notes for long-term bonds. In this paper, we examine the political factors that influenced the adoption of the reforms and their effect on the flow of seigniorage - revenue that the government derived by using the newly-printed Treasury notes to purchase the goods and services it required. We argue that the bifurcation of the Confederate Congress into two groups – those legislators that represented the Confederacy's interior and those from areas no longer under Confederate control – contributed to the adoption of the reforms. Our findings indicate that representing an area outside of the rebel government's control increased the likelihood that a legislator would support efforts to reform the currency by over 90 percent. In addition, our results indicate that the rate of monetary expansion in the South was below that which would have maximized the revenue from seigniorage. We find that the reforms reduced the flow of seigniorage by approximately 57 percent, depriving the Confederate government of much-needed revenue.
{"title":"Seigniorage in the Civil War South","authors":"Bryan P. Cutsinger, Joshua Ingber","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3141272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3141272","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract During the U.S. Civil War, the Confederate Congress adopted three currency reforms that were intended to reduce the quantity of Treasury notes in circulation by inducing the money-holding public to exchange their notes for long-term bonds. In this paper, we examine the political factors that influenced the adoption of the reforms and their effect on the flow of seigniorage - revenue that the government derived by using the newly-printed Treasury notes to purchase the goods and services it required. We argue that the bifurcation of the Confederate Congress into two groups – those legislators that represented the Confederacy's interior and those from areas no longer under Confederate control – contributed to the adoption of the reforms. Our findings indicate that representing an area outside of the rebel government's control increased the likelihood that a legislator would support efforts to reform the currency by over 90 percent. In addition, our results indicate that the rate of monetary expansion in the South was below that which would have maximized the revenue from seigniorage. We find that the reforms reduced the flow of seigniorage by approximately 57 percent, depriving the Confederate government of much-needed revenue.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116839608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the beginning of the 18th century, Sweden was an imperial power that had just sustained a century of modest economic growth. In 1800, Sweden's empire was gone, after a series of military defeats. Real GDP per capita had fallen to the same level as the early 1600s. In other words, the 18th century witnessed the end of the Swedish Empire and a startling reversal of economic progress. In this paper, I propose a possible explanation for both of these outcomes. First, I argue that Sweden's limited fiscal capacity played an important role. The creation of the Riksbank should have facilitated government borrowing and military spending as the Bank of England did for the British. However, the Riksbank was not designed or equipped for this role. I document the constraints on financing national defense through the Riksbank and argue that the bank was ill-equipped to finance an adequate national defense. This explains the reversal of the empire. Second, when the Hats took power in the Riksdag in 1739, they used the Riksbank to give loans to firms, which were financed through the issuance of bank notes. The objective was to increase investment and economic activity. I find no evidence that these loans had any effect on real GDP per capita. However, the resulting inflation has a negative and significant effect on output during the period of inconvertible paper money. The combined evidence suggests that Hat policy contributed to the decline in economic activity during the reversal of fortune.
18世纪初，瑞典是一个帝国强国，刚刚维持了一个世纪的适度经济增长。1800年，经过一系列的军事失败，瑞典帝国灭亡了。实际人均GDP下降到17世纪初的水平。换句话说，18世纪见证了瑞典帝国的终结和经济发展的惊人逆转。在本文中，我对这两种结果提出了一种可能的解释。首先，我认为瑞典有限的财政能力发挥了重要作用。瑞典央行(Riksbank)的创建本应促进政府借贷和军事开支，就像英格兰银行(Bank of England)为英国人所做的那样。然而，瑞典央行并不是为这一角色而设计或配备的。我记录了通过瑞典央行为国防融资的限制，并认为该银行没有能力为充分的国防融资。这解释了帝国的逆转。其次，1739年，当丹麦王室在瑞典国会掌权时，他们利用瑞典央行向企业提供贷款，这些贷款是通过发行银行票据来融资的。目标是增加投资和经济活动。我没有发现任何证据表明这些贷款对实际人均GDP有任何影响。然而，在不可兑换纸币时期，由此产生的通货膨胀对产出产生了负面和显著的影响。综合证据表明，在财富逆转期间，该政策导致了经济活动的下降。
{"title":"The Riksbank, Emergency Finance, Policy Experimentation, and Sweden's Reversal of Fortune","authors":"Joshua R. Hendrickson","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3137151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3137151","url":null,"abstract":"At the beginning of the 18th century, Sweden was an imperial power that had just sustained a century of modest economic growth. In 1800, Sweden's empire was gone, after a series of military defeats. Real GDP per capita had fallen to the same level as the early 1600s. In other words, the 18th century witnessed the end of the Swedish Empire and a startling reversal of economic progress. In this paper, I propose a possible explanation for both of these outcomes. First, I argue that Sweden's limited fiscal capacity played an important role. The creation of the Riksbank should have facilitated government borrowing and military spending as the Bank of England did for the British. However, the Riksbank was not designed or equipped for this role. I document the constraints on financing national defense through the Riksbank and argue that the bank was ill-equipped to finance an adequate national defense. This explains the reversal of the empire. Second, when the Hats took power in the Riksdag in 1739, they used the Riksbank to give loans to firms, which were financed through the issuance of bank notes. The objective was to increase investment and economic activity. I find no evidence that these loans had any effect on real GDP per capita. However, the resulting inflation has a negative and significant effect on output during the period of inconvertible paper money. The combined evidence suggests that Hat policy contributed to the decline in economic activity during the reversal of fortune.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-03-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122270565","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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