This analysis uses panel data from thirty-five departments over the period 2001-2011 to analyse the effect of grants from central government on local revenue mobilisation in CA´te d’Ivoire. The study considers the two components of local own revenue in CA´te d’Ivoire: tax revenue (LTR) and non-tax revenue (LNTR). To perform the investigation, the analysis is based on a carefully-constructed novel dataset, and very recent and appropriate econometric estimators (Grouped Fixed Effects (GFE)). The GFE method assumes that unobserved heterogeneity can be constant and/or varying over time among individual departments. We combine this method with Instrumental Variable (IV) regressions in a two-stage least squares procedure to control for endogeneity of grants. Overall, the results show a statistically significant and positive effect of central grants on local mobilisation of tax and non-tax revenue. Thus, the study finds that central grants to municipalities do not displace local revenue, but instead lead to higher revenue. However, the effect on tax revenue is more important than that on non-tax revenue. A 10 per cent increase in total grants to local government is associated with a 4.1 per cent increase in tax revenue mobilised by local administration, while increasing non-tax revenue by only 1.8 per cent. We also find that, although conflict has a negative impact on mobilisation of local revenue, this impact remains generally limited. The conflict is not significant at 5 per cent statistical significance.
{"title":"The Effect of Central Grants on Local Tax and Non-Tax Revenue Mobilisation in a Conflict Setting: Evidence from Côte d’Ivoire","authors":"T. Sanogo, J. Brun","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3120305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3120305","url":null,"abstract":"This analysis uses panel data from thirty-five departments over the period 2001-2011 to analyse the effect of grants from central government on local revenue mobilisation in CA´te d’Ivoire. The study considers the two components of local own revenue in CA´te d’Ivoire: tax revenue (LTR) and non-tax revenue (LNTR). To perform the investigation, the analysis is based on a carefully-constructed novel dataset, and very recent and appropriate econometric estimators (Grouped Fixed Effects (GFE)). The GFE method assumes that unobserved heterogeneity can be constant and/or varying over time among individual departments. We combine this method with Instrumental Variable (IV) regressions in a two-stage least squares procedure to control for endogeneity of grants. Overall, the results show a statistically significant and positive effect of central grants on local mobilisation of tax and non-tax revenue. Thus, the study finds that central grants to municipalities do not displace local revenue, but instead lead to higher revenue. However, the effect on tax revenue is more important than that on non-tax revenue. A 10 per cent increase in total grants to local government is associated with a 4.1 per cent increase in tax revenue mobilised by local administration, while increasing non-tax revenue by only 1.8 per cent. We also find that, although conflict has a negative impact on mobilisation of local revenue, this impact remains generally limited. The conflict is not significant at 5 per cent statistical significance.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"124 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122135958","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article begins by tracing the development of Fourth Amendment jurisprudence in light of technological advancements from when the Supreme Court first addressed wiretapping in Olmstead in 1928, all the way through Kyllo, decided in 2001, mere months before the 9/11 terrorist attacks. We bifurcate that criminal law history from the national security law developments that led to the enactment of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, and the "wall" between law enforcement and intelligence organs of the federal government.Since the 9/11 attacks, however, traditional law enforcement and national security investigations (and investigatory methods) are more closely linked than when the key Supreme Court cases were decided. Further, surveillance and data collection capabilities are more widely reported and openly discussed than ever before. And, despite those two facts, the ways in which society has been employing technology in everyday use means the formerly private details of peoples' lives are more exposed and vulnerable than ever.We seek to qualify somewhat the growing consensus that, at least as it was known in the twentieth century, "privacy is dead." Although that sentiment seems empirically correct, we argue it is an oversimplification that fails to account for American values and legal policy. We recognize as a morally neutral proposition that privacy is a legal fiction, but argue that it is a fiction best maintained and protected to the extent possible, given the unambiguous willingness of people en masse to sacrifice their privacy for mere convenience and token benefits.
{"title":"National Security, Narcissism, Voyeurism, and Kyllo: How Intelligence Programs and Social Norms are Affecting the Fourth Amendment","authors":"A. R. Pearlman, Erick S. Lee","doi":"10.37419/LR.V2.I4.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.37419/LR.V2.I4.6","url":null,"abstract":"This article begins by tracing the development of Fourth Amendment jurisprudence in light of technological advancements from when the Supreme Court first addressed wiretapping in Olmstead in 1928, all the way through Kyllo, decided in 2001, mere months before the 9/11 terrorist attacks. We bifurcate that criminal law history from the national security law developments that led to the enactment of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, and the \"wall\" between law enforcement and intelligence organs of the federal government.Since the 9/11 attacks, however, traditional law enforcement and national security investigations (and investigatory methods) are more closely linked than when the key Supreme Court cases were decided. Further, surveillance and data collection capabilities are more widely reported and openly discussed than ever before. And, despite those two facts, the ways in which society has been employing technology in everyday use means the formerly private details of peoples' lives are more exposed and vulnerable than ever.We seek to qualify somewhat the growing consensus that, at least as it was known in the twentieth century, \"privacy is dead.\" Although that sentiment seems empirically correct, we argue it is an oversimplification that fails to account for American values and legal policy. We recognize as a morally neutral proposition that privacy is a legal fiction, but argue that it is a fiction best maintained and protected to the extent possible, given the unambiguous willingness of people en masse to sacrifice their privacy for mere convenience and token benefits.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"63 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-03-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131455032","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Defense offsets are a form of countertrade whereby arms importing countries demand some form of compensation for the lost opportunity for domestic production. Both the United States and the European Union (EU) maintain that offsets are economically inefficient and trade distorting. Accordingly, free-trade advocates seek to prohibit offsets. Building on a previous article published in the Public Contract Law Journal – where he argued that offsets may be a “second-best” solution to the arms trade’s market failures – the author turns to a wider array of policy considerations. He concludes that closer analysis of the questions catalogued here is necessary before an outright ban should be pursued. He contends that the question is multifactorial and, thus, should not be decided on the basis of efficiency alone. Meanwhile, the author proposes both public and private measures for mitigating any harm that offsets may cause and for coming to a better understanding of their effects.
国防抵销是一种对销贸易，武器进口国要求对失去的国内生产机会给予某种形式的补偿。美国和欧盟(EU)都坚持认为，碳补偿在经济上效率低下，而且会扭曲贸易。因此，自由贸易倡导者寻求禁止补偿。在之前发表在《公共合同法杂志》(Public Contract Law Journal)上的一篇文章的基础上，作者转向了一系列更广泛的政策考虑。在那篇文章中，他认为抵消可能是武器贸易市场失灵的“次优”解决方案。他的结论是，在实行彻底禁令之前，有必要对这里列出的问题进行更深入的分析。他认为，这个问题是多方面的，因此不应仅根据效率来决定。同时，作者提出了公共和私人措施，以减轻抵消可能造成的任何伤害，并更好地了解其影响。
{"title":"Defense Offsets and Public Policy: Beyond Economic Efficiency","authors":"D. Schoeni","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2666754","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2666754","url":null,"abstract":"Defense offsets are a form of countertrade whereby arms importing countries demand some form of compensation for the lost opportunity for domestic production. Both the United States and the European Union (EU) maintain that offsets are economically inefficient and trade distorting. Accordingly, free-trade advocates seek to prohibit offsets. Building on a previous article published in the Public Contract Law Journal – where he argued that offsets may be a “second-best” solution to the arms trade’s market failures – the author turns to a wider array of policy considerations. He concludes that closer analysis of the questions catalogued here is necessary before an outright ban should be pursued. He contends that the question is multifactorial and, thus, should not be decided on the basis of efficiency alone. Meanwhile, the author proposes both public and private measures for mitigating any harm that offsets may cause and for coming to a better understanding of their effects.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"48 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134358689","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Departmental statistics of growth in production in the defense sector is highly distorted by liberalization of requirements to fulfi lment of the state defense order on the part of the Ministry of Defense and the Military Industrial Commission. Despite the international sanctions, in 2015 the goal of the state armament program has been attained ahead of time, while the program actually ceased to be relevant. Fulfi lment of the RF President’s requirements to create a transparent defense economy and sort things out both in management of the militaryindustrial complex and pricing still encounters serious obstacles.
{"title":"Conflicting Results in the Russian Defence Sector","authors":"V. Zatsepin","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2659473","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2659473","url":null,"abstract":"Departmental statistics of growth in production in the defense sector is highly distorted by liberalization of requirements to fulfi lment of the state defense order on the part of the Ministry of Defense and the Military Industrial Commission. Despite the international sanctions, in 2015 the goal of the state armament program has been attained ahead of time, while the program actually ceased to be relevant. Fulfi lment of the RF President’s requirements to create a transparent defense economy and sort things out both in management of the militaryindustrial complex and pricing still encounters serious obstacles.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"31 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-09-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132026234","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There is insufficient evidence to state definitively why the Chinese and North Koreans agreed to truce negotiations in the first place, why they prolonged the talks, and why they ultimately agreed to the Armistice. Such incomplete, circumstantial evidence makes varying theories possible. Regardless, there was cause for the United States to consider whether it had relied too much on violence and the threat of violence during negotiations. There was also cause to consider whether it should have invited greater input from U.N. coalition partners and whether it should have shown more patience toward the dismissive and disdainful demeanor of the Communist negotiators. There is also cause to consider whether it should have placed more emphasis on pressuring Soviet leader Joseph Stalin.
{"title":"The Korean War Termination Experience, 1951-1953: Strategy and Policy Lessons Learned","authors":"S. W. Bettwy","doi":"10.2139/SSRN.2604615","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/SSRN.2604615","url":null,"abstract":"There is insufficient evidence to state definitively why the Chinese and North Koreans agreed to truce negotiations in the first place, why they prolonged the talks, and why they ultimately agreed to the Armistice. Such incomplete, circumstantial evidence makes varying theories possible. Regardless, there was cause for the United States to consider whether it had relied too much on violence and the threat of violence during negotiations. There was also cause to consider whether it should have invited greater input from U.N. coalition partners and whether it should have shown more patience toward the dismissive and disdainful demeanor of the Communist negotiators. There is also cause to consider whether it should have placed more emphasis on pressuring Soviet leader Joseph Stalin.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129416711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Michael D. König, D. Rohner, Mathias Thoenig, Fabrizio Zilibotti
We study from both a theoretical and an empirical perspective how a network of military alliances and enmities affects the intensity of a conflict. The model combines elements from network theory and from the politico-economic theory of conflict. We postulate a Tullock contest success function augmented by an externality: each group’s strength is increased by the fighting effort of its allies, and weakened by the fighting effort of its rivals. We obtain a closed form characterization of the Nash equilibrium of the fighting game, and of how the network structure affects individual and total fighting efforts. We then perform an empirical analysis using data on the Second Congo War, a conflict that involves many groups in a complex network of informal alliances and rivalries. We estimate the fighting externalities, and use these to infer the extent to which the conflict intensity can be reduced through (i) removing individual groups involved in the conflict; (ii) pacification policies aimed at alleviating animosity among groups.
{"title":"Networks in Conflict: Theory and Evidence from the Great War of Africa","authors":"Michael D. König, D. Rohner, Mathias Thoenig, Fabrizio Zilibotti","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2893884","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2893884","url":null,"abstract":"We study from both a theoretical and an empirical perspective how a network of military alliances and enmities affects the intensity of a conflict. The model combines elements from network theory and from the politico-economic theory of conflict. We postulate a Tullock contest success function augmented by an externality: each group’s strength is increased by the fighting effort of its allies, and weakened by the fighting effort of its rivals. We obtain a closed form characterization of the Nash equilibrium of the fighting game, and of how the network structure affects individual and total fighting efforts. We then perform an empirical analysis using data on the Second Congo War, a conflict that involves many groups in a complex network of informal alliances and rivalries. We estimate the fighting externalities, and use these to infer the extent to which the conflict intensity can be reduced through (i) removing individual groups involved in the conflict; (ii) pacification policies aimed at alleviating animosity among groups.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"61 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2015-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"120917331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ukrainian Abstract: У статті розглядаються засади фінансової автономії територіальної громади, аналізуються фінансово-економічні основи становлення муніципальної міліції в Україні. Автором запропоновані найбільш оптимальні способи вирішення проблеми фінансування територіальною громадою підрозділів муніципальної міліції в умовах сьогодення.
English Abstract: In the article the basis of financial autonomy of the territorial community is considered. Financial and economic bases of formation of the municipal police in Ukraine are analyzed. The most optimum ways of solving the problem of funding the municipal police departments by the territorial community in present-day conditions are suggested by the author.
{"title":"ФІНАНСОВО-ЕКОНОМІЧНІ ОСНОВИ СТАНОВЛЕННЯ МУНІЦИПАЛЬНОЇ МІЛІЦІЇЇ В УКРАЇНІ: ПРОБЛЕМИ ТЕОРІЇ ТА ПРАКТИКИ (Financial and Economic Bases of Formation of the Municipal Police in Ukraine: Problems of Theory and Practice)","authors":"V. Orlov","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3357560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3357560","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Ukrainian Abstract:</b> У статті розглядаються засади фінансової автономії територіальної громади, аналізуються фінансово-економічні основи становлення муніципальної міліції в Україні. Автором запропоновані найбільш оптимальні способи вирішення проблеми фінансування територіальною громадою підрозділів муніципальної міліції в умовах сьогодення. <br><br><b>English Abstract:</b> In the article the basis of financial autonomy of the territorial community is considered. Financial and economic bases of formation of the municipal police in Ukraine are analyzed. The most optimum ways of solving the problem of funding the municipal police departments by the territorial community in present-day conditions are suggested by the author.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-12-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126443266","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2014-09-08DOI: 10.5194/NHESS-15-827-2015
John H. Y. Edwards
Abstract. In this era of rapid climate change there is an urgent need for interdisciplinary collaboration and understanding in the study of what determines resistance to disasters and recovery speed. This paper is an economist's contribution to that effort. It traces the entrance of the word "resilience" from ecology into the social science literature on disasters, provides a formal economic definition of resilience that can be used in mathematical modeling, incorporates this definition into a multilevel model that suggests appropriate policy roles and targets at each level, and draws on the recent empirical literature on the economics of disaster, searching for policy handles that can stimulate higher resilience. On the whole it provides a framework for simulations and for formulating disaster resilience policies.
{"title":"The Structure of Disaster Resilience: A Framework for Simulations and Policy Recommendations","authors":"John H. Y. Edwards","doi":"10.5194/NHESS-15-827-2015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.5194/NHESS-15-827-2015","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract. In this era of rapid climate change there is an urgent need for interdisciplinary collaboration and understanding in the study of what determines resistance to disasters and recovery speed. This paper is an economist's contribution to that effort. It traces the entrance of the word \"resilience\" from ecology into the social science literature on disasters, provides a formal economic definition of resilience that can be used in mathematical modeling, incorporates this definition into a multilevel model that suggests appropriate policy roles and targets at each level, and draws on the recent empirical literature on the economics of disaster, searching for policy handles that can stimulate higher resilience. On the whole it provides a framework for simulations and for formulating disaster resilience policies.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"44 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126717128","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The 20th century was truly the century of oil whilst the 21st century would be the century of peak oil and the resulting oil wars. No other commodity has been so intimately intertwined with national strategies and global politics and power as oil. The close connection between oil and conflict derives from three essential features of oil: (1) its vital importance to the economy and military power of nations; (2) its irregular geographic distribution; and (3) peak oil. Conventional oil production peaked in 2006. As a result, the world could face an energy gap probably during the first two decades of the 21st century. This gap will have to be filled with unconventional and renewable energy sources. However, it is very doubtful as to whether these resources could bridge the energy gap in time as to be able to create a sustainable future energy supply. There is no doubt that oil is a leading cause of war. Oil fuels international conflict through four distinct mechanisms: (1) resource wars, in which states try to acquire oil reserves by force; (2) the externalization of civil wars in oil-producing nations (Libya as an example); (3) conflicts triggered by the prospect of oil-market domination such as the United States' war with Iraq over Kuwait in 1991; (4) clashes over control of oil transit routes such as shipping lanes and pipelines (closure of the Strait of Hormuz for example). Between 1941 and 2014, at least ten wars have been fought over oil, prominent among them the 21st century’s first oil war, the invasion of Iraq in 2003. At present, there are at least five major conflicts that could potentially flare up over oil and gas resources in the next three decades of the twenty-first century. The most dangerous among them are a war over Iran’s nuclear programme and a conflict between China and the United States that has the potential to escalate to war over dwindling oil resources or over Taiwan or over the disputed Islands in the South China Sea claimed by both China and Japan with the US coming to the defence of Japan. As in the 20th century, oil will continue in the 21st century to fuel the global struggles for political and economic primacy. Much blood will continue to be spilled in its name. The fierce and sometimes violent quest for oil and for the riches and power it represents will surely continue as long as oil holds a central place in the global economy.
{"title":"Oil Wars","authors":"Mamdouh G. Salameh","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.2430960","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2430960","url":null,"abstract":"The 20th century was truly the century of oil whilst the 21st century would be the century of peak oil and the resulting oil wars. No other commodity has been so intimately intertwined with national strategies and global politics and power as oil. The close connection between oil and conflict derives from three essential features of oil: (1) its vital importance to the economy and military power of nations; (2) its irregular geographic distribution; and (3) peak oil. Conventional oil production peaked in 2006. As a result, the world could face an energy gap probably during the first two decades of the 21st century. This gap will have to be filled with unconventional and renewable energy sources. However, it is very doubtful as to whether these resources could bridge the energy gap in time as to be able to create a sustainable future energy supply. There is no doubt that oil is a leading cause of war. Oil fuels international conflict through four distinct mechanisms: (1) resource wars, in which states try to acquire oil reserves by force; (2) the externalization of civil wars in oil-producing nations (Libya as an example); (3) conflicts triggered by the prospect of oil-market domination such as the United States' war with Iraq over Kuwait in 1991; (4) clashes over control of oil transit routes such as shipping lanes and pipelines (closure of the Strait of Hormuz for example). Between 1941 and 2014, at least ten wars have been fought over oil, prominent among them the 21st century’s first oil war, the invasion of Iraq in 2003. At present, there are at least five major conflicts that could potentially flare up over oil and gas resources in the next three decades of the twenty-first century. The most dangerous among them are a war over Iran’s nuclear programme and a conflict between China and the United States that has the potential to escalate to war over dwindling oil resources or over Taiwan or over the disputed Islands in the South China Sea claimed by both China and Japan with the US coming to the defence of Japan. As in the 20th century, oil will continue in the 21st century to fuel the global struggles for political and economic primacy. Much blood will continue to be spilled in its name. The fierce and sometimes violent quest for oil and for the riches and power it represents will surely continue as long as oil holds a central place in the global economy.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114294501","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Russian Abstract: Проявление финансового менеджмента ресурсов безопасности и обороны осуществляется посредством ИСУРО. Созданная на основе программно-целевого подхода управления, она по своей сути представляет индивидуальную и комплексную систему распределения и управления ресурсами безопасности и обороны, обеспечивая сбалансированность долгосрочных приоритетов с краткосрочными требованиями для постижения НОС. English Abstract: The manifestation of financial management of security and defense resources is carried out by means of ISDRM. Created on the basis of a program-targeted management approach, it essentially represents an individual and integrated system for the allocation and management of security and defense resources, ensuring the balance of long-term priorities with short-term requirements for the comprehension of FNL.
{"title":"Интегрированная система управления ресурсов обороны (ИСУРО)- основа финансового менеджмента (Integrated System of Defense Resource Management (ISDRM) - The Basis of Financial Management)","authors":"S. I. Dimitrova, Venelin Terziev","doi":"10.2139/ssrn.3174892","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3174892","url":null,"abstract":"<b>Russian Abstract:</b> Проявление финансового менеджмента ресурсов безопасности и обороны осуществляется посредством ИСУРО. Созданная на основе программно-целевого подхода управления, она по своей сути представляет индивидуальную и комплексную систему распределения и управления ресурсами безопасности и обороны, обеспечивая сбалансированность долгосрочных приоритетов с краткосрочными требованиями для постижения НОС. <b>English Abstract:</b> The manifestation of financial management of security and defense resources is carried out by means of ISDRM. Created on the basis of a program-targeted management approach, it essentially represents an individual and integrated system for the allocation and management of security and defense resources, ensuring the balance of long-term priorities with short-term requirements for the comprehension of FNL.","PeriodicalId":224499,"journal":{"name":"ERN: National Security & War (Topic)","volume":"06 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2014-04-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130919963","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：