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THE STRANGE ABSENCE OF HORT- IN LUCRETIUS 卢克莱修笔下奇怪的 "缺角 "现象
Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0009838823001015
Michael Pope
This note points out and ventures to explain the remarkable absence of both hortus, ‘garden’, and all forms of hortari, ‘urge’, in a poem that seeks to encourage the audience toward the Garden.
本注释指出并试图解释,在这首旨在鼓励听众走向花园的诗中,hortus("花园")和所有形式的 hortari("敦促")都明显缺失。
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引用次数: 0
THE GODS’ DELAY: OVID, HEROIDES 7.21 众神的拖延:奥维德,《英雄篇》7.21
Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0009838823001003
Edoardo Galfré
This note makes a new argument for van Lennep's conjecture di at Ovid, Heroides 7.21 against the manuscript reading te.
本注释为 van Lennep 在奥维德《Heroides》7.21 中的猜想 di 提出了新的论据,反对手稿中的 te 读法。
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引用次数: 0
A NEW ACROSTIC AND TELESTIC AT LAVS PISONIS 227–30? LAVS PISONIS 227-30 的新咏叹调和 telestic?
Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0009838823000964
Gary P. Vos
This article proposes a new acrostic (SAPI) and telestic (SOIS) at Laus Pisonis 227–30. Their position opposite one another is an indication that they are to be read as a single sentence and an admonition to both dedicatee and reader that poet and patron need each other to gain eternal fame. The telestic allows us to reconstruct the poet's usus scribendi of the reflexive possessive pronoun suus.
本文建议在 Laus Pisonis 227-30 处使用新的咏叹调(SAPI)和望文生义(SOIS)。它们相对的位置表明,它们应作为一个句子来阅读,同时也是对献诗者和读者的告诫,即诗人和赞助人需要彼此才能获得永恒的声誉。通过该诗句,我们可以重构诗人使用反身物主代词 suus 的用法。
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引用次数: 0
VATICANVS GRAECVS 156, CASSIUS DIO AND THE LVDI SAECVLARES OF a.d. 204 VATICANVS GRAECVS 156、CASSIUS DIO 和公元 204 年的 LVDI SAECVLARES
Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0009838823000988
C.T. Mallan
A scholium in codex Vaticanus graecus 156 provides evidence that Cassius Dio's Roman History once contained an explicit reference to the ludi saeculares of a.d. 204, something that has been denied in recent scholarship.
梵蒂冈第 156 号抄本中的一个注释提供了证据,证明卡西乌斯-迪奥的《罗马史》曾明确提及公元 204 年的 ludi saeculares,而最近的学术研究却否认了这一点。
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引用次数: 0
NON TAMEN INSECTOR: YOUR MUSE NO MORE (PROPERTIUS 4.7.49–50) non tamen insector:你的缪斯不再(Prettytius 4.7.49-50)。
Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0009838823000952
Joshua M. Paul
This note on Propertius 4.7 argues that Cynthia, repeatedly cast in the role of the poet's Muse, rejects the burden of inspiration through a learned choice of words (non tamen insector, 4.7.49). The verb insector constitutes a clear reference to the invocation of the Camena in Livius Andronicus and of the Muse in Ennius. Cynthia recalibrates the parlance of poetic inspiration to end her relationship with Propertius, both as his puella and as his Muse.
这篇关于普罗佩提乌斯 4.7 的注释认为,辛西娅多次扮演诗人缪斯的角色,她通过有学问的词语选择(non tamen insector, 4.7.49)拒绝了灵感的负担。动词 insector 显然指的是《利维乌斯-安德罗尼克斯》中对卡梅娜的赞美和《恩尼乌斯》中对缪斯的赞美。辛西娅重新调整了诗歌灵感的说法,结束了她与普罗佩提乌斯的关系,既是他的伴侣,也是他的缪斯。
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引用次数: 0
THE ADLOCVTIO AT THE ACCESSION OF THE ROMAN EMPEROR 罗马皇帝登基时的 "adlocvtio
Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0009838823000514
Kevin Feeney
One of the most distinctive rituals of Roman imperial accession was the adlocutio, the speech delivered by the new emperor to a military assembly, which can be documented from the first to the fifth centuries a.d. This article seeks to explain the extraordinary endurance of this neglected genre of speech by examining its origins, setting and content. After outlining the unusual nature of the accession adlocutio when set against both earlier and contemporary Mediterranean practice, the first half of this article traces its origins to the military culture of the late Roman Republic. In particular, the adlocutio is related to two other rituals which rose to new prominence in the era of the Civil Wars: the acclamation of the victorious general as imperator and the granting of military gifts. In the second part of this article, the setting for the typical adlocutio of the Imperial era is discussed using the often-problematic evidence of our ancient historical sources. The content of the speech itself is then reconstructed primarily through a close reading of our one surviving example, the brief address of Leo I preserved by Peter the Patrician. Finally, the evidence for the origins and content of the speech are brought together in an argument for the speech's survival as a useful tool for emperors seeking to establish a permanent bond with the soldiers they commanded.
adlocutio 是罗马帝国最独特的登基仪式之一,是新皇帝在军事会议上发表的演说。文章前半部分概述了 "adlocutio "在早期和当代地中海实践中的不同寻常之处,随后追溯了其与罗马共和国晚期军事文化的渊源。特别是,adlocutio 与内战时期新崛起的另外两个仪式有关:欢呼胜利的将军为皇帝和赠送军礼。在本文的第二部分,我们将利用古代历史资料中经常出现问题的证据来讨论帝国时代典型的 adlocutio 的背景。然后,主要通过细读我们现存的一个例子,即由 Patrician Peter 保存的利奥一世的简短演说,重建演说本身的内容。最后,将有关该演讲起源和内容的证据汇集在一起,论证该演讲作为一种有用的工具,在皇帝们寻求与他们所统领的士兵建立永久联系的过程中得以流传。
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引用次数: 0
ARISTOPHANES VS PHRYNICHUS IN FROGS 阿里斯托芬和弗里尼库斯在青蛙中的对比
Pub Date : 2023-08-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0009838823000356
Amy S. Lewis
Aristophanes’ Frogs was first performed at the Lenaea festival of 405 in competition with Plato's Cleophon and Phrynichus’ Muses. This paper argues that Frogs contains a series of agonistic jokes against Phrynichus, most of which have gone unnoticed because he shares his name with a tragic poet and a politician; Aristophanes plays with the ambiguity of the name Phrynichus to mock his Lenaean rival by comparing him unfavourably with his namesakes. Aristophanes ultimately claims that his comedy is superior to that of Phrynichus because he is more successful than his rival in appropriating and redeploying other comedians’ material.
阿里斯托芬的《青蛙》在公元405年的勒尼亚节上首次演出,与柏拉图的《克列奥芬》和弗里尼库斯的《缪斯》竞争。本文认为,《蛙》包含了一系列针对弗里尼库斯的激烈玩笑,其中大部分都没有被注意到,因为他与一位悲剧诗人和一位政治家同名;阿里斯托芬利用弗里尼库斯这个名字的模糊性来嘲笑他的勒纳对手,将他与同名的人作比较。阿里斯托芬最终声称他的喜剧优于弗里尼库斯,因为他比他的对手更成功地挪用和重新利用其他喜剧演员的素材。
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引用次数: 0
MASSIS AMERINA NON PERVSTIS (STAT. SILV. 1.6.18): ANOTHER ITALIAN PASTRY? 大规模的美国非传染性疾病(stat. silv .)(1.6.18):再来一份意大利糕点?
Pub Date : 2023-08-07 DOI: 10.1017/s0009838823000307
Darcy A. Krasne
This article proposes that untethering amerina at Stat. Silv. 1.6.18 from Pliny's mention of varieties of apples and pears called Amerina allows us to read the line as instead referring to a type of pastry originating in Umbrian Ameria, which is within ancient naming practices for pastries and fits better into the context of the catalogue in which the line occurs. In this case, the second half of the catalogue is closely akin to the crustulum et mulsum donative of wealthy Italian patrons in the early empire.
本文提出,将Stat. Silv. 1.6.18中的amerina从普林尼提到的苹果和梨的品种amerina中分离出来,可以让我们把这句话理解为一种起源于翁布里亚美洲的糕点,这是古代糕点的命名惯例,更符合这句话出现的目录背景。在这种情况下,目录的后半部分非常类似于罗马帝国早期富有的意大利赞助人捐赠的甲壳和乳清。
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引用次数: 0
THE SOPHIST'S PUZZLING EPISTÊMÊ IN THE SOPHIST 诡辩家的困惑epistÊmÊ在诡辩家
Pub Date : 2023-08-04 DOI: 10.1017/s0009838823000320
D. J. Murphy
Against prevailing interpretations, this article contends that Plato's Sophist and Statesman accord the sophist a kind of ‘knowing-how’ (epistêmê). In Soph. 233c10‒d2, the Visitor and Theaetetus agree that the sophist has not truth but a δοξαστικὴ ἐπιστήμη. This phrase cannot mean ‘a seeming knowledge’, for –ικός adjectives formed from verbs express the ability to perform the action denoted by the verb—here, δοξάζω. Although not a first-order, subject-area knowledge, sophistry is a second-order knowledge of how to form and use judgements (doxai). Other acknowledgements of the sophist's epistêmê and the ascription to him of τέχνη, ‘craft/expertise’, confirm that the Visitor's conclusion is not to be dismissed as irony. To critics who argue from the Gorgias and from other works that Plato must consider the Visitor's conclusion an error, the author replies: 1) other dialogues do not control the Visitor dialogues; 2) the Visitor does not validly demonstrate that the sophist lacks all knowledge; 3) by admitting sensibles into Being, the Visitor and Theaetetus allow the objects of epistêmê to include things in the embodied world, even likenesses. Non-philosophers’ epistêmê in the Visitor dialogues is not implicated in the difficulties that critics have raised about epistemology in the so-called Two Worlds dialogues. On this new ontology, even the sophist, if guided by philosophical rulers, can benefit citizens by employing his elenctic expertise as Socrates did, aiding their growth toward virtue.
本文反对流行的解释,认为柏拉图的《智者与政治家》赋予智者一种“知识”(epistêmê)。在《苏菲书》233c10-d2中,来访者和泰阿泰特斯一致认为诡辩家所拥有的不是真理,而是一个δοξαστικ κ ι πιστ η。这个短语不能表示“表面上的知识”,因为由动词构成的形容词表达了执行动词δοξ ζω所表示的动作的能力。虽然诡辩不是一级的、学科领域的知识,但它是关于如何形成和使用判断(doxai)的二级知识。对诡辩家epistêmê的其他承认,以及对他的τ η,“手艺/专业知识”的归属,证实了访客的结论不应被视为讽刺而不予考虑。对于那些从《高尔吉亚》和其他著作中提出柏拉图一定认为《来客》的结论是错误的批评者,作者的回答是:1)其他对话录无法控制《来客》的对话录;2)来访者不能有效地证明诡辩家缺乏所有的知识;来访者和忒阿忒图通过承认可感知的存在,使epistêmê的对象包括了具象世界中的事物,甚至是形象。非哲学家在访客对话中的epistêmê并没有涉及到批评家在所谓的两个世界对话中提出的关于认识论的困难。在这个新的本体论上,即使是诡辩家,如果在哲学统治者的指导下,也可以像苏格拉底那样,通过运用他的哲学专长来造福公民,帮助他们走向美德。
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引用次数: 0
THE VOICE BEHIND THE MASK: PROBLEMATIZING THE THEATRE METAPHOR FOR ECSTATIC PROPHECY IN PLUTARCH'S DE PYTHIAE ORACVLIS 面具背后的声音:普鲁塔克《神谕论》中狂喜预言的戏剧隐喻的问题分析
Pub Date : 2023-08-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0009838823000253
Matthew J. Klem
Different translations of Plutarch's De Pythiae oraculis 404B reflect an interpretative difficulty not yet adequately thematized by exegetes. Plutarch's dialogues on the Delphic oracle describe two perspectives on mantic inspiration: possession prophecy, where the god takes over the prophetess as a passive apparatus, and stimulation prophecy, where the god incites the prophecy, but the prophetess delivers the oracle through her own faculties. Plutarch understands the Pythia at Delphi to exhibit stimulation prophecy, not possession. One of his metaphors for inspiration comes from the theatre: the god ‘puts the oracle into the Pythia's mouth, like an actor speaking through the mask’ (De Pyth. or. 404B [Russell]). Some translators take the metaphor as describing possession prophecy (Goodwin), while others take it as stimulation prophecy (Babbitt)—in other words, it may describe the view Plutarch affirms or the view he rejects. This article assesses the two alternatives, concluding that the theatre metaphor describes possession prophecy.
普鲁塔克的《神谕论》(depythiae oraculis) 404B的不同译本反映了一个解释性的困难,但尚未被注释者充分地主题化。普鲁塔克关于德尔菲神谕的对话描述了浪漫灵感的两种观点:占有预言,神作为被动的工具接管了女先知,刺激预言,神激发预言,但女先知通过自己的能力传递神谕。普鲁塔克认为特尔斐的皮提亚表现的是刺激预言,而不是附身。他对灵感的一个比喻来自戏剧:神“把神谕放进皮提亚的嘴里,就像演员戴着面具说话一样”(德·皮提斯)。或。404 b(罗素))。一些译者把这个比喻看作是描述占有预言(古德温),另一些译者把它看作是刺激预言(巴比特)——换句话说,它可能描述普鲁塔克肯定的观点,也可能描述他拒绝的观点。本文评估了这两种选择,得出结论,戏剧隐喻描述了占有预言。
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The Classical Quarterly
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